High Representative of the Union for the Foreign affairs and security policy

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The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy from 2009 till 2014 : The examination of the renewed High Representative after the Treaty of Lisbon

The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy from 2009 till 2014 : The examination of the renewed High Representative after the Treaty of Lisbon

- Single representation: It was impossible to perform the task of single representation of the EU in foreign affairs or security policy. Some actors ignored the Treaty of Lisbon by making statements when it should be the High Representative who should make the statement for the EU. It was directly clear that actors choose themselves instead of the Treaty of Lisbon during the EU summit in Madrid in 2010. Not the High Representative had speaking rights, but also the Spanish Presidency, European Council President and the Commission’s President. They all made statements and gave speeches. During the riots in the Middle East, some MS (Italy, France made statements because of their interests in that area). By making statements these MS undermined the ability of the EU as crisis manager (especially undermined Ashton). During the Libya crisis, the MS also made statements before Ashton could made a statement. They demanded sanctions and ignored the role of the High Representative yet again. However, it were not only the MS that made statements also actors from the EU institutions ignored the Treaty of Lisbon (like Barroso and van Rompuy). Ashton was not capable of giving a strong message regarding the North African region because her methods took too much time and her message was not sufficient enough;
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Political accountability in the EU’s foreign and security policy: How, by whom and for what can the EU’s High Representative on Foreign Affairs and the European External Action Service be held to account?

Political accountability in the EU’s foreign and security policy: How, by whom and for what can the EU’s High Representative on Foreign Affairs and the European External Action Service be held to account?

The Lisbon Treaty paved the way for restructuring the institutional landscape in EU foreign and security policy. In order to improve coherence and coordination, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs (HRVP) has obtained more powers and is now assisted by the European External Action Service (EEAS). The HRVP is the recipient of delegated authority from the member states (MS) to formulate, coordinate and implement the external policies of the European Union. Formal decision-making power pertaining to the EU’s common foreign and security policy lies with the Council, whilst substantial competences, notably in the field of the European Neighbourhood and Trade policies, as well as Development and Cooperation remain under the control of the European Commission (Commission). Concomitantly, as its supporting bureaucracy, the EEAS is situated within several, partly overlapping and conflicting accountability relationships. The questions, this paper seeks to answer, are: To what extent, how and by whom can the HRVP and/or the EEAS be held politically to account?
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The High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of the EU and the German Minister of Foreign Affairs : different titles – different Jobs?

The High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of the EU and the German Minister of Foreign Affairs : different titles – different Jobs?

The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (hereinafter called High Representative) is one of the actors involved in the external actions of the European Union. Both, national Ministers of Foreign Affairs, which in the EU each and every member state has, and the High Representative can be seen as the most important actors in the foreign policy of their particular entity. As the European Union is willing to play a more important role in the arena of global politics, the area of external actions and foreign policy is crucial. The position of the High Representative as it is at the moment has been established with the Treaty of Lisbon amendments to the Treaty of the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). However, there has been a so called 'High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy' before. Javier Solana held this post from 1999-2009. 1
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THE THREATS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY Memo to the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy  Bruegel

THE THREATS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY Memo to the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Bruegel

1. Building on a strong and independent competition policy, the EU should define precise procedures to take into account economic sovereignty concerns in competition decisions. European Commission merger control and the abuse of dominant position decisions should continue to be based on economic criteria and on independent, legal- ly-grounded assessments. Importantly, competition policy exists to protect consumers not producers. The EU needs to avoid politicising competition enforcement or it risks capture by powerful producer interests. However, compe- tition policy decisions should also take into account the broader scope of internationalised markets and whether incumbents’ market power can be tamed by the threat of potential entry. To address cases in which competition policy decisions might raise security concerns, you as High Representative should be given the right to invoke a security clause and object to a decision proposed by the competition commissioner.
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Now We Are One...A Rough Start for the EEAS

Now We Are One...A Rough Start for the EEAS

The EEAS was conceived of as a quasi corps diplomatique in the making for the European-level of diplomacy. The basic function of the EEAS, going back to the Convention on the Future of Europe, was to help enhance the coherence, effectiveness and visibility of the EU’s external actions. The emergence of the Service was difficult and fraught with not only disagreements but inevitable compromise. The resulting birth was not that of an institution but a sui generis body with a vague mandate and an even more awkward initial composition, comprising former officials of the Commission’s Directorate General for External Relations, the Council Secretariat General and more substantial numbers of national diplomats. The inherent ambiguities of the Service, its place in the EU institutional architecture as a ‘Service’ and the enormous expectations surrounding the Service and its head, the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Commission Vice President (HR/VP), perhaps created excessive expectations that now risk being counter-balanced by undue pessimism a year later.
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Information Guide: Security and Defence

Information Guide: Security and Defence

The Treaty of Amsterdam (see Summaries of EU legislation), which entered into force on 1 May 1999, revised the Treaty on European Union to provide the foundations for the development of a common defence policy. Provisions included the creation of a High Representative (HR) for CFSP. The High Representative, who was also the Secretary General of the Council of the European Union, assisted the Council in CFSP matters, 'contributing to the formulation, preparation and implementation of policy decisions, and, when appropriate and acting on behalf of the Council at the request of the Presidency, through conducting political dialogue with third parties.' Javier Solana was appointed as the first HR and took office on 18 October 1999.
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Council guide: III. delegates' handbook. September 2000

Council guide: III. delegates' handbook. September 2000

Javier SOLANA Secretary-General Decision of the Secretary-General of the Council/ High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy of 27 July 2000 on measures for the protectio[r]

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Think Tank Review Issue 35 May 2016

Think Tank Review Issue 35 May 2016

The authors of this book were asked - in the context of the Brexit discussion - to examine a particular policy field and determine, from an economic or political economy point of view, what the appropriate role of international institutions should be. They were then asked to relate this to the reality that exists under the status quo or that might exist if Brexit occurred. In doing this, the volume has three objectives. First, it provides an analysis of the role that international institutions should play in the economic life of a free society. Second, the authors implicitly lay out what a renegotiation agenda ought to look like if a country (whether Britain or not) wishes to reform the EU in a liberal direction, now or at some future time. Third, the authors provide a framework within which the practical options of remaining with a reformed EU and Brexit can be analysed.
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WHY EUROPE MUST STOP OUTSOURCING ITS SECURITY Richard Gowan and Nick Witney

WHY EUROPE MUST STOP OUTSOURCING ITS SECURITY Richard Gowan and Nick Witney

Perhaps it is because the issue of immigration has now become so radioactive across the continent that European leaders fail to see, or choose not to talk up, one of the most urgent and compelling reasons to “contribute to global security”, namely the enormous and growing refugee problem with which conflict in the Middle East and Africa is confronting Europe. “Frontline states”, notably Italy and Greece, have been left more or less on their own to deal as best they can with the uncontrollable flows of desperate illegal migrants – and, when they can no longer sustain the effort, the collective European response prefers to concentrate on building a higher wall around the continent. When Italy recently concluded that it could no longer afford to maintain its comprehensive search-and-rescue operation in Mediterranean waters (which has saved 160,000 ship- borne refugees in 2014 alone), the EU settled for replacing it with a modest “coastguard” effort – earning the rebuke from the Pope that “we cannot allow the Mediterranean to become a vast graveyard”. 20 British (and no doubt other)
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Think Tank Review Issue 34, April 2016

Think Tank Review Issue 34, April 2016

During the course of the so-called Arab Spring, observers were quick to refer to the uprisings as "Facebook revolutions" or "Twitter revolutions". Although the important role of social media in the 2011 upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is widely acknowledged, its impact on political processes in the region remains contested and contradictory. Rather than looking at social media through a transformation or security lens, this research focused on how debates on three events in the MENA region – the emergence of a video of a rape on Cairo's Tahrir Square in June 2014, anti-fracking protests in southern Algeria in early 2015, and Saudi Arabia's military intervention in Yemen in March 2015 – unfolded on Twitter. Closely tracing Twitter debates on these incidents shed light on Twitter's role in important social and political discussions as well as on the scope and patterns of Twitter networks and digital solidarities. The research also revealed that the breadth of opinion on Twitter far exceeds that of traditional media in the MENA region, and the more repressive a context, the more important Twitter becomes.
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JORDANiAN TREMORS: ELUSiVE CONSENSUS, DEEPENiNG DiSCONTENT Julien Barnes-Dacey

JORDANiAN TREMORS: ELUSiVE CONSENSUS, DEEPENiNG DiSCONTENT Julien Barnes-Dacey

Second, the palace believes regional volatility has reinforced support for the perceived stability of Jordan’s status quo. The civil war raging in Syria and the political turmoil of the transitions in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia have amplified the appeal of Jordan’s stability. Domestically, there is growing concern that political conflict could embroil the country in instability, particularly given longstanding divisions between the native East Bank minority and the ethnically Palestinian majority. Elements of the population are also wary of regional Islamisation, and the October arrest of 11 militants allegedly connected to al-Qaeda has raised fears of terrorist attacks emanating from Syria. Regional turmoil has also underscored the importance of maintaining Jordan’s stability in the eyes of the kingdom’s strategic allies and the king now feels more assured than ever that he will face no external pressure for reform. The US government is firmly backing the king, making it difficult for Europe to take a more critical position. For its part, Israel, citing national security concerns, is placing a premium on the stability of Jordan’s status quo: in conversations with European counterparts,
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Think Tank Review Issue 51 November 2017

Think Tank Review Issue 51 November 2017

The US and Mexico enjoy deep levels of interconnectivity, including economic, political, security, and cultural ties. These are the results of countless policy, business, and personal choices that fundamentally differentiate the US relationship with Mexico from its relationship with all other countries in the world except Canada. Among these connections are complex, cross-border supply chains that have become the norm in a growing number of industries. This integration creates clear opportunities to benefit both the US and Mexico across a broad set of public interests. One such area of opportunity is deepening cross-border renewable energy production and distribution.
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Of neighbours, partners and EU aspirants: the case of EU-Georgia relations since the 2003 Rose Revolution. EU Centre Background Brief No. 5, September 2011

Of neighbours, partners and EU aspirants: the case of EU-Georgia relations since the 2003 Rose Revolution. EU Centre Background Brief No. 5, September 2011

Realists may be led to conclude that the Euro- Atlantic orientation of Georgia’s foreign policy is the natural product of the Saakashvili administration being a strong American ally. Some even allege that the Rose Revolution was covertly supported and funded directly by the United States. However Tbilisi’s relations with Moscow had already encountered difficulties late in Shevardnadze’s rule, not least when he welcomed US troops onto Georgian soil for the first time, on the pretext of cooperation with the Bush administration’s ‘war on terror’ after the events of 11 September 2001. Yet others trace Georgian-Russian enmity back to the period of the Democratic Republic of Georgia from 1918 to 1921, when the
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Joint Debate on Parliament's Opinion on the Convening of the Intergovernmental Conference 1996 and the Preparations for the European Council in Turin

Joint Debate on Parliament's Opinion on the Convening of the Intergovernmental Conference 1996 and the Preparations for the European Council in Turin

·opinions of the .Committees on Foreign Affairs, Security and Defence Policy; Agriculture and Rural Development; Budgets; Economic and Monetary Affairs and Industrial Policy; Research, T[r]

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Adaptation for autonomy? Candidates for EU membership and the CFSP

Adaptation for autonomy? Candidates for EU membership and the CFSP

In state-controlled areas of EU competence like the CFSP, regained autonomy could well find similar expressions as in fields evoked above. Indeed, whether and how much the pre-accession conditionality genuinely influences the foreign policies of the candidates in the longer term, in the sense of engraining adjustments in the foreign policy fabric of the future Member States, remains to be seen (Sedelmeier, 2014). To be sure, one of the lessons to be drawn from the experience of other fields where the phenomenon of pre/post-acces- sion substantive and institutional discrepancy has been observed, is that possible remedies are more difficult to establish after the situation they are deemed to address has occurred, particularly if their establishment requires the support of all Member States. Anticipating possible post-accession setbacks in foreign policy requires securing more institutional and substantive coherence between accession conditions and membership obligations in the field, e.g. by envisaging further convergence of the CFSP with mainstream EU consti- tutional law. At one level, this development would admittedly lead to an erosion of Member States’ autonomy in foreign policy-making. At the same time, however, the failure to forge a common EU foreign policy, and the negative effects this could have on the integration process more generally, could ultimately be detrimental to the very regained autonomy of small states.
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The European Union and Member State Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The European Union and Member State Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina

the Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia (commonly known as the Badinter Committee), set up by the EEC Council of Ministers on 27 August 1991 to provide legal advice to the International Conference on former Yugoslavia (ICFY), which between 1991 and 1993 issued fifteen opinions on international legal issues stemming from the process of the break-up of Yugoslavia, including on advising EU member states regarding the conditions under which to recognise post-Yugoslav independent countries. And, third, it included the European Union Administration of Mostar (EUAM), which from July 1994 to January 1997 strived to ensure the post-war reconstruction and reunification of the Herzegovinian capital, through which ran one of the major frontlines during the Croat- Bosniak conflict. Headed by the former mayor of Hamburg Hans Koschnick, EUAM focused on rebuilding physical infrastructure and setting the basis for the future joint administration of the city. In early 1996 Koschnick proposed a large central administrative zone, as a step towards a reunified multi-ethnic Mostar; his car was then attacked by a mob, and Koschnick resigned after the EU Council decided to appease the Croat leadership which opposed reunification and instigated the attack, instead of backing his plans. 375 Mostar remains up to today a divided city without a unified administration, and thus has been unable to hold local elections since 2008. Otherwise, the EU took a backseat in the post-war reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Diplomatically the EU remained involved in the Peace Implementation Council (PIC) and a non-written rule stated that the international High Representative had to be a European; operationally, the European Commission managed a growing amount of funds in reconstruction aid for Bosnia and Herzegovina and all of former Yugoslavia. 376
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The EU's Global Strategy in the Age of Brexit and 'America First'

The EU's Global Strategy in the Age of Brexit and 'America First'

To some extent, the latter observation also applies to the emphasis on the international rule of law and the development of the international legal order. Rejecting the legislative mechanisms of the EU and the jurisdiction of its Court of Justice, while implicitly rejecting also the ‘softer’ fall-back option of the EFTA Surveillance Authority and the EFTA Court amounts to dismissing this particular model marked by ‘integration through law’. At the global level, it is too soon to tell whether the UK’s post-EU foreign policy will either align itself with the EU in developing further international norms or distance itself from the EU’s commitments as expressed in the EUGS. This will depend also on the shape of the future UK-EU relationship, which may exhibit either a ‘cooperative’ approach to international agreements, 146 or a assertion of the UK’s new-found autonomy in diverging from the EU’s
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Think Tank Review Issue 49 September 2017

Think Tank Review Issue 49 September 2017

The Arab Spring led to a collapse of order in the Mediterranean, negatively affecting the balance between NATO's internal and external security. Instability in NATO's southern neighbourhood is linked to the terrorist threat and the migration crisis affecting Europe. NATO is active in the region: capacity-building in Jordan and Tunisia, the security operation Sea Guardian in the Mediterranean Sea, and the creation of a hub to coordinate intelligence, counter terrorism and defence capacity building activities. NATO should address two linked instability factors: regional powers which use force to protect their interests, and the lack of state control in certain countries because of civil war. Pew Research Center
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Think Tank Review Issue 56 April 2018

Think Tank Review Issue 56 April 2018

European asylum systems faced a number of sharp challenges as more than 1 million asylum seekers and migrants travelled to Europe during the 2015-16 crisis. Many new arrivals moved onward to other EU destinations without registration or security checks, national reception systems quickly reached capacity, and Member States clashed over how to share responsibility for processing and offering protection to those in need. Yet the number of arrivals was not solely to blame for this dysfunction. Weaknesses in the legal and operational structure of the Common European Asylum System existed long before the crisis, and many persist to this day. This report draws attention to these enduring challenges, which stretch across every stage of the asylum system—from registration and reception to the asylum procedure and adjudication. Taking a systems approach, it traces the evolution of these deficiencies and their knock-on effects in other phases of the asylum process and policy areas, while also examining some of the innovative approaches Member States and localities are using to tackle these blind spots.
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Think Tank Review Issue 55 March 2018

Think Tank Review Issue 55 March 2018

Italy’s foreign and defence policy is traditionally characterised by a strong involvement in the transatlantic alliance and the support of a joint European Foreign and Security policy. Italy provides an important number of troops in European-led and NATO-led missions around the globe, establishing itself as one of the largest troop providers worldwide. Furthermore, Italy sees itself as a bridge between Europe and the other Mediterranean countries. This paper will thus present an overview of the recent Italian defence policies and depict the post-electoral scenario on this matter. Indeed, it will help understand whether Italy’s European and international partners can count on further engagement of this important Southern European state or if a change in strategy is on the horizon.
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