Historical Sociology of International Relations

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Historical sociology, international relations and connected histories

Historical sociology, international relations and connected histories

In the area of security studies, Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey argue that the differentiation of the general (usually understood in terms of the „great powers‟) from local factors privileged by area studies is problematic for generating adequate explanations of complex phenomenon. They argue instead for the recognition of the „mutually constitutive character of world politics‟ through the analysis of „events, developments and processes in core and periphery together‟ (Barkawi and Laffey 2006, 348, 349). As Sanjay Subrahmanyam (1997) has similarly argued, the perceived „gap‟ between general historical frameworks and the particular experiences they ignore can be overcome by addressing difference in the context of „connected histories‟. The dominant sociological abstraction whereby categories are presented as universal while at the same time regarded as emanating from particular, discrete entities disguises two „truths‟ which require address. First, that „ideal types‟ are constructed in relation to a particular history and particular cultural engagements; and second, that in their construction, ideal types are abstracted from wider connections, which are themselves significant. In making an argument for „connected histories‟, Subrahmanyam provides an innovative and productive way out of the bind that sees much historical sociology caught between an evolutionary universal scheme on the one hand, where differences are placed within particular hierarchies depending on the model being used; or a culturally relative exoticism, on the other, which reifies and privileges difference. Connected histories and connected sociologies, together with a recognition of „international interconnectedness‟, allows for the deconstruction of dominant narratives at the same time as being open to different perspectives and seeks to reconcile them systematically both in terms of the reconstruction of theoretical categories and in the incorporation of new data and evidence. This is the promise of historical sociology truly global and for our times that it has so far failed to fulfil.
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The Decline of the European Union: Insights from Historical Sociology

The Decline of the European Union: Insights from Historical Sociology

The problem with retrenchment and soft power is that a growing number of European want none of it. This opens up the question of whether domestic politics and culture matter in defining a political region’s strategy of decline. While they acknowledge the crucial importance of international systems, historical sociologists have put greater emphasis on domestic structures. The decline management strategy of state leaders cannot be read off the structure of international relations. A trading nation such as the Netherlands, whose bourgeoisie is embedded in global economic networks, will not deal with decline in the same way as the political elite of a former imperial system, such as Austria which withdrew from most power networks. Spruyt (2005), for instance, compares declining empires that have experienced soft transitions (UK, Soviet Union) with others that had to face colonial wars and strong domestic opposition (France, Portugal, the Netherlands). He explains these differences by the number of domestic veto players: the more diffuse the domestic political structure, and the greater access pro-empire hard-liners have to veto points, the less peaceful the transition. These people are located in world power networks that affect their decisions.
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Deafening silence? Marxism, international historical sociology and the spectre of Eurocentrism

Deafening silence? Marxism, international historical sociology and the spectre of Eurocentrism

societalÕ relations and to position them as a constitutive aspect of the ÔinternationalÕ system succeeds only to the extent that Ôinter-societalÕ is understood as Ôbetween European societiesÕ and the ÔinternationalÕ devolves into Ôintra-European relationsÕ (Hobson, 2009: 674; 2011: 152). While recognising the pivotal restructuring of sovereignty in capitalist formations as the separation of political and economic spheres, none of these accounts substantially examine the differentiated and/or preserved forms of absolutist or the so-called parcellised forms of sovereignty in coeval non-capitalist societies. A direct consequence of this unipolarity is the elevation of a strictly regional phenomenon (restructuring of European sovereignty with the emergence of capitalist social forces and the consequent alteration of the wider European states-system) to a general theory of capitalist state and international states-system. Formulation of such a theory, inadvertently or not, suggests a particularly universalised accommodation of and transition to a political structure marked by capitalist sovereignty. The rise of the modern European state, with its path dependent social transformation, effortlessly becomes the foundation of a European states-system composed of more or less similarly structured former absolutist states which had remodeled themselves through bourgeois revolutions, political revolutions from above or simply through the collapse of the former social order from within. This Eurocentric international theory, however, does not, and more importantly cannot, account for the variegated trajectories of state formation outside Europe as they neither conform to the predefined paths of social and political reorganisation nor are deemed part of the ÔinternationalÕ system from which the general theory emerges. By the same token, it does not recognise the role of non-European states in the constitution of the European states-system, let alone their constant interaction in the composition of an international political multiplicity.
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The future(s) of security studies

The future(s) of security studies

concerns (Lasswell, 1950). Yet, the notion of ensuring some sort of ‘balance’ between liberty and security - a problematic which defines much of the current thinking in the area – would have much to gain from alternative ways of thinking about security and (human) rights, which do not rely upon the rather constraining notion of a zero-sum relationship; a perspective which assumes that we can have either extensive security or human rights protections, but never both at once. Similarly, while traditional legal theory has been primarily organised in terms of nation-states - which do the majority of law-making - the fusing of ‘internal’ and ‘external’ security that has been identified by international relations scholars raises new questions and new problems for students of the law. Indeed, the law now often plays a central role in measures taken not only by states, but by regional, transnational and international organisations – both public and private - ‘in the name of security’. Thus, assertions about a ‘right to security’ have often presaged greater powers of surveillance, enhanced police authority, novel forms of control, wider use of pre-trial detention, and other pre-emptive and preventive measures aimed at risk mitigation. At the same time and somewhat paradoxically, human rights are also frequently evoked in
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The Future(s) of Security Studies

The Future(s) of Security Studies

concerns (Lasswell, 1950). Yet, the notion of ensuring some sort of ‘balance’ between liberty and security - a problematic which defines much of the current thinking in the area – would have much to gain from alternative ways of thinking about security and (human) rights, which do not rely upon the rather constraining notion of a zero-sum relationship; a perspective which assumes that we can have either extensive security or human rights protections, but never both at once. Similarly, while traditional legal theory has been primarily organised in terms of nation-states - which do the majority of law-making - the fusing of ‘internal’ and ‘external’ security that has been identified by international relations scholars raises new questions and new problems for students of the law. Indeed, the law now often plays a central role in measures taken not only by states, but by regional, transnational and international organisations – both public and private - ‘in the name of security’. Thus, assertions about a ‘right to security’ have often presaged greater powers of surveillance, enhanced police authority, novel forms of control, wider use of pre-trial detention, and other pre-emptive and preventive measures aimed at risk mitigation. At the same time and somewhat paradoxically, human rights are also frequently evoked in
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Democracies and International Relations

Democracies and International Relations

Nationalist economy is the state-controlled economy to promote nationalism. The rapid changes in globalization and automation produce the problems of gross income inequality, serious job insecurity, and large scale immigration. The countries that cannot deal with such problems shift toward nationalist politics with nationalist economy which blames non-traditional groups and foreign countries for such problems. To prevent the competition from foreign countries, nationalist economy establishes protectionism that imposes tariffs, and restricts the movements of labor, goods, technology, and capital. With the restriction of competition, the economy under protectionism is inefficient. Nationalist econ- omy also develops “military state capitalism” as military-industry complex [16] which is the joint venture between the state and the private owned enterprises where the state provides domestic and international markets by creating interna- tional tension and the private owned enterprises provide weapons to make prof- it. Military spending is not the best way to create jobs. A University of Massa- chusetts at Amherst study [17] found that $1 billion in military spending created 8555 jobs. The same amount spent on public transit created 19,795 construction jobs. Spending on public works is the most cost-effective unemployment solu- tion. Both protectionism and military state capitalism are wasteful.
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The International Relations Theory and Revolution: Epistemological Debates and Impacts on International Relations

The International Relations Theory and Revolution: Epistemological Debates and Impacts on International Relations

Curiously, the British Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm [14] pointed out that the globalized capitalist world that emerged in the nineties of the twentieth century resulted, in many ways, enigmatically similar to the one that Marx had predicted in 1848 in The Communist Manifesto, but now, without a doubt, with more complexity due to the conflicts and global problems derived from the interaction of multiple phenomena of an economic, financial, military, technological and transnational nature accumulated by the capitalist system that generates them without a real perspective or possibility of solution. For that reason the importance of going to Marx and the just praise to his inevitable return in the current international conjuncture. [15]
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Indo - Palestine Relations: A Historical Study

Indo - Palestine Relations: A Historical Study

building a rehabilitation centre in Nablus has started. India always supported Palestinian bid for membership of the United Nations and in 2011, India showed its historical support gesture again by supporting Palestine for permanent membership in UNESCO. November 2011 making Palestine a full member at UNESCO. Recently Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas visited India foe a state visit in 2012, the fourth of its kind since 2005. New Delhi pledged its full support for yet another time. India‟s displayed a balancing act between its Israeli and Palestinian friends in the recent decades.
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TAJIKISTAN – RUSSIA RELATIONS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

TAJIKISTAN – RUSSIA RELATIONS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Together with the nationalist revival went a religious revival. Here the central figure was the head of the official Soviet Islam in Tajikistan, supreme Qazi Akbar Turajonozoda. Spread of Islamic education and measures, such as declaring Islamic festivals public holidays were taken. 41 Gorbachev‟s „perestroika‟ and „glasnost‟ allowed Muslims to demand greater religious freedom and workship their Allah openly. Closed mosques were reopened and new ones were built. This was a general pattern throughout the Soviet empire, where people flocked to their religious meeting places to reassert their identity. 42 Agreements with several Islamic international groups to build new „Mosques‟ and „Madras‟s‟ were signed. Other unofficial mosques were built for the first time. 43 These activates brought foreign Muslims into Tajikistan including Iranians, Pakistanis and Arabs who were involved with religious and cultural revivalism. Speeches by Ayotollah Khomeini, works of Maududi-the founder of Jamat-I-Islami of Pakistan, Jamal-ud-Din Afghan, the renowned Muslim theologian and other Muslim revolutionaries were circulated widely in Tajikistan. 44
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Sethi_unc_0153D_16881.pdf

Sethi_unc_0153D_16881.pdf

The transactional framework of parental decision-making (TFPD). The fields of sociology and psychology have attempted to better understand and study the family by considering it to be a thing-like entity. Some of the prominent theories within developmental psychology were Bronfrenbrenner’s (1994) ecological model of human development, family systems theory, and Sameroff’s (2009) transactional perspective. The ecological model of human development posited that proximal as well as distal forces influenced a child’s behavior, and thus focused on the interactions between the microsystem (like family and school), mesosystem (e.g. the relation between home and school), exosystem (e.g. the relation between home and parent’s workplace), macrosystem (society and culture), and chronosystems (changes over the life course) in relation to the developing child. Unlike the interaction between the bounded categories in the ecological model, the TFPD recognizes the transactions among a mother’s historical context, challenges in the present situation and the future desire to achieve successful child outcomes. Moreover, by placing the mother in the center of the model, it focuses on the mothers’ perspectives on the process of decision-making rather than the individual influences on child development.
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The international relations of Quebec.

The international relations of Quebec.

All these factors have combined to defuse what was once an explosive issue. Together, they account for the relatively more pragmatic approach being taken by both Ottawa and Que- bec. But, while the issue of Quebec's international rela­ tions may have been relegated to a longer-term, lower-key concern, it remains nevertheless without a solution. It is unlikely that the federal government will concede to Quebec the rights to represent itself and to negotiate and sign agreements on its own initiative, in all matters of provin­ cial jurisdiction. It is equally unlikely that Quebec will concede to the federal government an exclusive jurisdiction in international affairs. There is, of course, a myriad of compromise positions and the attainment of the most suitable may involve a much lengthier process of negotiation than is presently envisaged.
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The world is too large : philosophical mobility and urban space in seventeenth  and eighteenth century Paris

The world is too large : philosophical mobility and urban space in seventeenth and eighteenth century Paris

far from exclusively Parisian. The correspondence of the secretary of the Royal Society of London, Henry Oldenburg, underlined the impor- tance of these provincial centers in the creation of a European experi- mental space. 43 With the reign of Louis XIV and the proliferation of royal academies, the relation between Paris and the provinces played itself out for a long time according to the model of Parisian academic sociability. For example, the Paris Academy of Sciences maintained close ties with the Royal Society of Science of Montpellier, founded in 1706, which functioned as an extension of the Parisian institution. The recognition of the peripheries in this model existed side by side with other forms of organization, like the Republic of Letters, itself founded on practices of communication (periodicals, correspondence, etc.) that allowed it to escape a strict polarization in Paris. 44 In the sec- ond half of the eighteenth century, even though the European net- work of scientific academies was essentially established, isolated schol- ars like Esprit Calvet in Avignon and Jean-François Séguier in Nîmes continued to animate a vast network of epistolary exchanges and of sociability that counterbalanced Parisian power through small Repub- lics of Letters that unified regional spaces. 45 Similarly, if the journey to Paris remained the principal aim of scholarly travel, circuits of intra- provincial mobility were not negligible and reinforced a network for the exchange of books, plays, manuscripts, and inscriptions closely linked to local historical inquiries. Intense exchanges, a circulation of schol- ars, instruments, objects, and information, solidified this local network, which during the eighteenth century became articulated with a global academic one. In 1789 no fewer than seventy academies could be found throughout Europe, and others had been established in the colonies. 46 In the second half of the eighteenth century, the stabilization of the European academic network reinforced the significance of the great cities and their resources.
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Islam and International Relations

Islam and International Relations

In the classical Islamic literature most of the theory of international relatioi is presented under the Title of Siyar which includes Jihad, treaties, DhimmTS (th[r]

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Trauma and the ethical in international relations

Trauma and the ethical in international relations

Critical reflection and dialogue are central to the application of Habermas’s ideas in practice. His conception of public space allows all those who may be affected by social norms and political decisions to be included in the deliberation pertaining to the drafting and enactment of these norms. He maintains that ‘just those norms deserve to be valid that could meet with the approval of those potentially affected, insofar as the latter participate in rational discourses’. 13 This ideal formulation of public space serves as a comparator against which actual situations can be judged. Such judgments reveal situations of distorted communication, for example, where consensus is reached by coercion. Habermas defends liberal human rights on this basis, saying that they put forth ideals against which situations on the ground can be measured: ‘[human rights] discourse itself sets the standards in whose light the latent violations of its own claims can be discovered and corrected’. 14 He cites their potential as a universal vehicle of communication and protection for individuals and argues that one of their fundamental purposes is to ensure that every person has a voice and recourse to international law.
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How do students’ accounts of sociology change over the course of their undergraduate degrees?

How do students’ accounts of sociology change over the course of their undergraduate degrees?

In conclusion, we argue that the outcomes from this study offer some hints as to how to answer some of Watson’s (2012) questions of how and why students are transformed by higher education, whether this transformation is planned, whether higher education is a necessary and/or sufficient condition for such transformations and whether all forms of higher education result in this transformation. In particular, they suggest that students’ engagement with academic knowledge involve a transformation of the way in which students see the relations between themselves, the world and the disciplinary knowledge that they are studying. Such transformations would appear to be a planned element of higher education, in which an undergraduate education is a necessary element. However, our outcomes also suggest that students’ engagement with knowledge is not a sufficient condition for this transformation and that these also need an alignment between students’ personal projects and the focus of disciplinary knowledge.
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Organized persuasive communication: A new conceptual framework for research on public relations, propaganda and promotional culture

Organized persuasive communication: A new conceptual framework for research on public relations, propaganda and promotional culture

Research in the fields of propaganda and persuasion studies has proliferated since the early 20th century when the rise of mass communication and literacy focused attention on how organized communication is used in pursuit of influence. Indeed, what we label as organized persuasive com- munication (OPC), a generic short-hand term used in this article to refer to all organized persuasion activities (including advertising and marketing, propaganda, public relations, organizational com- munication, information/influence campaigns, psychological operations, strategic communication and a whole host of other overlapping terms), is central to the exercise of power across all social spheres. In the new internet-based media environment, new forms of persuasion and influence are manifesting themselves through mechanisms of surveillance, micro-targeting and digital propa- ganda (González, 2017). However, there exist considerable terminological confusion and signifi- cant conceptual limitations across these fields. Scholars of PR (and related fields), as well as promotional culture, focus on what they perceive to be non-manipulative forms of OPC occurring within contemporary liberal democracies, while scholars of propaganda focus on its manipulative forms and on either historical cases or non-democratic societies. Across these fields, there is mini- mal conceptual development with regard to manipulative modes of OPC involving deception, incentivization and coercion. As a consequence, manipulative OPC within liberal democracies is a blind spot, rarely recognized let alone researched, and with the result that our understanding and grasp of these activities is profoundly curtailed.
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The Concept of Power in International Relations

The Concept of Power in International Relations

The terms of Power, influence and authority could be heard in political world vastly, but using these terms is not leaving only to this realm. Despite its visual simplicity, generally there is not similar and equal perception about term of Power among people. Understanding about by politi- cians differs from lawyer perception about this term. What people takes about Power, totally differ from what a strategist interpret from. Role and influence of Power also among society is differs from its application in international relations. Power, undoubtedly is the most basic con- cept of registered knowhow over international relations. In fact, Power reflects relations be- tween activists in international relations, means that, international relations and perhaps more precisely, relations between states warrants Power relations between activists in this area. Ac- cording to this fact, variety in interpretation about Power in international relations have not been emerged but in variety of international relations theories. However, in ordinary understanding about International relations course, it has supposed that concept of Power closely has been made linkage with realism theory in its all forms, but it should be admitted that, today it could be possible to reach novel recognition about Power concept and its requirements by arising thoughtfulness approaches. Old politic scholars defined Power, in its general and ordinary con- cept, both as destiny and cause. In this interpretation, Power merely depends on level of ability and sovereignty of one party against other party(s), to oblige him to obey. In this view, whole life of people could be summarized as result of Power interactions in different domains and de- grees. Practical results achieved from present theory, which in some cases meets visions of be- havior – orientation is that, in international relations, there is no governing Power, or at least governing states do not recognize any Powers over their Power and sovereignty. In this ambigu- ous realm, some believes that lack of international governing Power, requires establishing a global state in form of an international contract. In contrast, there are many other groups that follow Power balance theory in relations of governing and dependent states. There is also a compromising theory.
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International Law/Intercultural Relations

International Law/Intercultural Relations

The above thoughts about the importance of relationships and culture in the interactions of states and indigenous peoples are simple, but have far-reaching practical [r]

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The Manchester industrial relations society: An historical overview

The Manchester industrial relations society: An historical overview

Ironically, as with most claims of a fundamental departure from the past, there has often been a failure to recognise that, notwithstanding very real changes in the institutional workplace industrial relations structures and processes that were established in the post-war years, there still remain some very important continuities in terms of the nature of the employment relationship. For example, despite their shrinkage, trade unions are still the largest single pressure group in society and remain absolutely central to the employment relationship in many industries and workplaces (notably in the Greater Manchester area). Similarly, despite the low levels of strike activity the underlying tension, if not antagonism, between employees and employers that arises from the exploitative structure of social relations within a market economy remains as relevant as ever to the study of industrial relations (demonstrated, for example, by recent industrial disputes at British Airways, and in the Royal Mail, London Underground, the Fire Service and Civil Service).
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Unexpected Relations of Historical Anthrax Strain

Unexpected Relations of Historical Anthrax Strain

We can only speculate about the direct linkage between the original Texas 1981 Ames strains and the Porton Down sugar isolates of 1998. The Porton Down scientists were the world leaders in anthrax research, and their plasmid-cured Ames strain is still in use in reference laboratories worldwide. Therefore, they were well aware of the value of this historical sample and fumigated the class 3 microbiological safety cabinet with formaldehyde prior to opening the vials to avoid contamination (4). These careful protocols were invoked to cultivate these historical specimens, which would lead to the oldest B. anthracis strains ever described, as previously the oldest samples were from 1954 (14).
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