There is some evidence of an interactive effect between First Year status and Intervention on Improvement, possibly suggesting that having at least one semester of experience at university has a greater positive impact on students’ ability to learn than does this suite of instructional strategies. In terms of year of study, the students who showed the most improvement were typical first-year students in the winter, i.e., students who had completed high school the previous spring and who were taught using a conventional approach. By this point in the academic year, these students had had a full semester to acclimatize to university expectations, so it is perhaps not surprising that they were able to improve in a standard lecture format. The students who showed the least improvement, by contrast, were non-first-year students, i.e., students who had already been at university for at least a year. These were students who had had at least a year to acclimatize to university expectations, so it is perhaps not surprising that they did not improve (or did not improve much). They may also be a group of students that is somewhat less engaged with learning at university in general when compared with other students in the course, since they are students waiting until after their first year is complete before taking the only first-year history course offered in the department. Among the students in the higher Mark categories, it is the first-year students who showed the greatest improvement. Among students in the lowest Mark group, first-year students in the fall showed very little improvement, perhaps reflecting a poor adjustment from high school to university at the very start of their university careers.
From childhood - which was short-lived and never clearly demarcated from adult lives - girls learned the habit of obedience, seldom criticised their parents, and submitted their wishes to family need. Families had to abide by one another to survive. Waged work brought little pleasure, and only a glimpse of independence; sexual knowledge was dangerous and a source of shame; marriage the universal expectation. Marriage was a life-long partnership, and as one man told Elizabeth Roberts, the "height of anyone's life was how they looked after their family ". "All women hoped to be able to feed, clothe and house their families" Roberts writes, to have failed would have meant death. A "woman's place" was in the home, where she was both the provender of need and the "prevailing" authority. "I was fifty-six before I answered my mother back", one Preston woman remarked. "Talk of the subjection of women" Helen Bosanquet wrote of the London poor in 1906 and Roberts quotes her approvingly,
Today, with CVN 78 over 92 percent complete as it reaches delivery in May 2016, and the CVN 79 on contract, the ability to exercise oversight and make course corrections is limited. Yet, it is not too late to examine the carrier’s acquisition history to illustrate the dynamics of shipbuilding—and weapon system—acquisition and the challenges they pose to acquisition reform. The carrier’s problems are by no means unique; rather, they are quite typical of weapon systems. Such outcomes persist despite acquisition reforms the Department of Defense and Congress have put forward—such as realistic estimating and “fly before buy.” Competition with other programs for funding creates pressures to overpromise performance at unrealistic costs and schedules. These incentives are more powerful than policies to follow best acquisition practices and oversight tools. Moreover, the budget process provides incentives for programs to be funded before sufficient knowledge is available to make key decisions. Complementing these incentives is a marketplace
In an effort to fight the owners and their oppressive restrictions, the players in both leagues formed unions, the NFL Players Association (NFLPA) and the MLB Players Association (MLBPA). The unionization of wealthy groups of young men who were paid a great deal more than the average American seemed strange. Usually, unions represented the working class in difficult and under-paid jobs such as autoworkers or teachers. They protected their members from abuse by owners and management, usually in regards to compensation, work conditions, and rights regarding the industry in which they worked. Because of their specialized skills, professional athletes were generally well paid compared to typical Americans. They were also being paid to play a game and many people considered that to be a privilege. Yet they still faced similar issues to other labor unions. They wanted the right to work where they saw fit, to earn a fair wage with respect to the profitability of the industry, and to have rules and systems in place which would ensure their safety and well-being. They also wanted something that would seem common to most workers: the ability to leave an undesirable job and find similar employment elsewhere at a similar wage.
The arrival of the Red Army brought a violent end of the war to the Gabriel siblings. For many gentile Germans, the brutality that followed erased most of their class identity, similar to the experience of German Jews a few years ago. Helmuth was arrested during the Prague Uprising. The Soviets sent him to the special camp Bautzen, following a NKVD order to arrest all high- ranking Nazi functionaries. He was likely to stand trial, but died on August 22, 1945 as consequence of the poor conditions. 161 The last days of war in Lichterfelde were also brutal. Several SS men hid in the Veit Simon family house, where Irmgard was harboring an escaped Soviet POW. This man eventually persuaded the conquering Red Army soldiers not to kill the inhabitants. Later, Irmgard was sexually assaulted by the Soviet soldiers. 162 Rape was a collective experience of many German Jewish women and camps survivors at the end of the war. 163 Irmgard talked about this gendered impact of liberation only with her daughters.
This is not to refute that inequality is inherent and endemic to housing systems and wider economic, social and cultural processes or to deny that it is harmful to deprived populations. Rather, it suggests that we need to better understand the actual mechanisms through which inequality impacts upon wellbeing at individual, household and societal levels. This requires complementing existing international quantitative evidence (Wilson and Pickett, 2009; Green and Germen Janmaat, 2012) with further in-depth empirical qualitative research within working class communities. This will enable a more sophisticated sociology of deprivation, including its relative and comparative dimensions and its relationship with self-esteem and social status. Rather than this being a novel step forward, it would represent a reconnection with a previous tradition of housing, community and cultural studies which excavated many of the ambiguities and nuances within working class experiences (Hoggart, 1957; Young and Willmott, 1957; Collins, 2004; Watt, 2006).
(artist’s name, title of work, date, significance of work), short answer questions, comparison essays, and definition of processes or terms. Written assignments include a 2-3 page response paper to articles (on reserve or online) and a 4-page exhibition review of an exhibit at a New York institution. Class participation is assessed on student performance in class and in online discussion blogs.
The years 1776 and 1789 are pivotal dates in world history. The impact of the American Revolution and the French Revolution extended far beyond the borders of those two countries. Other revolts followed, and in spite of a conservative reaction in Europe, the world was not the same afterward. Some common elements of the revolutionary era:
utilized by Cuban vegueros to those of tobacco farmers in Virginia and other parts of the world, demonstrating yet again the interconnectiveness of this region as knowledge was passed both north and south despite political and imperial boundaries.
Chapter 3, “Tobacco's Chosen People,” establishes the identity of Cuba’s vegueros from 1763 to 1817. Was the typical tobacco farmer a Canary Islander? Were they poor? W hat types of labor were used in the production of tobacco? Answers to these questions challenge the prevailing image of the colonial Cuban veguero, presenting a very different view of the types of people directly engaged in or sponsoring tobacco cultivation Tazmias, the accounting documents that recorded the amount of tobacco grown, allow modem scholars to reconstruct a vital aspect of colonial Cuba’s tobacco economy by identifying and describing those who were involved in its cultivation. Cuban officials used these documents, abundant in number, to keep track of who grew tobacco, the number of people involved in other aspects of its production, and the amount of tobacco grown. Every year in the areas where tobacco was grown, the capitdn de partido or other another local official collected the necessary information and passed it on to officials in Havana, usually the captain general. Combined with the resguardo»the enforcement branch of the monopoly discussed in greater detail in a subsequent chapter, these accounting sheets were another mechanism used by the government to ensure that all tobacco destined for the Real Factoria indeed was delivered.53
There exist different methods and definition how to measure poverty. It can be measured by income or consumption, objectively or as a perception of individuals for their socio-economic situation.The objective and subjective poverty are highly correlated and both are influenced by socio- economic factors. Till now, it is the objective poverty mostly considered while the subjective one has been analyzed only as a part of it. Assessments of the subjective poverty are more scarce, especially in the case of transition countries. Different studies proposed advantages and disadvantages of using each method. The significance of different factors shows the characteristics and the trend of monetary or subjective poverty. The national poverty is Albania is calculated through monetary poverty. There are a set of influenced factors related with household composition, geographic division, education and other socio-economic indicators. In this paper we analyze the perception of individuals for the poverty, the relationship of this perception with the objective poverty, and the socio-demographic factors that influence the probability of being poor. There are used the data from the Albanian Living Standard Measurement Survey (LSMS).
Phylogenetic tree of the class 4 HDACs. The represented tree is a maximum-likelihood (ML) tree produced with PHYML (using the WAG model of protein evolution). Rooting is arbitrary. Numbers above the internal branches are their bootstrap support values (100 bootstrap replicates). Only bootstrap support values >50% are shown. Other internal branches (with bootstrap support <50%) should be considered unreliable. In addition to the values shown for the other statistically supported internal branches (ML WAG), some key internal branches are labelled with additional statistical support values obtained by other methods of phylogenetic reconstruction or other models of evolution: bootstrap support in PHYML analysis with the JTT model of evolution (ML JTT; 100 bootstrap replicates), ML quartet puzzling support (QP; 25,000 puzzling steps), bootstrap support in neighbour-joining (NJ) analysis (BioNJ algorithm, 10,000 bootstrap replicates), bootstrap support in maximum-parsi- mony (MP) analysis (heuristic search; 500 bootstrap replicates), and posterior probabilities (Bayesian inference, BI). More details on the phylogenetic analyses can be found in the Methodssection and additional trees can be found in Additional Files 3, 4, 5. Eukaryotic lineages are marked by a bold "E". Colored circles highlight internal nodes defining monophyletic groups dis- cussed in the main text. Black circles define two large groups: the "eukaryotic group" including proteins of species belonging to three of the main eukaryotic lineages, namely the opisthokonta (metazoa), plantae (viridiplantae), and chromalveolata (alveo- lata), and the "mixed group" comprising proteins of species belonging to various eubacterial and eukaryotic lineages. The grey circle denotes, inside the mixed group, a monophyletic group containing both eukaryotic and eubacterial sequences. The red circle indicates a monophyletic group comprising class 4 HDACs of nine animals; these HDACs show closer resemblance to eubacterial proteins than to those of other animals. The yellow circle defines a group comprising four HDACs of distantly related eukaryotic planctonic species. The orange circle denotes a group comprising an HDAC sequence of the cnidarian Nematostella vectensis and those of two unrelated eubacteria. The multiple alignment on which this tree is based is available as Additional File 8.
220. George Rutherglen, Title VII Class Actions, 47 U. C HI . L. R EV . 688, 713 (1980). 221. E.g., Regents of the Univ. of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 363 (1978) (Brennan, White, Marshall, Blackmun, JJ., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (reasoning that affirmative action “does not require as a predicate proof that recipients of preferential advancement have been individually discriminated against; it is enough that each recipient is within a general class of persons likely to have been the victims of discrimination”); Robert E. Buckholz, Jr. et al., The Remedial Process in Institutional Reform Litigation, 78 C OLUM . L. R EV . 784, 875 (1978) (referring to “the professional group rights litigator” who brings these sorts of cases). 222. E.g., President Ronald Reagan, Radio Address of the President to the Nation 1–2 (June 15, 1985) (insisting that the notion that “our civil rights laws only apply to special groups . . . could not be more wrong”) (transcript available at the Hoover Institution, Edwin Meese Papers, Box 114); see also C HARLES F RIED , O RDER AND L AW : A RGUING THE R EAGAN
And before that I decided, between the college and going to work for the – oh, I went to work for a foundation in the city and I decided that I wanted to, I read a book called Patterns of Race in the Americas and the author referred to an anthropologist at Columbia, Marvin Harris, so I decided that I wanted to do that kind of work. I got a grant from Ford Foundation to do oral histories. I wanted to do some work on the Cape Verdean American experience which at that time there was none, very little existing on either the history of Cape Verde or the Cape Verdean American experience. So I got a grant and it was through that that I came across this book. I went to speak to Marvin Harris, who had done his work in Brazil, was familiar with Cape Verde, and he said, “Why don’t you come and do doctoral work here?” So I applied. It was in my first marriage. I was not accepted and my
cerned with capitalism, they are “born of the crisis of Fordism, as manifestations op- posing various processes of dispossession, which took place globally after the 1970s economic crisis as way to solve the problem of falling capital profitability” (Cini et al. 2017, 441). Accumulation by dispossession (e.g. expropriation) is fundamentally about generating new capital opportunities and commodification attempts. While fighting off shore drilling is of course an environmental problem, it is only fully under- standable when we recognise the underlying class-nature. Similarly, the LGBT movement, as Hetland and Goodwing convincingly show, has been significantly shaped by capitalist dynamics (Barker et al. 2013). Hence, through class analysis we see that issues of the dispossessed are also structured by the capitalist profit logic, leading their struggles to be what E.P. Thompson calls “class struggle without class” as participants (and analysts) often do not recognise these struggle’s class character (yet).
This article develops Welke’s theme and proposes that in the field of legal history, the analyses can not be limited to “race, gender, or class,” but that matrices of race, gender, and class must be considered at their intersections, “race, and gender, and class,” where they might shed light on the significance of shifting legal modalities. It explores how race, gender, and class as legal policy in the 19th century could be crucial for the formation of family and marital relationships in the private sphere. The focus here is upon free women of color living in the antebellum North who had been the previously enslaved partners and biological children of their owners. The men made them bequests of manumission and property in their wills, because the law of slavery did not recognize them as spouses and members of the men’s families. Trusts and estates law gave the men a loophole to force societal recognition of the women and children. Their status as slave women in the South limited their ability to defend their claims, however. Denied the legal status of white wives and children, moving to northern states was crucial for defining them as family members and for ensuring their change in class status from object of property to property owner. Legal institutions in northern jurisdictions like Cincinnati, Ohio, were instrumental in effectuating this change.
understanding of the historian.’ (p. 99) We could say something very similar about science: science imposes a conceptual structure upon the world in order to make sense of it.(8) Like many ‘historians of a particular kind’, Munslow seems to be working from a fairly outdated concept of the philosophy of science here. Ultimately, one of the reasons that a postmodernist philosophy of history has largely failed to make much of an impact is its refusal by and large to examine what it is that historians actually do, preferring instead to concentrate on a priori literary theory – favouring prescription over description. Herman Paul has recently argued for something like a ‘performative turn’ in the philosophy of history: focusing upon what historians actually do as opposed to looking at the finished product.(9) And as we have seen, Frank Ankersmit quite sensibly argues philosophers of history need to take what historians actually do as their starting point, and move on from there. Complain as he might that historians are failing to take the writings of Jenkins et al. seriously, Munslow doesn’t seem to understand that as long as he continues to produce prescriptions which are far divorced from the actual practise of history, he is fated to become something like a Priestley of historical method; clinging to phlogiston theory while all around him move on.
Bifurcation of Liability and Damages in Rule 23(b)(3) Class Actions History, Policy, Problems, and a Solution SMU Law Review Volume 36 | Issue 2 Article 4 1982 Bifurcation of Liability and Damages in[.]