After evoking the past, is there anything to say about the present or even the future of radical theory? We think the answer is yes, but to give it, we must take another look back into the past. Radicals of rings appeared first in G. K¨othe’s celebrated paper from 1930, then many con- crete radicals came up in investigations into the structure of associative rings. In the early fifties, Amitsur and Kurosh independently defined the same general notion of radicals in order to have a framework for a com- mon treatment of all these concrete radicals. Indeed, this approach has led to a general decomposition theorem for semisimple rings with respect to the so-called special radicals. In any case, there followed a boom of general radical theory from the early sixties, concentrating first on asso- ciative rings, extending stepwise to ‘close-to-associative’ and then general non-associative rings, then going over to further and further kinds of al- gebraic, topological, and other structures, and summing up all these in the language of categories. By the late eighties, a well-established theory was in place. Since then, progress of the general theory has slowed down, except some novel insight coming from category theory. Does this mean that radical theory is fading away?
The standoff between the Soviet Union and the United States was couched, by both superpowers, as an ideological battle between communism and capitalism. Many crucial aspects of American culture and society—such as the ideology of liberal capitalism and the dominance of neoclassical economics—were manipu- lated in Manichaean opposition to their Soviet counterparts. But if the American way was considered the antithesis of godless communism, both ideologies were confidently deterministic. The Soviet Union officially endorsed Marx’s dialecti- cal theory of history, which viewed capitalism as a necessary stage of historical development before communism. If Westerners were not quite as certain of the inevitability of their creed, their ideology was similarly teleological. The version of American liberal capitalism that emerged in the 1950s—a highly militarized welfare state founded on principles of secularism and individual liberty, governed by a representative democracy—was considered to be an ideal state of economic and social development that guaranteed timeless natural rights. While many citizens of the Soviet Union and its satellite states became disillusioned with Soviet communism, the vast majority of Americans continued to support—and had a deep affective investment in—what they considered the basic principles of the west, even if they increasingly objected to their application.
In the nineteenth century literature and history were considered branches of the same tree of learning, a tree which sought to interpret experience, for the purpose of guiding an elevating man. Then came the seperation that resulted in the distinct disciplines of literary and studies today...it is this very seperation of the literary and historical that is now being challenged in postmodern theory and art, and recent critical readings of both history and fiction have focused more on what the two modes of writing share than on how they differ. They have both been seen to derive their force more from verisimilitude than from any objective truth; they are both identified as linguistic constructs, highly conventionalized in their narrative forms, and not at all transparent either in terms of language or structure...deploying the texts of the past within their own complex textuality (1988, p. 105).
Partisan Politics, Narrative Realism, and the Rise of the British Novel
(2006); she co-edited, with Ruth Herman, the five-volume Selected
Works of Delarivier Manley (2005).
The secret history, a genre of writing made popular as opposition political propaganda during the reign of Charles ii, has been the subject of renewed critical interest in recent years. By the mid- 1740s, novelists were using markers of secret histories on the title pages of their works, thus blurring the genres. This forgot- ten history of the secret history can help us understand why Ian Watt and other twentieth-century critics tended to end their nar- ra tives of the rise of the “realist” Whig novel with the works of the Tory novelist Jane Austen. In particular, the blended narra- tive perspective that Watt praises in Austen’s novels—in which the author balances a realism of presentation with a realism of assessment—may stem in part from the layers of narrative fram- ing deployed in secret histories to shield the author from prose- cu tion for libel. The opposition and Tory secret historians that Watt excludes from his Whiggish triple-rise theory may have con tributed to the complex narratological perspective that he identifies as the culmination of the novel’s formal emergence.
Elias Canetti, “Rulers and Paranoiacs” in Crowds and Power Richard Hofstader, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics” Eve Sedgwick, “On the Paranoid Style” from Novel Gazing Russell A. Berman. “Rambo: From Counter-Culture to Contra”
Holland’s Together We Stand, an example of popular narrative history in its contemporary manifestation, is an account of the British, and later American, campaign in North Africa during World War Two. Standing at 798 pages, and covering the period from May 1942 to May 1943, Holland’s narrative is written from the viewpoints of both commanders and soldiers and details the campaign from the Battle of Gazala to its conclusion in Tunisia. Opening with the Arcadia conference (22 Dec 1941 – 14 Jan 1942), at which the joint grand strategy under which the US would enter the war was set out, and concluded with the British Eighth and US First Armies coming together (literally and figuratively) in Tunisia, the narrative is governed by the overarching theory, or ‘pregnant principle’, that the battles fought in North Africa inaugurated the ‘special relationship’ between Britain and the US. Published six years after Together we stand, and Holland’s novel Hellfire is set, ‘between August and November 1942, during the lull, then the Battle of Alam Halfa, and then finally, the Battle of Alamein. In between there are spies, murders, coastal raiding parties behind enemy lines, Polish femme fatales, and … a real thriller of a plot line’ (Holland, 2011). While the actions of the Axis spy circuit operating in Cairo are historical conjecture, and the murders and femme fatales fictional creations with only the very loosest connection to fact, the key dates and events, four months in 1942, place the majority of the action within a ‘framework of real historical events’ (Holland 2011, 567) that maps closely onto chapters ten to fifteen of Together We Stand. Devoid of self-reflexive commentary, Hellfire is not an example of what has come to be called ‘historiographic metafiction’ (Hutcheon 1988, 5). Military fiction in the adventure mode, the novel, in line with Keen’s observations of military fiction in general, remains committed to ‘historical accuracy (as judged by historians and witness-participants),’ and its ‘traditional narrative strategies … do not undermine their own truth claims as postmodern historical fiction often does’ (2006, 176). In this Holland’s work bears comparison to the war fiction of writers such as Michael Asher and Iain Gale, whose novels strive for historical accuracy and which can be distinguished from, for example, the military adventure stories of James Delingpole, whose ‘Dick Coward’ novels combine historical accuracy with a more overtly-metafictional project in which their Flashman-style narratives offer a playful examination of national and personal mythologies.
This paper is intended to be an outline of Kuhn's conception of the relations between the history of science and the history of art and, at the same time, an introduction to Kuhn's philosophy of science. Kuhn considers that his influential book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, is a portrayal of the development of science as a succession of periods dominated by tradition and punctuated by non-cumulative ruptures. He borrows this idea of development from other fields, including the history of art. Thus, I follow here the footsteps of the Austrian historian of art, Ernst Gombrich, whose name is suggested by Kuhn himself. And I strive to show what Kuhn has in mind when he speaks of a transposition of the idea of non-cumulative development, found in the history of art, to the realm of science (which was traditionally thought to be characterized by a specific cumulative progress). This allows us to introduce some of Kuhn's fundamental notions of the philosophy of science, such as the concepts of "paradigm" and "incommensurability", understanding them beforehand, more intuitively, within the context of the history of art.
We have seen that Mill defines and justifies liberal democracy in classic liberal terms. His definition of democracy ends up being transformed by the need for such a notion to be realisable. Mill goes on to provide a particularly idiosyncratic theory of the realisation of liberal democracy. The functional Millian notion of democracy and its purpose extends to considerations on the electorate and the qualifications required of an elector. Given the self-consciously radical nature of “ Government” , Mill’s pronouncements on the appropriate restrictions to be placed on the franchise come as something of a surprise. Having espoused the view that the representative body should act in line with the interests of the community, it is somewhat strange that Mill immediately turns to arguing for what appears to be a very restricted franchise, rather than a broad or universal franchise.142 A simple utilitarian argument would be to argue that the best way to get a reflection of the interests of the community would be to aggregate their votes. Mill, however, does not even appear to consider this as a real possibility, instead moving immediately to discussing the means by which to restrict the franchise, but still produce the same result, as if the whole community were voting.
Humans – foragers and megacity dwellers alike – inhabit complex social worlds. Many behavioural and non-behavioural traits show distinct patterns of social clustering: members of social groupings are more similar to each other than to random individuals. This thesis uses social clustering as an entry point for the study of behavioural variation, exploiting the fact that different causal mechanisms will produce different clustering patterns. I combine this with a focus on evolutionary explanations of behavioural variation, particularly those derived from life historytheory, and apply this approach to contemporary adolescents in the United Kingdom. Adolescents are a key demographic from a life history theoretical perspective: transitioning from the pre- reproductive to the reproductive phase of life, adolescents start displaying many of the behaviours and traits of interest to life history theorists. Moreover, paths taken during adolescence may have long-term implications for an individual’s life history trajectory. I quantify social clustering of sexual experience and cooperativeness in neighbourhoods, schools and friendship networks and investigate whether life history predictors, such as socioeconomic deprivation and father absence, explain behavioural variation or their social clustering. I further examine the social clustering patterns across a range of behavioural and non-behavioural traits, in order to assess the explanatory scope of different evolutionary models. Finally, I examine whether measures of the quality of the childhood environment affect a range of measures of pubertal development in girls and boys, in line with theoretical predictions.
Additionally, when dividing the analysis by groups that vary across time, one could refer to club convergence as well. Club convergence analysis points out that the initial conditions determine the club to which each country converges. In practice, one way to test the existence of club convergence is by setting certain threshold of the initial conditions, and if the initial conditions of certain economies are above the threshold they converge to one club and if they are below they converge to another (Chumacero, 2002). In the present analysis, something similar is done: the threshold is determined by economic shocks given in history. Since it is possible to look back to history it is easy to identify convergence clubs according to how each country responded to di¤erent economic shocks together with their internal characteristics. Countries that responded in a similar way could be in the same group. However, the most used technique to test for club convergence is Monte Carlo simulations or Sthochastic Kernel distributions, which is not done in the thesis.
Our aim in this paper is to introduce the reader to the main episodes that have marked the course of macroeconomics. We start by explaining the emergence of modern macroeconomics as a new sub-discipline arising in the aftermath of John Maynard Keynes’s General Theory. Next, we discuss Keynesian macroeconomics, which had its heyday in the 1950s and 1960s. At the end of the 1960s, it came under attack, first from Milton Friedman and later, in a more radical way, from Robert Lucas and his associates such as Robert Barro, Thomas Sargent and Neil Wallace. These economists, new classical macroeconomists as they were called at the time, were able to dethrone Keynesian macroeconomics in a move that had all the trappings of a scientific revolution. In turn, Lucas’s work triggered the rise of a series of new Keynesian models aimed at rebutting his claim, while adopting his neoclassical language. The next stage of the history of macroeconomics occurred when the baton was passed from new classical to real-business-cycle (RBC) theorists, in a move initiated by Finn Kydland and Edward Prescott. These economists transformed Lucas’s qualitative model into a quantitative research programme into which they enrolled a large chunk of the macroeconomic profession. The latest stage in the history of macroeconomics is the internal evolution of RBC models towards dynamic-stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) modelling, whereby central elements of Keynesian macroeconomics, in particular monopolistic competition and sluggishness, are reintroduced into the real business cycle framework. 1
The Wolf Theory
Although at one time it was believed that jackals and wolves both figured in the ancestry of modern dogs, today the wolf is assumed to be the lone ancestor of our modern friends. While wolves and dogs can interbreed, they are distinct species. Dogs differ physiologically from the wolves in that they possess shorter muzzles, crowded premolars, and smaller brains. See also “When the sites of ancient human remains are excavated...” on page 1.
After his disappearance, David is found dead. On his funeral day, data disappear from the narrator´s computer which is even shot at. The narrator also catches a glimpse of a visitor who could be Dulcie. In the end it remains open which data were deleted from the computer, and what is missing of David´s story. Generally, in the course of history, specific events may have been lost, as well as aspects of every private story. Nevertheless, a difference exists between deliberately leaving out or even deleting aspects, or just not taking them into consideration. The announcement of the ANC rally on June 16 th functions as the political background for the passage on David´s death. A major occurrence functions as the frame for a story concerning less people. However, political and public incidents usually build a setting for more private events. People find orientation through significant dates which are valid for others as well.
(1985) cannot fulfill social obligations such as marriage because they do not have the necessary bridewealth. They also have not been able to find employment and have already given up. Among most African communities, marriage is a marker of social development. It is a rite of passage from boyhood and girlhood into manhood and womanhood. When one comes of age, husbandlessness or wifelessness is derided as irresponsible social participation and negation of duty. In the words of p’Bitek (1986: 21) failure to marry is synonymous with “withdrawing from the battle-front of the tough struggle for realising oneself…full participation in societal life, being meaningful to one’s society, contributing to the happiness of self and society by thought and deed.” However, their ascendancy from the role of mujibha (highly trained liberation war male collaborator) to freedom fighters is strongly linked to patriotic consciousness. They voluntarily cross into Mozambique to join guerrillas in order to liberate Zimbabwe. It is this version of the struggle that undergirds the writer’s vision throughout the novel. The particular reasons where the war had been taken as a pastime activity are banished to the margins. This is one instance where historical literature in Zimbabwe’s African languages vacillates. It fails to articulate a clear position unlike historical literature in English. As previously explained, this is partly attributed to its long association with the Literature Bureau.
turned eight that month, Emily would turn seven in July, and Anne was five years of age. Among their many games were activities referred to as “bed plays” that appear to have introduced even before the deaths of the Brontës’ elder sisters Maria and Elizabeth (“Bed Plays”; Barker 151) and are featured prominently in Charlotte’s short essay, “The History of the Year” (1829). According to Alexander, Maria was the Brontë who taught her younger sisters and brother how to adopt new identities with each new storyline, and according to Alexander the children were spoiled for choice: “Fairy stories, local legend, adult conversation, books and newspapers would supply the outline of a character; their imaginations could do the rest” (The Early Writings 25). Although, strictly speaking, “The History of the Year” is a precursor to the Glass Town Saga, this piece serves as both transition and foundation as the Brontës conceived how these playtime activities might be transformed into written works. 56 Perhaps even more importantly, however, the contents of “The History of the Year” also shows how the siblings made increasingly creative use
We have argued that the present underlying foundation is obsolete and has to be substituted by a wider and more powerful theoretical foundation. We have proposed such a new foundation and we have shown that two novel, demonstratedly successful project management methods can be explained by means of it. Based on the arguments and evidences forwarded, we conclude that a paradigmatic transformation of the discipline of project management is needed. Such a transformation requires that a more intimate relation between theory and practice is created in project management.
ATTRIBUTION-BASED THEORY OF MOTIVATION 35
ability to lack of effort improve college performance. Other attempts in school settings to alter causal beliefs so that fail- ure is regarded as unstable rather than stable also produce improvement in school-related outcomes (see Wilson, Dami- ani, & Shelton, 2002). And convincing the elderly that their failure to exercise is not attributable to “old age” (which, just as low aptitude, is regarded an internal, stable, and uncon- trollable cause) but rather is due to a lack of effort augments walking behavior (see Sarkisian, Prohaska, Davis, & Weiner, 2007). In sum, attribution intervention or reattribution train- ing has resulted in behavioral change. This is in part because the interventions address the facts that self-doubt (attribu- tions of failure to the self and success to external factors) and stable beliefs about the causes of failure are important impediments to motivation, whereas unstable ascriptions for failure result in hope, which facilitates motivation.