History of social and political thought of 19th century China

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Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

11 Marx summarises his conception of history as follows: 'This conception of history thus relies on expounding the real process of production - starting from the material production of life itself - and comprehending the form of intercourse connected with and created by this mode of production, i.e., civil society in its various stages, as the basis of all history; describing it in its action as the state, and also explaining how all the different theoretical products and forms of consciousness, religion, philosophy, morality, etc., etc., arise from it and tracing the process of their formation from that basis; thus the whole thing can, of course be depicted in its totality (and therefore, too, the reciprocal action of these various sides on one another). It has not, like the idealist view of history, to look for a category in every period, but remains constantly on the real ground of history ; it does not explain practice from the idea but explains the formation of idea from material practice, and accordingly it comes to the conclusion that all forms and products of consciousness cannot be dissolved by mental criticism, by resolution into 'self-consciousness' or transformation into 'apparitions', 'spectres', 'whimsies', etc. but only by the practical overthrow of the actual social relations which give rise to this idealistic humbug; that not criticism but revolution is the driving force of history, also of religion, of philosophy and all other kinds of theory.' Marx, German Ideology. Collected Works Vol. 5 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), p.53-4.
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History, method, and pluralism: A re interpretation of Isaiah Berlin's political thought

History, method, and pluralism: A re interpretation of Isaiah Berlin's political thought

To be sure, Berlin’s acute awareness of the concrete background conditions of philosophical analysis as discussed in last chapter is again at work here. Indeed, the point o f the quotation in question is that without the existence o f the valuing subject, that is, human beings, there are no values. If this is true, then human values are what men project onto the world rather than, so to speak, a piece o f furniture o f the world. One may term this way o f understanding value as a ‘projectivist’ conception o f value. Surely that is consistent with the secularised version o f the ancient Judaeo-Christian verum/factum principle Berlin attributes to Vico, according to which all cultural institutions are human constructs - or in other words, human beings are the creator of their social world, including morality and values. And by endorsing this projectivism, Berlin appears to declare his adherence to the Romantic assertion that ‘it cannot be that values, namely aims or ends which human beings strive for, are outside us, whether in nature or in God, because if they were outside us, and if their intensity determined our actions, then we should be slaves to them - it would be an extremely sublime form o f slavery, but slavery nevertheless.’5 However, as disclosed by Berlin himself to his interviewer Jahanbgloo, it is - again - through Herzen the he learnt that values are human creations and what that means morally.6 In any event, Berlin judges Herzen to be ‘one o f the earliest o f those who, perhaps influenced by Romantic theories, thought that we did not discover values but created them, and that the purpose o f life was life itself ’7 And that means, on the one hand, life has no purpose beyond itself and, on the other, no values can be said to be higher than men and hence no men can be sacrificed in the name o f a higher values unless he himself has so chosen and is prepared to die for it. According to Berlin, no one who expressed this before Herzen had ever stated it in such clear terms. And if Herzen is right, then the perennial question ‘what is the purpose o f life?’ is a meaningless one, for there is no such ‘purpose’ out there to be ‘discovered’. That is to say, given that ‘purpose’ entails human beings who conceive purposes, the fact that life is a process o f living rather than an object or a thing means that the term ‘purpose’ does not apply to it anyway. Or,
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Tractarians and the 'Condition of England': The Social and Political Thought of the Oxford Movement

Tractarians and the 'Condition of England': The Social and Political Thought of the Oxford Movement

Skinner's Tractarians and the 'Condition of England' is a work of exemplary research and revisionist analysis. His research has carried him into a broad range of manuscript sources that have received only marginal use in the past. Moreover, unlike any previous Tractarian historian, Skinner has made extensive use of the British Critic, the journal that served as the major Tractarian publication from late l838 to late l843. He has also delved extensively into the novels of William Gresley and Francis Edward Paget (Tractarian sympathisers whose books portrayed the contemporary clerical world, most particularly in the countryside). Skinner's exploration of both sets of printed materials illustrates the manner in which remarkably rich historical sources stand readily available on library shelves for the taking by the imaginative and industrious historian. In particular, the British Critic is not a rare publication. It is to be found in many major research libraries and its contributors have long been identified. Historians of the Tractarian Movement have all too rarely taken the initiative to read it. Skinner, in this book and in an excellent previously published 1999 article from the Journal of Ecclesiastical History (which might usefully have been incorporated into his present book), has carefully and fulsomely analysed the British Critic, thus producing a major new contribution to our understanding of the Tractarian enterprise.
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Designing video and audio resources on the history of political thought

Designing video and audio resources on the history of political thought

generally delivered without a script and certainly without the aid of an autocue that helps smooth presentation on television, meaning that even the best lecture will struggle with coherency over a long period of time. Nor should a lecture be reduced to a recording session for a VAR as this will diminish the sense of spontaneity and reaction to the audience, which is stock-in-trade to the lecturer and vital in building social capital amongst the students on a module.

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Constructing the ideal river: the 19th century origins of the first international organizations

Constructing the ideal river: the 19th century origins of the first international organizations

One modernist tendency is to group the natural and social world into the same bundle of things that rational, scientific processes can act upon and improve. In his exposition into the malaria outbreak that swept through Egypt in 1942, Timothy Mitchell contends that nature was not the cause but rather the outcome of complex interactions between the human and nonhuman forces, to include the mosquito, the sugar cane, the Aswan dam, World War II, the chemical industry and international capitalism, that made the epidemic possible (2002: 35). The false dichotomy between human and nature emerged as technical expertise gained an increasing role in politics and strove to reduce the world to powerful stories of simple causes and oppositions. Mitchell outlines three features of this expertise-driven political outlook. First, there is a concentration, centralization and reformulation of knowledge, and secondly, continuous practical difficulties resulting in failures and constant adjustments that are, thirdly, continuously overlooked by subsequent attempts to apply the same models (Mitchell 2002: 41-2). Therefore, the history of technical expertise becomes one of covering up past mistakes and smoothing out the historical record into a story of linear scientific progress. This model of technical progress is then applied to different temporal and geographical contexts in an effort to generate similar results. At most, small adjustments are made to account for local context; these adjustments leave untouched the underlying assumption of the truth of the model. The empirical analysis which follows bears out Mitchell’s observations. Acts of smoothing over past failures and simplifying historical lessons perpetuated the idea that diplomats were simply applying a successful past model to the present problem.
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The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The enumeration of these ‘overlooked’ issues is more than just the standard complaint that the editors have not produced a different book. The essence of 1848 was its multinationalism. Revolutionary contagion spreading from France, and comparable events taking place across a number of different polities, spurred intensive analysis of foreign politics as well as new kinds of self-examination and abstract theorising. Ideas about and inspired by the revolutions were not cemented within specific national contexts: clearly, the revolutions could not have happened in the first place if that was how mid-19th-century political thought worked. So a series of studies nearly all of which remain enclosed within specific national borders can only take us so far in understanding the intellectual impact of 1848. The ‘comparative pan-European perspective’ we are promised in the introduction never arrives, or at least, the readers are expected to do the comparative heavy lifting themselves. Much ‘Cambridge’ work on early modern political thought has been exceptionally good at reaching across geographical borders in thinking about the circulation and influence of specific texts, and indeed it clearly lies, in part, behind work now being done in modern European history which applies similar interpretative structures. It seems a pity, given the range of approaches already encompassed by the volume, that it could not make any gestures in these crucial directions.
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The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

with external pressures. Historically, Chang argued, the Chinese tended to accept foreign cultures or people rather than demonstrate cultural exclusiveness.’® When Buddhism entered China in the Han dynasty, he indicated, the Chinese people embraced it without demonstrating any sentiments of exclusivity. Even in the initial period of Christian missionary activity, the Chinese people welcomed Christianity jubilantly, just as plants welcome rain after a long period of drought.’* The Chinese people demonstrated nationalist sentiments only when they faced threat from foreign forces. Since the late nineteenth century, Chang argued, the Westem powers had demonstrated their intention to take Chinese land and enslave Chinese people. It was only natural that the Chinese people developed sentiments of anti-foreignism. 'Supposing those people in what are called modem political societies face such a situation,' asked Chang, would they give up the fight?’’^ In fact, Chang maintained, nationalism was much stronger in Westem societies than in China. There had been a string of independence movements in Europe since the nineteenth century, such as in Germany, Ireland, Hungary etc. There was discrimination against the red and black races in America. Even socialists in Europe did not consider the yellow peoples capable of benefiting from the socialist system.’^ The Westem nations not only had nationalism, Chang charged, they even had totemic symbols such as their national flags. They too were in a patriarchal stage, or worse still, in a savage stage.’"* Saying this, Chang launched a personal attack against Yen Fu and his pro-Westem position:
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Alternative Modernity of the Princely states- Evaluating the Architecture of Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda

Alternative Modernity of the Princely states- Evaluating the Architecture of Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda

The British initiated various development works in the main cities of Presidencies like Bombay, Madras, Calcutta, and Rangoon and these became the models for emulation for the other regions. The changes included political organizations, social reforms and architecture, which led to the introduction of new technologies, social institutions and bureaucratic government structures especially towards the latter half of the nineteenth century. This led to states such as Travancore, Mysore and Baroda establishing departments of public works and education from the mid-nineteenth century. In the princely states, the British established schools for the education of the princes and in some privileged states, personalized tutors were also appointed. The perceived goal was to encourage princes to modernize, to educate their sons and train them in philanthropy, etiquette and sport, especially cricket and at times to instigate reforms and develop educational institutions promoting liberal traditions while simultaneously maintaining a feudal system (Lang, J., Desai, M. & Desai, M. 1997). Some of these princes also travelled abroad and studied the reforms and policies of the places they visited. Efforts were then put in to try to reproduce similar possibilities wherever applicable in their states. When opportunities for Indians were limited in the Indian Civil Services, some Indian nationalists joined the administrations of princely states where they could demonstrate their administrative competence and exercise significant executive power. Also there were administrators like Madhava Rao, who acquired wide fame for his work with modernising Travancore, and later on Indore from 1873 till 1875 and Baroda from1873 till 1875 (Ramusack, B. 2008). All this resulted in requirement of various buildings like law courts, administrative offices, commercial enterprises such as insurance companies and trading houses. Housing projects also became important due to influx of people into the urban areas.
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Reinventing History  The Enlightenment Origins of Ancient History

Reinventing History The Enlightenment Origins of Ancient History

Carsten Lange examines the ancient accounts of the Battle of Actium and the reconstructions of the battle in 18th-century scholarly literature (pp. 115–36). Already ancient sources present two opposing views of the course of the battle: according to one, Cleopatra betrayed Antonius by abandoning the battlefield and the ‘slave of passion’ lost the battle and universal rule in deciding to follow her; but according to another ancient source, the flight of Antonius and Cleopatra was part of a pre-arranged battle plan. Enlightenment scholars already engaged with source criticism and opted for one solution or the other based on their assessment of the sources, thus demonstrating that the scientific treatment of the sources was not unknown during the Enlightenment. Modern scholarship has overwhelmingly opted for the second option; but as Lange shows, not only does this view have its predecessors in the Enlightenment, but there are also good reasons for which modern research should opt for an alternative solution, which was already being expressed during the 18th century.
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What is the point of egalitarian social relationships?

What is the point of egalitarian social relationships?

What if egalitarian social relationships are instead, as per O’Neill, viewed as having impersonal value? In this case, I am inclined to agree with Schemmel that such a view seems ‘mysterious’. The idea of impersonal value itself is sometimes thought to be mysterious. Can something be valuable even though it is not good for anybody, or anything? I think it can be, though this doesn’t mean that I find the view non-mysterious or -abstract. The idea of impersonal value seems most clear when the value is completely independent of human lives. Consider, to use a well-known example, the Grand Canyon. Aside from the value that this has for people, it arguably has a value beyond that. Even if everyone in the world would be a tiny bit better off if we built a giant parking lot in the Grand Canyon, that would seem to disrespect the inherent (and impersonal) value that it holds. Another example might be biodiversity. Is the world in which a common big cats dies as bad as the one in which the last tiger dies? I think the second may well be worse, and it is hard to fully spell this out in terms which relay all the value lost back to individual lives – it might just be that a world with no tigers is worse than a world with tigers, even if it isn’t worse for anybody or anything.
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The phenomena of power and freedom in the political worldview of A  S  Pushkin

The phenomena of power and freedom in the political worldview of A S Pushkin

On the other hand, it is precisely Pushkin who (unlike the materialists such as V. G. Belinsky, N. G. Chernyshevsky, D. I. Pisarev, the populists of the 70s, as well as the anti- materialists – N. V. Gogol, L. N. Tolstoy, F. M. Dostoevsky, and others) practically did not suffer from “social dreaminess”. Berdyaev, like many others, writes that Pushkin cannot be attributed to intellectuals. However, the Russian literature after him “becomes learning, it searches for the truth and teaches the realization of the truth”. “Russian thinkers ... always looked for not so much a perfect culture, perfect products of creativity, but a perfect life, a perfect truth of life” [4]. Berdyaev also refers Pushkin to the creators of a perfect culture and calls him the only representative of the Russian Renaissance. This conclusion was made by the philosopher on the grounds that Pushkin, in several written sources that came down to us, repeats, “The goal of art is the ideal, not moral teaching” [5, v. 10, p. 141]. It is often believed (as Berdyaev also believed) that aestheticism is meant, an aesthetic ideal is opposed to the moral ideal (“moralizing”). But still, another point of view looks more reasonable: the poet contrasts the ideal and the reality, the proper and the real. And in this respect, Pushkin is no different from other Russian writers. He has a moral ideal, but he does not try to teach something, does not construct an ideal model. He simply shows this ideal in the unity of form and content in a way that no one else has ever succeeded. Only in Pushkin’s work is the presence of the ideal so familiar that we stop noticing it. As G. P. Fedotov notes, “In this death of habitual perfection is the main reason for the coldness of Pushkin we often have” [6, p. 365].
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Sensitivity of mid-19th century tropospheric ozone to atmospheric chemistry-vegetation interactions

Sensitivity of mid-19th century tropospheric ozone to atmospheric chemistry-vegetation interactions

The changes in the tropospheric ozone burden between each of our scenarios and the PI CTRL simulation is shown in Table 3. The simulations indicate a change in the mod- elled ozone burden of between -3.3 Tg (1.6 %) under the VEG 2000 scenario to 1.3 Tg (0.6 %) under the CLIM 2000 scenario. Using interannual standard deviation from our model runs, we estimate a range in variability on our estimates of the troposheric ozone burden of between 8.7 Tg (4.4 %) for the VEG 2000 scenario to 10.9 Tg (5.3 %) for the CO2 DDBVOC scenario. Overall this shows that the sensitivities of tropospheric ozone (in the mid-19th century) to different treatments of atmospheric chemistry-vegetation interactions is smaller than the inter-annual variability. In this study we have shown that uncertainties arising from assumptions regarding the represenations of atmopheric chemisty-vegetation can add to this variability in our best estimate of atmospheric con- ditions in the mid-19th century which further stresses the case for better representation of these processes in Earth-system models.
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Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology

Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology

Abstract:- This study discussed the position and role of the Emperor based on two Constitutions that have been and are in force in Japan, namely the Meiji Constitution and the 1947 Constitution. The focus of this study was to describe Articles governing the position and role of the Emperor in Japanese government are implemented. The study found that articles governing the position of Emperor in the Meiji Constitution were not properly implemented due to military domination in the government. Emperor Hirohito in reality did not have full power in carrying out his functions according to the institution. Articles governing the position and function of the Emperor in the 1947 Constitution are proper. Emperor Hirohito, who was later replaced by Prince Akihito, carried out his position as a symbol of state unity by carrying out his ceremonial duties. Political ideology was very strong in the Meiji Constitution, while social ideology flows under the 1947 constitution. Emperor Akihito's throne, which will be replaced by Crown Prince Naruhito in April 2019, does not seem to have an effect on the implementation of the 1947 Constitution based on social ideology.
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The political and social thought of Thomas Paine 1737 1809

The political and social thought of Thomas Paine 1737 1809

Independence these War the throughout Published Ct periodically 9 argumntgl against recon_ P&POrS reiterated seventeen patriotic efforts., and exhorted revolutionary with -britaing cilia[r]

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Understanding of Social Media - History & Imp...

Understanding of Social Media - History & Imp...

Much before the rise of the Internet, some of the mass media played a significant role in the execution of social interactions. However, these mediums carried forward the one-on-one communication and were radically conventional means, but they were the best possible routes for creating a passage of communication. In the year 1792, the telegraph was invented, and this turned out to be a remarkable way to convey the information or messages. With this invention, people could send their message to relatives, friends, and close ones. People felt connected in a better way. Above all, the usage of telegraph helped immensely in establishing world harmony by reducing national- rivalries.
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Marx, Romanticism and the Importance of Superstructure in Evaluating Progress

Marx, Romanticism and the Importance of Superstructure in Evaluating Progress

Aboriginal people preserved this way of life, even when possibilities for more advanced or all- encompassing agricultural modes presented themselves, in part because of their superstructural commitment to upholding their custodial relationship with the land (Swain 1993, 76). Although this meant that people were unable to access the sorts of surpluses seen in other societies, this also prevented, as Marx’s and Rousseau’s positions suggest, the development of inequalities and class conflict. While there were stark gender differences in roles, particularly with regard to productive activities (Hiatt 1996, 64), these differences did not translate into inequalities. Men and women had different but balanced places in society, each occupying their own realms with their own responsibilities and entitlements (Rose 1987, xiv). The different productive roles had different challenges and benefits, but neither could be regarded as being better or worse by any commensurate measure (Hiatt 1996, 64). People were made interdependent, having to rely upon one another for resources and goods which were held by specific groups within societies, but without an overarching, hierarchical order seen in agricultural and post-agricultural societies (Swain 1993, 52, 53). In general, social units were relatively small, with kin units interacting within “ranges,” collectively constituting a community of people in custodial relationship with a particular land (Keen 1984, 25). These bands would interact across lands to exchange goods, creating a network of trading countries across the continent (Flood 1989, 250–51) without the presence of money (Sykes 1989, 19) and the attendant possibility of class conflict.
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Contributions of Muslim Scholars to the History of Economic Thought and Analysis upto 15th Century

Contributions of Muslim Scholars to the History of Economic Thought and Analysis upto 15th Century

In the known history of prophets, it is only the Last Prophet of Islam (peace be upon all of them) who was able to transform the disintegrated and anarchic people of Arabia into a well-established and organized state. He passed through the stages of persecution, boycott, migration, and war and peace. He gave all the necessary principles of good governance and trained his followers in such a way that they established ideal caliphate based on justice, equity, shura (mutual consultation) and God-fearing. At the same time, he never forbade to benefit from the good experiences of others. It was in this environment that the early writings on political and economic themes started (in loose term on political economy). They addressed practical problems arising due to expanding rule of Islamic caliphate such as economic responsibilities of the government, management of lands, administration of revenue, public expenditure, supervision and control of market activities, provision of necessary goods and services, improvements of the economic condition of people and development of the economy as a whole, etc. As noted above in section two, Muslim scholars started writing on economic issues as a response to emerging situations and problems faced, hence they had pragmatic orientation. In the later period they also benefited from the writings and experiences of people with whom they came into contact.
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Article
                        
                        
                        The fall of Edward II: Failures in kingship and masculinity, the letter of Manuel Fieschi and the cult of resurrected celebrities

Article The fall of Edward II: Failures in kingship and masculinity, the letter of Manuel Fieschi and the cult of resurrected celebrities

2 The mysterious and supposedly brutal end to Edward II’s reign and life has long stood as a murky and bloody chapter in the history of English royalty. Recent research and analysis has shown that medieval kingship and gender are inextricably linked, and that it was Edward’s failure to meet expected gender norms that caused him to be an unsuccessful king, which, in turn, doomed his reign. But the Plantagenet king deposed and murdered in a cell at Berkeley Castle, allegedly by having a red-hot poker thrust up into his bowels, has split the opinion of historians on the subject of the circumstances of his death, if he even died at Berkeley at all. His death and its circumstances were further complicated after the discovery of an authentic contemporary letter, written by an Italian cleric and addressed to Edward III, claiming that the old king was, in fact, alive and well, living out his days as a hermit in Italy.
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Regional economic development under trade liberalisation, technological change and market
access: evidence from 19th century France and Belgium

Regional economic development under trade liberalisation, technological change and market access: evidence from 19th century France and Belgium

The evolutionary approach to economic geography emphasises synergies with both the NEG and the IEG literature without loosing its distinct focus, which is to emphasize the evolution of the economic landscape over time (Boschma and Martin, 2010). According to Boschma and Frenken (2006) evolutionary economic geography (EEG) is unique in its core assumptions, units of analysis and type of explanations. From a methodological per- spective EEG values methodological pluralims applying formal modelling and statistical testing of theoretical propositions alongside case study approaches. Key assumptions a more closely shared with the IEG literature which assumes "economic action to be contex- tual rather than driven by maximisation calculus." (Boschma and Frenken, 2006, p. 292). EEG focuses mainly on organizational routines determining economic behaviour and rm or industry location. Organizational routines are shaped by path dependencies, or put dierently by organizational routines acquired in the past, innovation as well as relocation. Following Nelson and Winter (1982) the unit of analysis is organizational routines at the rm level. Firms are studied from a historical perspective in which entry, exit and spinos are attributed special attention. For instance, Klepper (2007, 2010) highlights the impor- tance of spinos for the forming of successful clusters like the automobile industry around Detroit and the semiconductor industry in Silicon Valley. As spinos are more likely to locate close to their parent rms in order to exploit location specic economic and social knowledge, spatial clusters emerge. Thus, clusters are persistent and self-reproducing, even if localization economies are absent (Boschma and Frenken, 2011), and the location of the cluster is determined by the location of the initial successful parent (Klepper, 1996). Apart
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Review Article:Radicalism and Protest

Review Article:Radicalism and Protest

Lancashire did have its radical moment in the 1790s, and (despite the more restricted dates of the title) the book does deal with this, as it does with the later United Englishmen of 1798–1801. Navickas’s point, however, is that political opposition was effectively silenced in public after the mid-1790s, and the movement which emerged a decade later was different in both ideology and personnel. In between, the reform movement consisted of a few islands of resistance defined mainly by their relationship to the dominant loyalism: the odd village of obstinate gauls (radical Royton and millennial Ashton), local bards who refused to be silenced (Robert Walker and the Wilsons), a heroic opposition newspaper (Cowdroy’s Manchester Gazette), and passing waves of food rioters with an alarming propensity to turn on magistrates and employers. Liverpool meanwhile had the best-organised political dissent in the form of the ‘friends of peace’. In stressing the separateness of this movement from popular radicalism (and from Manchester), Navickas parts company from Peter Spence’s ‘romantic radicalism’ thesis which in other respects her work seems to support.
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