Joseph Canning's preface acknowledges a debt to his research supervisor Walter Ullmann, whose Penguin History of PoliticalThought: the Middle Ages, published in 1965 (revised edition 1970) has remained a standard introduction for anglophone readers. A new short guide is timely, and the ex-student's will bid fair to replace the master's. Like Ullmann's, this book is admirably clear in presentation and exposition. It judiciously summarises a good deal of the research done over the past thirty years, and has an up-to-date bibliography, including much in Germ. an. Specialists will be grateful too for end-note citations of texts in the original Latin. The book's division into four well-defined chronological chapters of virtually equal length provides a solid structure: the first chapter goes from Late Antiquity to the eighth century; the second covers the Carolingian and post-Carolingian periods; the third opens with a clear account of the Investiture Contest and traces church-state conflicts through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as well as discussing the impact on political ideas of 'the revived legacy of antiquity' in law and philosophy; the fourth pursues church-state conflicts, and also conflict within the church, in the late Middle Ages, specifically through their exposition in the writings of jurists. Lines of substantial continuity are picked out and followed up consistently. Thus ten lucid pages in Chapter 1 on the Code of Justinian provide a reference-point for the discussion in Chapters 3 and 4 of the revived study and application of the Code in the central and later Middle Ages; and evolving ideas of papal government are dealt with successively in all four chapters. This is, in one important sense, to go with the grain of the subject: ideas do have a life of their own, as one writer copies, modifies and refines another's work, takes up the old terminological tools, while putting them to new uses.
former.60 This new sensibility is one which will question the teleologies and totalisations of its predecessor and in its place will elaborate a plurality o f histories, not isolated from one another but connected in a host o f ways. Foucault criticises the old models which privilege continuity over discontinuity and specificity and which elide the differences between statements in order to press them into the preferred style of narrative. Under the heading of 'the unities of discourse', Foucault details the devices used to group statements in total histories. These include: 'tradition', 'influence', 'development and evolution', 'spirit', the 'book' and the 'oeuvre' and the idea of fixed genres like science, history, politics, and literature.61 These devices are simply taken for granted, Foucault observes, and if we are to make discontinuities and transformations visible then we must seek to avoid them as they serve to produce histories which centre primarily upon origins and continuities. Foucault's suggestion is that we should think instead in terms of a plurality of discursive formations, distinct but often interrelated and constituted by rules governing the ordering of statements within them.62 T)iscourse' is designed to be a relatively inclusive device for associating and differentiating statements, insofar as it covers a range o f statements, their objects, concepts, strategies and 'enunciative' sites as well as the rules which make the production o f statements possible.63
Thus understood, it is not surprising that Berlin would have engaged with the writing o f the history of ideas throughout his life. For the point is to enlarge the mind of others so as to understand that what we value for its own sake is only one among many human values and does not enjoy the privilege o f being the only correct one. It follows that what distinguishes Berlin from Arendt is that while the latter believes that putting oneself in thought in the place o f everyone and thinking consistently can lead to the knowledge o f the general and hence the universal, the former never looses sight of the fact that by shifting to another stance on the same plane, because each culture is a historical construct, one does not then land on a higher trans-historical ground. That is to say, if we enter into the mind o f a Christian and get a Christian vision o f the world and then enter into the mind o f a Buddhist and get a Buddhist vision o f the world, we will not then acquire a view that combines them a single coherent grand vision o f the word but rather a Gestalt-psychology experience.65 That means, reflection on human plurality does not lead to a discovery of timeless universal truth, for the universals are not given but searched out by historical thinking. In the eyes o f Berlin, Kant’s distinction between deductive and inductive types o f statement lends support to the division in our approach to study the sphere o f human affairs and the natural world, and hence two different notions o f objectivity - rather than a synthesis o f ethics and science. Thus, although he praises Kant as an Enlightenment thinker who ‘rightly held that mere deduction cannot add to our knowledge either o f things or o f persons, and does not answer those questions, or solve those puzzles, which seem characteristically philosophical,’ he rejects his aprioristic approach to deal with moral and political issues.66 Indeed, for Berlin, to think is ‘[t]o comprehend and contrast and classify and arrange, to see in pattern o f lesser or greater complexity’, and what is
The second section tries to briefly outline Hobbes’s idea, as outlined by Quentin Skinner (2006), that ‘the duties of subjects are owed to the state, rather than to the person of the ruler’, which was ‘a relatively new and highly contentious’ (p. 3) idea when Hobbes asserted it (see also Skinner, 2002). This separation between the state and the person operating the powers of the state is a crucial one in the history of ideas, and I felt it deserved mentioning in a mini-video resource that had the goal of explaining the relevance of studying Hobbes’s ideas. One thing to note when considering ways to expand upon points is to consider not using examples that might date the resource unnecessarily. The video was filmed in the summer of 2007. The reference to George Bush was relevant then; however, it is regrettable when viewed now.
numerous instances when Christ stressed the significance and worth of the individual soul.... And yet, in some respects, the doctrine of human equality, the conception of the individual as an end in himself and not a means to the well-being of others, has tended at times to overshadow the significance of our obligations to and mutual dependence upon our fellows, and to lend support to a philosophy depicting men as a number of detached and competing individuals."(57) Bland saw the institution of law as an attempt to relieve this tension: "Actually, a working principle for reconciling individual and social duties was suggested at the very beginning of biblical history in the exclamation of Cain: 'Am I my brother's keeper?' The world has ever inclined like Cain to disavow trusteeship, but it has been necessary to regulate human relationships. To this end were laws made, and the 'rule of law' is of the foundation of English life. Law is simply an attempt to secure the frictionless working of social relations."(58)
As we saw in Chapter One the refusal to insulate matters of principle from the exigencies of practice has a long history in Williams’s ethical thought (and is more generally part and parcel of his general characterisation of philosophy as a humanistic discipline). It is present in his earliest paper on political philosophy, ‘The Idea of Equality’, despite predating his later realist turn by around four decades. In this paper Williams distinguishes between two core principles of egalitarian thought – equality of respect and equality of opportunity – and emphasises the ways in which the pursuit of one is likely to engender a loss of the other. The pursuit of equality of opportunity will destroy a certain sense of common humanity which is itself a precondition of equality of respect, because ‘there are deep psychological and social obstacles’ to the idea that there could be a society in which equality of opportunity was the sole criterion of the distribution of goods and this did not have the effect of encouraging contempt and condescension’ (IBWD, p. 113). Yet Williams revealingly notes that it would also be wrong to focus on equality of respect alone, because ‘an ideal of equality of respect that made no contact with such things as the economic needs of society for certain skills, and human desire for some sorts of prestige, would be condemned to a futile Utopianism, and to having no rational effect on the distribution of goods, position and power that would inevitably proceed’ (IBWD, p. 114). He insists that we must recognise such practical constraints and that although we may find this uncomfortable, ‘the discomfort is just that of genuine politicalthought’ (IBWD, p. 114). Thus, just as his work in ethics seeks to make sense of ethical life as it is
However one phrases this opposition—indeterminism versus determinism, vol- untarism against predetermination—one ends up with the classical problem of the freedom of the will. The question of determinism against indeterminism deals not only with the interpretation of human behaviour and the history of mankind. The same problem is discussed about natural phenomena, like the evolution of the universe and of biological species. The contradiction between macro physics and micro physics is one version of this question, resulting in heated debate between Einstein and quantum physicists about determinism against indeterminism . Here, we deal only with human behaviour and its question of free will.
people. (See al-Ghazali, al-Wajiz, 2 nd section, Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, tt., page 237. See also at Abu Ishaq al-Syairazi, al-Muhadz, 2 nd section, page 240). According to al-Ghazali, woman has no right to take hold ofthe state based on the hadith of the prophet: “Won‟t be successful a society that give over (to lead) their affair to a woman”. About the prophet‟s hadith that prohibits woman to become the leader, see the al-Bukhari, Shahih al-Bukhari, IV juz, page 228. Musnad Ahmad, V juz, page 38 and 47; Sunan Turmudzi, III juz, page 360. Scholar Jumhur comprehended the hadist – also based on QS. An-Nisa: 34 – textually that women are prohibited become to be judge or head of state. They stated that according to syara’, woman is only given responsibility to keep the husband‟s wealth. (al-San‟ani, Subul al-Salam, IV juz, page 123; Fath al-Bari, VIII juz, page 128). The expert of hadist, Syuhudi Ismail, explained that the society‟s view towards woman is improving and finally in many things will bein equal position to man. Al-Qur‟an itself gives same chance to women and men to do several of charitable benevolences. Note that the hadist was given by the Prophet over hearing explanation from his companion about the appointment of a lady as the queen of Persia, her name was Buwaran binti Sairawati bin Kisra bin Barwayz who back then was not politically considered to be capable and acceptable especially in the socio-anthropo-historical context of Arabian and Persian nations. (compare to Syuhudi Ismail, Hadist Nabi yang Tekstual dan Kontekstual, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1994), page 65; also Quraish Shihab, Wawasan al-Qur’an, Bandung: Mizan, 1986, pages 314). Qasim Amin had written a history about woman position in the Islam‟s view, in two of books: Tahrir al-Mar’ah (Kairo: tt), page 25-289; and Al-Mar’ah al-Jadidah (Kairo: tt), page 3 – 223). In Indonesia, the birth of UU No. 1/74 about marriage required the presence of female judge. Therefore the Ministry of Religion in that time held a meeting among scholarson national level to discuss about possibility woman to become judge, and actually in the meeting – even if it was quite difficult – agreement can be achieved and KH. Ibrahim Hosen said so. See Ibrahim Hosen, Pembaharuan Hukum Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: Putra Harapan, 1990) page 146.
Obviously, they are humans and human beings are affected by family as well as political and social conditions. Understanding and thought of people in every time is limited and proportionate to conditions and scientific advancements of that time and this limitation on human understanding, which is prerequisite of being a human being is quite natural. On the other hand, one of the most important characteristics of Quran and Sunna is that they are perennial, especially that part which is not subject to conditions of time and place. Scientific theories are willing to last a long time provided that they could overcome opposing theories or do not allow them to emerge. When politicalthought is directly related to Quran and Sunna, a theory is apt to become lasting by being attributed to Quran and Sunna. In this process, the words and ideas of a mortal creature will be placed along the words of the immortal God. In other words, they are willing to consider their own ideas as being the word of God, which has been uttered by them. In this way, any criticism of those ideas will be considered as tantamount to criticism of the words of God and their rejection is equal to rejecting divine revelation. This will close the door to innovation and no new theory could challenge such theory. Innovation is only possible when the main pillars of that theory are confirmed and only less important points are subject to innovation (and that should not take shape as outright rejection). In this case, accepting the pervious theory and adding something to it will be of no objection. However no theory or viewpoint is allowed to weaken frame of previous theories and take its place. During history when new problems emerged, there was possible for thinkers to come up with new ideas and politicalthought and since those theories were attributed to diving revelation, they blocked the way to presentation of other theories.
10. Al-Afghani called Muslims to a new i j t i had, to re interpret the history of Islam, to reject materialism and imperialism, and, advocated that the Muslim world be united in foreign policy and defence. He extended his views into international politics and was perhaps the first oriental in modern times to reject the idea of European supremacy, see Zaki Badawi, M. A, op. clt, pp. 19-34, also Ismael, Tareq Y, op. cit, pp. 25-55.
The remaining chapters in the book strain at the boundaries of what might ordinarily be considered the history of politicalthought, at least in the ‘Cambridge’ mode. They feel more like intellectually-inflected political or administrative history. Widukind De Ridder offers a high-level history of early-19th-century Belgian politics and of Belgian liberalism, dwelling more on events and personalities than ideas. Anna Ross’s contribution examines the Prussian Ministry of State during and after the revolutions, focusing on bureaucratic politics and programmes of action. Alan Sked, finally, considers the attitudes of the Austrian ‘official mind’ towards the problem of nationality in the empire, offering a host of intriguing quotations, but prioritising the narration and explanation of material shifts in policy. All three chapters are excellent pieces of history. In each case, however, the context seems to have eaten the ideas. If this counts as ‘Cambridge’ work, then the label has become elastic indeed.
chiavelli‘s thoughts. Patricia Vishless‘ book is a volume of his collected papers on Machiavelli‘s thoughts and works and is a perfect exemplar of the interdisciplinary approach. Vishless, the editor of this collection, holds that the sexuality/gender analysis which is one the strengths of his theories, is well applicable to Machiavelli today and through this analysis the role and position of mas- culinity and femininity could be implied (Vish- less, 2007: x). In Vishless‘ view, a sound and cor- rect understanding of Machiavelli‘s thoughts, par- ticularly the central concepts of virtue and provi- dence, and of power and freedom, is essentially interdisciplinary. Machiavelli should be studied under the achievements of political science, phi- losophy, history, literature, linguistics, play and literary criticism (Ibid: ix). His book is compiled on the axis of government, society and thematic classification of reception in Machiavelli‘s works. The third domain means that Machiavelli had been seeking to influence and delve into those properties and forces that impacted the process of shaping the society. Machiavelli is the pungent critic of society and this aspect of his thought has had great influence on the Anglo-Saxon world and American literary traditions in the twentieth cen- tury (Ibid, xi, x). From this vantage, there is an emphasis on the influence of Machiavelli‘s works through their literary quality. The king overflows with such characteristics. In this regard, the paper ‗Machiavelli: king as a Literary Text‘ is interest- ing and reading-worthy (Ibid, 43).
In the 19 th century, like many other non-western countries, Iran had a chance of entering the age of modernization. Many internal and external factors had facilitated this change and development. Newspapers, especially those, which published on exile, had much effect on the changing process. The Qanun newspaper, in many respects, had the utmost influence on the Iranian society due to its clear and frank language and also the extensive modern ideas and thoughts that were elaborated cleverly in this newspaper. The modern and Western ideologies were handled in such a way to build up the mind of the people toward the new meanings of social and political concepts that were in most cases different to how these concepts were understood by the society. In this paper the injection of modern ideas did not follow a blind line, however, it had a systematic discipline that showed the ability of Malkum Khan, the founder of Qanun, to project modern ideas in traditional society such as Iran. Qanun has actually played a vital role in the process of modernization of social and political thoughts in the contemporary history of Iran and its impact is still felt in the current everyday life of the Iranian who has much yet to achieve in ongoing process of modernization especially in the age of globalization.
Among these books one can mention Nezam- e Hoghough-e Zan Dar Eslam (The system of women rights in Islam), Ensan va Sarnevesht (Mankind and the destiny) -in whose intro- duction, there is a question posed about the decadence of Muslims -, Khadamat-e Moteghabele Eslam va Iran (the mutual ser- vices of Islam and Iran, Mas'ale-ye Hejab (the issue of Hejab), Akhlagh-e Jensi (sex ethics), Jazebeh va Dafe'ey-e Emam Ali (the Attraction and repulsion of Imam Ali), and Velaa ha va Velayat ha (leadership and Loy- alty) (cf. ibid: 536-537). His works in the other decades also follow the same rules. They spread from Islamic Economy to the issue of slavery, and from history to Hafez mysticism. But those of his books which are more useable for analyzing his political views and beliefs, are: Elal-e Gerayesh be Maddigari (the reasons of tendency to mate- rialism), Seiri dar Nahjolbalagheh (a survey in Nahjolbalagheh), Ghiyam va Enghelab-e mahdi PBUH (the rise and revolution of Mahdi PBUH), Dah Goftar (ten articles)- especially the article named as "The main problem in clerical system" which is his most political article-, Bist Goftar (twenty articles), Goftarhaye Ma'navi (the spiritual sayings), Nehzat-haye Eslami-e Sad Saal-e Akhir (the Islamic Causes of recent hundred years), Moghaddame'I bar Jahanbini-e Eslami (An introduction to Islamic ideology), Emamat va Rahbari (Imamah and the leadership), Jihad (Jihad), Takaamol-e Ejtemai-e Ensaan (The social evolution of the mankind), Seyri Dar Sireye Nabavi (A survey in prophet’s biog- raphy), Seyri Dar Sireye A'emmey-e At'haar (A survey in Innocent Imams' biography), Eslam va Moghtaziyyat-e Zaman (Islam and the exigencies of the time) (in two volumes), Ensaan-e Kaamel (the perfect mankind), Hemaasey-e Hosseini (the Epic of Hussein) (in three volumes), Falsafey-e Tarikh (the
caused to unity of Church, but as Juan Greedy said, this was one of the factors enabled Catholic Church to remain stable, during immorality and political collusion time, that passed through a dark history. It could not be able to know he first Church as to have regulated divinity. In fact, main part of evolution occurred in training of Church, emerged in Patristic time. Share of Augustine among these evo- lutions is included of making combi- nation of Christianity thoughts and basis and theories of theism, that most of them adopted by Catholic Church. It was going to be forgotten the training of Augustine, until after religious reformation, Protestants once again proceed with basis of Au- gustine and renew and extend his be- liefs through world of Christianity. 2. The God; Augustine was in belief for
It is sometimes claimed that the greatest contribution that the United States has made to the history of politicalthought is the idea of America itself; however, the history of politicalthought in the United States is marked by ongoing political contention rather than consensus. In this course we will explore a selection of key texts that have helped shape and contest the political idea -- and the political ideals -- of America, texts that comprise the traditions and countertraditions of American politicalthought. Beginning with a sermon delivered at sea to Puritans on their way to the “New World,” and ending with a seminal twentieth-century debate over the viability of a democratic public, the course will emphasize how intellectual argument in America has shaped and been shaped by the larger political culture of which it is a part. We will study key historical texts that are not only rewarding to think about but also rewarding to think with in light of
in addition, authority and governance origi- nate only from their will. The term “Ahl-e Hal va Aqd (honest and trustworthy men)” is an indicative example of this undeniable im- portance of the mass in the history of Islam. It seems that a proper standpoint regarding this issue might be expressed in form of a synthesis of two competing approaches. Therefore, when God himself, as apparently realized in the case of the Holy Prophet (S) and Innocent Imams (A), does the appoint- ment the appointed man doubtless will be the leader. Otherwise, the right of choice is dele- gated to the people, but it is not an absolute right. Rather, it must be exercised through features and conditions which have been val- idated by Shariah (the religious law of Is- lam)” (Montazeri, 1989: 404- 405).
worldview made the West see the Chinese, and the Asian populations more generally, as peoples without politics. Subsequently Wolf’s thesis challenged Western historical triumphalism by arguing that interconnectedness and interdependency characterize human societies all over the world. For Lattimore, as there were no peoples without history, there could not be peoples without political agency. The UNO could serve as a bulwark against Western imperialism by recognizing the political agency of non-Western peoples. The new trusteeship system should not be based on imported values and institutions, but on the development of local political systems according to international standards of good government, which for Lattimore spelled ‘democracy’. It is not clear, however, if for Lattimore all the peoples always had political agency, or just the capacity for political agency that needs certain conditions to be expressed. Possibly, his interpretation of imperialism as a repressive power suggests the latter.
He accounts for the three principles as the fun- damentals of the family that make the foundations of human education. The first principle, as he calls, is the feeling of religion. Religion is the sole job that pictures the real perfection for him”. In this way family should cultivate religiousness in the mind and in the heart of a child, from the very beginning”, in a way the child shows this inclina- tion toward virtuosity in his behaviors throughout his growth. The second principle is patriotism. This feeling is born with the child; if it is sup- posed that the feeling of patriotism and its teach- ing be rendered at school and the time of educa- tion, it leads to no result. “A child should be thought that whatever s/he does becomes mea- ningful, only, if it is related to love for his home- town, otherwise, it is null. This is the debt we have toward our ancestors, and our children should have toward us. “The third foundation, however, is controlling the inner self; “this is called an individual‟s ethical and moral develop- ment, and Europeans consider it as “court of con- science” which is supposed to guard the individu- al at any time. It is sometimes believed that sense is an instinctive affair depicted in human institu- tion, but this is not true, inner control can also, be achieved by education and training.” This process leads to the appearance of responsibility. Only in this situation, the person might feel responsible for his actions and there is no need for police and guardians (Amin, 1894, pp.40-41).