problem without resolving it. We arrive at a similar impasse to that reached in Chapter 1 (pp. 23-4), in the context of barbarian codes, where Canning, after remarking, '...the king gives them legal force, yet they remain in a profound sense the people's law', concludes: 'At a deep level there is co-operation between ruler and people. This can be seen as an ambiguity or a discrepancy within this conception of monarchy; but to view it this way is really to impose too rigid an interpretative structure on the complexity of medieval ideas of rulership and to complain when apparent inconsistencies result... [I]f applied too rigorously it [i.e. 'the theocratic thesis' has the defect that it is ... too simple. The problems involved in the theocratic ruler's relationship to existing law only received overt and detailed attention far later in the Middle Ages with the development of scientific jurisprudence when difficulties were clearly perceived'. The appeal to 'complexity' (are medieval politicalideas peculiar in this respect?), and the last sentence's non-sequitur, suggest that Canning has washing his hands of the problem as far as the earlier Middle Ages are concerned. Yet it is precisely in that earlier-medieval context that the idea of consent and—neglected by Canning in this chapter—the closely related ideas of community and representation need close attention, preferably with reference to a number of works by G. Althoff, T. Bisson, O.-G. Oexle, E. Peters and S. White, and most of all to Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities ( 1984) (all absentees from Canning's Bibliography). To say that such ideas were 'not nearly so noticeable in the sources' as theocratic ones, and 'remained
students have started to get to grips with the history of political philosophy, they relish it, as ‘it provides them with a space in which to reflect on their own, previously unexamined, but cherished, views on what politics is for’ (Coleman, 2000: 152). However, sometimes students need to be nurtured in the early part of their studies to get to this point, and it was hoped that VARs would help in this endeavour. As such, The Hobbes Project (named after the first video produced) can be seen in the same vein as other attempts to use informal educational methods within the university curriculum (for other examples of the use of informal means to teach politicalideas, see, for example, Schaap, 2005; Woodcock, 2006, 2008).
The historical importance of the profit-motive and the role of the individual entrepreneur in Australian history was often stated in this polemical and exaggerated way, for the conservatives, having admitted the inefficiencies and injustices of pre-war capitalism, were all the more anxious that the merits of free enterprise should not be obscured by a concentration on its recent faults. A more temperate and balanced assess ment of the place of capitalism in modern history from the anti-socialist point of view had been given earlier by Menzies in one of his radio broad casts in 1942.^ Taking up the charge that capitalism had 'failed', he began by admitting that its record had been mixed. But it had been a system under which, during the last century, there had been 'enormous developments in the recognition of human rights, in living standards, in material comfort, in public health', as well as slums, unemployment, poverty
It will be obvious from this review that over the course of six chapters and 239 pages of text Armitage covers a lot of ground. He is unapologetic about his use of relatively broad historical brush. He thinks that, in order to bring out the essentially political and contested nature of the concept, civil war needs to be examined in terms of the way in which Roman ways of thinking about it have been adapted and changed over very long periods of time. His book focuses on three key moments in this process: the genesis of the concept of civil war in ancient Rome, its transformation in early modern Europe, and its application to modern-day problems since the middle of the nineteenth century. Civil Wars is thus intended as an alternative to 'the rich reconstruction of historical particularity' characteristic of most books on the English Civil Wars, the American Civil War, or the Spanish Civil War (19). As his 2014 book (co-written with Jo Guldi) The History Manifesto makes clear, Armitage believes that history writing which makes a virtue of being focused on the 'Short Past' is inadequate to the challenge of making a contribution to the most serious debates -- for instance, those concerning climate change, international governance, and economic inequality -- of the present age. There is, he knows, a danger that large-scale work on the history of ideas will be read as a resurrection of the kind of 'history of abstractions', in Quentin Skinner's phrase, that so much work in intellectual history over the past fifty years has aimed at burying forever. That is why his book has the subtitle 'A History in Ideas'. But he makes no attempt to provide a definition of history in ideas as opposed to history of ideas, other than to say that 'The "ideas" that lend this kind of history its structure are not disembodied entities, making intermittent entries into the mundane world from the idealism's heavenly realm, but rather focal points of arguments shaped and debated episodically across time, each instance being consciously -- or at least a provably -- connected with both earlier and later ones' (21). This makes it sound rather as though long-range intellectual history, à la Armitage, is to be constructed out of a judiciously chosen series of 'reconstructions of historical particularity', à la Skinner (and his many followers). If so, then the return to the longue durée advocated by Armitage could be seen as a supplement to, not a replacement of, detailed explorations of the Short Past.
former.60 This new sensibility is one which will question the teleologies and totalisations of its predecessor and in its place will elaborate a plurality o f histories, not isolated from one another but connected in a host o f ways. Foucault criticises the old models which privilege continuity over discontinuity and specificity and which elide the differences between statements in order to press them into the preferred style of narrative. Under the heading of 'the unities of discourse', Foucault details the devices used to group statements in total histories. These include: 'tradition', 'influence', 'development and evolution', 'spirit', the 'book' and the 'oeuvre' and the idea of fixed genres like science, history, politics, and literature.61 These devices are simply taken for granted, Foucault observes, and if we are to make discontinuities and transformations visible then we must seek to avoid them as they serve to produce histories which centre primarily upon origins and continuities. Foucault's suggestion is that we should think instead in terms of a plurality of discursive formations, distinct but often interrelated and constituted by rules governing the ordering of statements within them.62 T)iscourse' is designed to be a relatively inclusive device for associating and differentiating statements, insofar as it covers a range o f statements, their objects, concepts, strategies and 'enunciative' sites as well as the rules which make the production o f statements possible.63
For Fritz Scharpf, the Commission and the ECJ have been the primary institutional agents of market liberalization in the EU, a process that has become increasingly noticeable since the advent of EMU. 45 Their pursuance of what can ostensibly be referred to as a “neoliberal policy regime” characterized by the steady deregulation of labor markets and the encouragement of market competition through the removal of trade and regulatory barriers, has not been countered by any substantial EU-level efforts to establish the kinds of social policies or regulations that are characteristic of the social democratic ideology’s commitment to correcting the negative social effects of free market capitalism at the nation state level. As Busemeyer and Tober observe, integration of social policy is dependent upon high levels of agreement and coordination among nation state governments, but “due to ideological, economic, and institutional differences, agreement is extremely difficult to achieve and that is why social policy continues to be nationally determined.” 46 The promotion of political integration has thus enabled EU level institutional actors to pursue—free of any real social policy barriers—their “integration along market lines” agenda and its inevitable consequence of promoting increased income inequality.
Migrants from Turkey and Morocco and their offspring increasingly came to be referred to as Muslims. 91 Dutch society rapidly secularised in the 1960s and 1970s, and all kinds of behaviour that had previously been labelled deviant – homosexuality, divorce, children born out of wedlock – came to be accepted. Society moved from emancipation within pillarization to emancipation from pillarization. Rather surprisingly, the Dutch government started to press for the organisation of Muslims into what could be called an Islamic pillar, just as pillarization had definitely come to an end. 92 Islamic migrants from various countries did not come with a unified social infrastructure. This infrastructure, derived from and based on ideas about pillarization, was wrapped around them when they became part of Dutch society. 93 Islamic migrants found themselves in a confusing landscape. Dutch society strongly emphasised its secularised nature, but also had a large number of Christian holidays (which many people do not celebrate in a religious way), but Muslims are not allowed to exchange these for Islamic holidays. 94 Primary and secondary education are still recognisably organised according to religion (although often in name only). Islamic schools can be subsidised, but meet with a lot of resistance. The subsidy for building places of worship continued to exist after the demise of pillarization. 95 The Law on Premium Church Construction was abolished in 1975, but in 1976 a Broad Regulation Concerning the Subsidising of Prayer-Halls was introduced, and this was followed in 1981 by a Temporary Regulation especially for Muslims. Only in 1984 and 1986 did two motions in Parliament abolish subsidies for prayer halls for Muslims.
An EHR is a longitudinal electronic version of a patient’s medical information. This includes patient demographics, progress notes, medications, vital signs, past medical history, immunizations, laboratory data, and radiology or other reports. The EHR streamlines provider access to patient information, and has the potential to help providers improve quality of care. Having readily accessible, centralized data about each patient can help providers reduce medical and prescribing errors by improving the accuracy and clarity of medical records and prescriptions. EHRs can increase efficiency by reducing redundant tests and services as well as delays in treatment. Additionally, EHRs may help make health records more accessible to patients, thus helping them become better informed and capable of advocating for themselves. Overall, the EHR can transform health care delivery to be more accurate, better coordinated, as well as more time- and cost-efficient. 3-5
Chinese government approved construction. 6 To better understand the reasoning behind the Dam, this paper will place the idea to build the Three Gorges Dam in a historical context before focusing on environmental manipulation. From here, the paper will focus on the ideology and politics of Chairman Mao and how ideas behind campaigns such as ‘The Great Leap Forward’ have contributed to the environmental degradation of China. This helps to provide a deeper cultural and political basis to better understand the construction of the Dam. The paper will then look briefly at possible reasons behind the final decision to build the Dam. The Three Gorges Dam project is a reflection of the broader political, historical, and social situation in China. This project did not simply materialize out of a need for hydropower, but rather is the result of a complex historical context. Industrialization, modernization, communism, and the concept of economic development have all contributed to the Dam’s construction. Although this paper identifies the environmental degradation caused by decisions made by the Chinese government, it is important to note that such decisions are not limited to the Chinese government. International pressure to modernize, industrialize, and contribute to an international economy dominated by Western ideals of progress shaped development decisions in China. 7 The Three Gorges Dam, beyond the Chinese context, can be seen as a symbol of a much broader drive for modernization and the environmental and social issues affecting people worldwide.
The propagation of television and internet in information society has naturally promoted the improvement of social science. In this article, it is demonstrated that the television is important in the political and military fields, and so on, so that the videos of television are the scientific source materials of people history on politics, more real, comprehensive and secure than newspapers and books. Besides, it is also introduced some simple technological methods to take down, investigate and compile the real political science and history of people from tele- vision. In this article, it is demonstrated some recent political events in televi- sion, mainly as three big social achievements in political sciences worldwide: (1) the author leading the democracy calling for law execution in China and the es- tablishment of theory of armed police; (2) the people in the Middle East propos- ing the revival of race with law; (3) the control of democratic crimes with party disciplines and the international movement of “Marx-Ming Xun calling for competitive election”.
Such criticism was something labour historians would recognise in Labour’s past. But this seemed less a divergence, more a qualitative break—as New Labour’s political mission took it elsewhere and labour history struggled for vitality. In its origins and classical form labour history was not a singular school. It combined an interest in Labour and trade unions, and engaged with social histories of the working class—classically in Labour “movement” writers like G.D.H. Cole. Its pol- itics were invariably partisan, if a broad church, including Henry Pelling’s institu- tional focus and Ralph Miliband’s holding of Labour to a socialist standard. The lines between political activist discussion and historical writing were regularly blurred—as history was wielded to extol or attack contemporary Labour actions. There was no singular relationship between politics and the discipline. Labour his- torians tended to have peculiar politics compared to the wider electorate and were less beholden to them than the party had to be. But the field in general shared a na- tional focus and conventional approach (sourced from conferences, leading figures), if its subject was less established. Social history from the 1970s did bring to labour history an interest in marginal, alternative activities and lifestyles, outside the official movement. But fewer historians working on Labour politics, the working class or collateral areas describe themselves as labour historians. They appeared a post-in- dustrial rare breed. It was not, as the Blue Labour initiative showed, that there was a lack of creative interest in the party’s past. The past provided vital material and context to segue with present-day policy-making, but not in ways that much involved or animated labour historians.
unnecessary and unworkable. Part III.A. discusses the statutory text, explaining that, for reasons both practical and political, the Volcker rule entered the rulemaking process with key issues still contested and unresolved, ensuring that disagreements regarding the rule’s scope continued into the rulemaking phase. Parts III.B and C discuss the earliest part of the rulemaking phase prior to the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (“NPRM”) -‐-‐ the “Pre-‐NPRM Period” -‐-‐ analyzing agency-‐level lobbying efforts. An analysis of meeting logs and comment letters reveals unusually high interest in the Volcker rule, with industry participants, the general public, public interest groups, and other stakeholders weighing in on open issues.
Through a discussion of the dominant frameworks extant within international relations literature, this section will elucidate the problems with each view thereby justifying the adoption of a new framework for examining these issues. Essentially, these two competing frameworks arrive at a stalemate based on an unquantifiable question. Does new technology enhance state power more than it undermines it? This project argues that it does both and therefore, it would be more useful to ask some different and more enlightening questions. Those questions include how do states influence the emergence and management of new technologies to address their national interest? How does technology itself, influence perceptions about state power? And what role do ideas play in the political shaping of social technology? These questions cannot be asked or answered within the two paradigms which currently dominate international relations theory. The first does not engage with technology as a social construct and the second does not fully account for the political influence and shaping of technology. A social construction of technology methodology which focuses on these very issues, will consequently prove more useful.
Finally, the problems connected with didactics of geometry, the didactical role of the new theories and their relations with the older ones, the analysis of which was the most correct manner to introduce these new theories and if they had to be introduced in the high school or at the university were questions on agenda. In brief: how to conciliate the old with the new? This fundamental question brought the mathematicians community to discuss on the role of history inside didactics of mathematics and, more in general, on the best way to present mathematics to high schools and university students. The great mathematician who had the prominent role was the German Felix Klein (1849-1925). His work was influential in whole Europe. The literature on Klein is abundant. An important Italian mathematician who was partially influenced by Klein, but who developed personal and original ideas was Federigo Enriques (1871-1946). His didactical activity took place in Italy, but his conceptions have a universal validity, this is why we analyse them in this context.
importance or effaced its existence. This stemmed from their insistence that the industrial revolution changed everything. They were clear that trade unionism was solely the product of modern industrialisation. Its authority rested on its very modernity, and its probity on having evolved as labour’s fro nt line of defence against the depredations of industrial capitalism. For Howell, on the other hand, the authority of trade unionism derived in substantial part from its antiquity, and its probity from its having evolved out of institutions that had themselves emerged because of the moral imperative in early urban society to restore the functions of that most natural of social institutions, the family. In the broad sweep of labour history, seen through Howell’s generous optic, Chartism was an irrelevant, temporary blip. It is very telling that in writing the history of the London Working Men’s Association, Howell stalled in 1838, leaving it uncompleted from precisely the point that Chartism commenced. Trade unionism was therefore a force for social
Religion, Butterwick argues, was central to the work of the Four Years’ Parliament of 1788-92. The Polish clergy were represented in the Estates of the sejm solely by their bishops, who constituted merely a small minority within the Senate and were numerically overwhelmed by the nobility. And they felt threatened. The prevailing Polish national myth is that the clergy were part of a patriotic revival that felt comfortable with the moderate changes proposed at the sejmiks (or electoral assemblies) of 1788 and 1790; on the contrary, prelates and clergy, seculars and regulars alike, were fighting a rearguard action to maintain what they could of well-established rights and privileges. Like other Poles, churchmen had to adapt quickly, for ‘In three and a half years of sovereignty and responsibility … political culture evolved in ”greenhouse” conditions’ (pp. 16–17). To historians familiar with events in France and the Habsburg Empire, the pattern will be familiar and Butterwick is at pains to bring out usually illuminating comparisons throughout The Polish Revolution. The book bustles along according to a structure that is essentially narrative and chronological. As such, it functions satisfactorily despite layers of detail that rightly require plenty of attention from the reader and yet sometimes have the effect of dulling the fast flow of events that Butterwick is at pains to emphasise. This is in no wise any sign of deficient scholarship. The Polish Revolution has been a decade in the making, its author has mined a remarkable collection of sources, and yet the super-abundance of material cited may have contributed to an occasional blunting of the communicative edge and a thematic masking despite all his attempts at clarity. Butterwick is extraordinarily thorough but there is a burden of detail here that takes a lot of digestion and somehow contributes to reducing the impact of his arguments.
A major in history will prepare students for a number of professions and/or graduate work in museums, archives, teaching at the collegiate or secondary level, historic preservation, public history, journalism, government service, law, business administration and management, business research, and ministries such as North American and foreign missions. The pre-law program is designed to help transition students to law school where they can prepare for a future career in advocacy. Careers in political science include: political scientists, legislators, legal investigators, lawyers, mediators, law librarians, judges/judicial workers, judiciary interpreters and translators, public affairs specialists, labor relations managers, and management analysts. The social studies education major is approved by the Indiana Professional Standards Board, and the School of Education is accredited by both the National Council for
On March 11, 1947, the Filipino people, heeding President Roxas’ persuasive tirades, ratified in a nation-wide plebiscite the controversial “Parity Amendment” to the Constitution. The night before the Plebiscite Day, Roxas narrowly escaped assassination. A grenade on the platform at Plaza Miranda, Manila, was immediately thrown after the President had addressed a mammoth rally of citizens. On March 6, 1947 he delivered a message to the Filipino people urging approval of the parity amendment. He stated that question on “what is the parity?” and definitely answered that it is of course not a parity because it have no political rights, pertaining to the Americans for they do not have the right to vote or obtain employment in the government service (Roxas March 6, 1947). 20
Thus, while most of Mandeville’s early critics in France attacked him for his refusal to acknowledge the ‘universal light of reason’, instilled in the human mind by God, Du Châtelet agreed with Mandeville on the importance of the body and its passions, but instead insisted that it should be treated as a vessel for rational self- government. Du Châtelet’s oeuvre, then, can be read as a form of resistance to some of Mandeville’s ideas about the relationship between the body and the rational faculties, and between individual bodies and the social whole. Though in the debate on luxury she stood firmly on the side of those who endorsed the benefits brought on by the abundance of the ‘superfluous’ (like Voltaire, in his famous poem ‘Le Mondain’), her writings show an uneasiness with a social order based on commerce and a self-interested, competitive human nature. Striving to reconcile physics and metaphysics, her translation of the Fable constitutes an attempt to view human beings – or, rather, members of the nobility – as at the same time embodied and as more than a composite of bodies driven by the self-interest. Ultimately, of course, her resistance would turn out to be futile. Her aristocratic ideal of individual and social happiness was, after all, deeply rooted in the feudalistic regime whose fate of which was soon to be sealed. Nevertheless, her struggle to reconcile individual happiness, bodily passions