Impact of the Korean War

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“Write your Life!” : enforced autobiography and Cold War subjectivities in the Korean War (1950 1953)

“Write your Life!” : enforced autobiography and Cold War subjectivities in the Korean War (1950 1953)

As Paul Gready notes, ‘to be a prisoner is to be variously written’ (493). Whilst tales the lone male prisoner writing in captivity undoubtedly are of long-standing precedent within Western literature, from John Bunyan to Oscar Wilde, critical attention toward the modern prison as an institution accelerated in the second half of the twentieth century. The compilation of Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks between 1948 and 1951 made the historical discipline acutely aware of writing that could take place within prison walls, as did the publication of Marc Bloch’s The Historian’s Craft (1954) which had been written ‘amid sorrows and anxieties personal and collective’ in Occupied France in 1941 (Gramsci; Bloch, xix). Thus, even as Korean War was still raging, academic disciplines were beginning to consider the writing of the prisoner. From the 1970s British and American critics began to examine the literary attributes of prison narratives (Parker; Ball; Franklin; Harlow). Writing produced by political prisoners under the Apartheid regime in South Africa has been especially significant. Gready argues that South African prison authorities used methods such as interrogation to violently destroy the prisoner’s own life story and sense of self. Subsequently any material produced by prisoners, from graffiti on prison walls to later autobiographical accounts, was an attempt to regain ‘control’ in response to this violence towards their life narrative (492). Gready’s interpretation testifies to the enduring importance of Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish to the study of captivity. Foucault’s genealogy traces modern disciplinary methods from the gruesome punishment of regicide in 1757 to Bentham’s all-seeing prison design of the ‘Panopticon’ and to the Western prison system in the 1970s (Foucault, Discipline and Punish). Whilst Foucault’s critics have questioned his chronology and use of source material (Gibson, 1040), his terminology has had a profound and pervasive impact, not least on studies of captivity.
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The Korean War

The Korean War

In short, the most information provided in this book is on the motives for and on the details of American policy. The first problem with this is that the account of American decisions is patchy and uneven. For example, the reader is given the name of the American ambassador at the time of the ROK's initial attack despite his apparent insignificance (he appears to have had no impact on policy and appears neither before or after his name is mentioned). But the reader is denied far more significant information. For example, General John Reed Hodge is identified as a key decision maker in Korea in the aftermath of the Japanese defeat and the reader is given a thumbnail sketch of the man's personality, his political convictions and his approach to Korea. Having introduced the reader to the General ('Hodge hailed from rural Illinois') and having identified him as the man who promoted Syngman Rhee, Hodge is then forgotten by the author and never mentioned again. Having been identified as an early key player in formulating American policy and as a MacArthur place man it might have been useful to provide a broader consideration of Hodge's reign. This would certainly seem to be the case when it is considered that he remained in charge of the American military government of Korea until 1948, a period which included such colourful episodes as his threatening to kill Rhee's main rival Kim Ku.
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Racial and Imperial Thinking in International Theory and Politics: Truman, Attlee and the Korean War

Racial and Imperial Thinking in International Theory and Politics: Truman, Attlee and the Korean War

This article considers liberal internationalist claims against the leadership and worldviews of President Truman and Prime Minister Attlee during the Korean War. The war should appear limited, inconsequential in great power politics, and little affecting European affairs, especially the production of peace. Yet, East Asia, as part of the Western security order, should also exhibit the exercise of the more positive aspects of Western or Anglo-American value, especially the rule of law. Should historical evidence confound the precepts of liberal internationalism, we would expect to find that: Anglo-American foreign policy making is dominated by imperially- minded militaristic leaders; their leaders exhibit racialised thinking and policies; they wage war in the periphery mainly for ‘core’ power imperatives, with methods signifying little regard for local peoples or the rule of law; and those periphery wars impact significantly on core powers.
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Some Lessons from Korea's Industrialization Strategy and Experience

Some Lessons from Korea's Industrialization Strategy and Experience

The industrialization drive requires quite a considerable effort from the government and industry. Initiating the industrial take-off and then coordinating to ensure that the push to industrialize be sustained requires both planning and continued monitoring of the economy. In Korea, the government body that was responsible for the planning and coordination effort was the Economic Planning Board (EPB), which was created in 1961. As one scholar of Korean public administration puts it, "it is hard to imagine the successful economic development of South Korea without the EPB" (Choi 2014). It occupied the center of the nation's economic policy making and coordination structure, and had a great deal of control over other economic ministries and agencies.
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It is not their war: the impact of military operations on Philippine migrant care workers for elderly people in Israel

It is not their war: the impact of military operations on Philippine migrant care workers for elderly people in Israel

The sample included 147 Philippine migrant care work- ers employed as caregivers for elderly people living in the northern and southern regions of Israel in private residences in the community. The reason for choosing only Philippine migrant care workers as study participants was that at the time of the Second Lebanon War (2006), most of the 20,000 migrant care workers in Israel were from the Philippines. As the study evolved, when seeking participants after the two other military operations, it was only obvious to choose Philippine participants again, to try to keep the characteris- tics of this group as similar as possible to those of the first group. From the two designated geographic areas, Northern and Southern Israel, we randomly chose four agencies that employed both local Israelis and Philippine migrant care workers for the elderly. The reason for choosing these two particular geographic areas was that both were under major bombing attacks, which endangered the lives of the civilians living there. During the Protective Edge Operation, civilians living in Israel’s central region were also at risk due to the bombings. Yet, for the purposes of the study, it was decided to limit the recruitment of participants to these two geographic areas. We contacted the directors of the sampled employ- ment agencies directly, explained the goal of the study, and asked for their cooperation in distributing the questionnaires to their employment agents, so that they would contact the relevant employees, ie, the Philippine migrant care work- ers who had been in Israel during all of the three military events mentioned herein. At this stage, the sampling method became a snowball sample, because the employment agents asked the Philippine migrant care workers they knew to ask
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Developmental state and its role in aid effectiveness: lessons Ethiopia can derive from Korea’s experience

Developmental state and its role in aid effectiveness: lessons Ethiopia can derive from Korea’s experience

After seventeen years of bloody civil war, the incumbent regime called Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which is a coalition of four likeminded and Ethnic based political parties, came to power. And as such, the initial situation like that of South Korea was characterized by backward and aid dependent economy, an illiterate and totally impoverished social fabric, a political economy infested with rent-seeking attitude and so on. The Ethiopian case was even worse than Korean because what has been considered as pluses in Korea economy like that of ethnic homogeneity, communitarian and egalitarian social status were missing. As a result, there were more than seventeen ethnically organized armed groups by the time EPRDF took power and the country was on the verge of complete collapse. Thus, it was a high policy agenda among the leaders of the EPRDF that the revolutionary democratic philosophy on which the party was built and its long fought vision of delivering democratic Ethiopia to the mass will not ultimately be a reality and the country will not be rescued from another civil war and disintegration unless a political economy which will bring about socio economic transformation is urgently designed and implemented. This political economy was thought to have the basic characteristics of developmental state and shall also constitute its own peculiar features which stem from the country’s particular situations. Although there is uncertainty as to when exactly EPRDF turned its face to building a developmental state in Ethiopia, it is implicitly mentioned on the training manual that the country declared itself to be pursuing the path of a developmental state since 2001 and according to government report (which in fact is shared in many instances by international economic institutions) the country has achieved tremendous economic growth in double digit since then. As I have explained under the previous topics, the Ethiopian version of developmental state shares many of the common features of a developmental state. But taking into consideration the unique scenario of the country (for example, the fact that the country is a multiethnic nation), Ethiopian Developmental State philosophy takes its own unique features. In the subsequent part of the article, I will only elaborate on these peculiar features of Ethiopian developmental state.
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Consuming Empire: Food Aid, Hunger, and Benevolence in the Cold War Asia and Pacific

Consuming Empire: Food Aid, Hunger, and Benevolence in the Cold War Asia and Pacific

breadth. Budae jjige for instance, indexes a form of national debt for many South Koreans and, in some cases, for Koreans in the diaspora as well. 38 It is a dish of militarism, hybridity, and nostalgia. The scene of Korean children eating the discarded scraps of what UN soldiers leave behind not only stand in for the real memories of many Koreans eating such food scraps and accepting assistance during the war, but also serves as a prescient forerunner of the American agricultural surplus—that is not quite “garbage” or trash, but undesirable “surplus”—of Public Law 480 for decades to come post-armistice. As I have outlined in my previous chapter, the agricultural bounty of American goods fed the bellies of Koreans both during the Korean war and the period after the 1953 armistice, when a formal pipeline and infrastructure of food aid were implemented in American-South Korean diplomatic relations. Such foods as budae jjige contribute to the memories and recollections of life in the wake of UN intervention, to the phenomenon of being intricately bound by a sense of debt—that is, the phenomenon of being both fed by and indebted to militarized benevolence, with all of the complicated and conflicting affects entangled with it. Such indebtedness invokes the military occupation, proxy war, poverty, and the sexualized economies enabled by such foods. Budae jjige is a product of militarism and serves as a prism to look at the refracted histories and narratives of American intervention in the Korean peninsula.
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Thesis

Thesis

These characteristics of authoritarian patriotism can be further seen from Ilbe's perceptions about the out-groups. First, the Democratic party is seen as the adherents of the North Korea due to their political actions such as sunshine policy and attempt to abolish the national security law. However, there are legitimate reasons why the Democratic party conducted these political actions. The sunshine policy purposed to create a cooperative relationship between South and North Korea. In this way, 40 agreements were made between the two nations from 1998 to 2002 (Pearl Jinju Kwon, 107). Moreover, South Korean citizens separated from their family due to the Korean civil war had an opportunity to meet their family in North. Thus, despite eventual failure of the sunshine policy, there were numerous benefits and legitimate purpose. Similarly, although the national security law purposes to catch spies from North Korea, it violates citizens’ privacy rights. Therefore, the Democratic party wants to abolish the security since they prioritize the citizens’ rights above the
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Consuming Empire: Food Aid, Hunger, and Benevolence in the Cold War Asia and Pacific

Consuming Empire: Food Aid, Hunger, and Benevolence in the Cold War Asia and Pacific

and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (the latter three in associated in trust relationship). To this point, literary and cultural studies scholars such as John R. Eperjesi, Chris Connery, Rob Wilson, and Arif Dirlik have teased out the cultural baggage of the issue of naming the Pacific that problematically utilizes umbrella terms to refer to a wide stretch of space as the “Pacific Rim,” “Asia-Pacific,” as well as “Euro-American Pacific,” and the “American Pacific” among other place names. Furthermore, Epeli Hau‘ofa’s articulations of Oceania includes the Pacific Islands that often get sidelined in discussions of the “Pacific Rim,” which focuses more on the continental hegemons of the U.S. and Australia, as well as economic powerhouses of Asia (Japan, Taiwan, China). For the purposes of this dissertation, I will use the term Asia and the Pacific Islands. These scholars have outlined how the American Pacific is an imagined idea of space, contingent on the naturalization of American colonial and military conquest from the nineteenth century to the present. American expansion and consolidation of the nation state in the nineteenth century until the mid-twentieth were the antecedents of Cold War projects of oceanic expansions and militarized cementings of power.
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Typology and Characteristic Analysis of Korean War Heritage: A Focus on the Republic of Korea

Typology and Characteristic Analysis of Korean War Heritage: A Focus on the Republic of Korea

concentrated in four heritages (regions) including, DMZ-related heritage, Korean Wartime Capital Busan-related heritage, Operation Chromite-related heritage, and Geoje POW Camp-related heritage. Overall, rather than the fierce combat sites, they had a strong recognition of the DMZ, the symbol of the North-South Division, Korean Wartime Capital, Busan, which shows the traces of one million refugees, and the POW Camp, which was the second battleground related to ideologies. This result is consistent with a recent international perspective on war heritage from new perspectives, such as international peace, reconciliation, and cooperation, breaking from the sense of a simple physical conflict. In addition, since there is an expanding tendency now to look at war heritages as subjects of education and lesson and to utilize them as educational places for future generations, there is a need for a systematic conservation of the Korean War Heritage.
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The Poetics of Disclosure Narrating the Six-Day War in the Poetry of Nizar Qabbani

The Poetics of Disclosure Narrating the Six-Day War in the Poetry of Nizar Qabbani

In Qabbani’s post 1967 war poetry, the Arab leaders appear , in an unfavorable way, as vampires who work against the interests of their people squandering national resources . In several poems ,Qabbani depicts hypocritical and corrupt Arab politicians in a humiliating manner viewing them as opportunists and profiteers blocking the way toward salvation and reform in the Arab world. Inimical to the interests of their people and in league with the reactionary forces of evil and darkness , Arab politicians attempted to prevent the Arab community from regaining its vigor and achieving advancement .In “The Governor and the Sparrow”, Qabbani severely criticizes the Arab political system supported by a police apparatus specialized in the arts of brutalization and subjugation. Arab citizens , in the poem are tortured and humiliated for no apparent reasons . In “The Ruler and theSparrow”, Qabbani foregrounds the policies of persecution advocated by the Arab regimes against voices of freedom and liberation in the Arab world: “I traveled in the Arab homeland/ to read my poem/ I traveled with only a notebook/police stations tossed me about /soldiers tossed me about/and all I had was a sparrow in my pocket” (Al-Udhari 1986: 103). Depicting a homeland which is transformed into a big prison and detainees camp extending from the Arabian Gulf to the Pacific Ocean , Qabbani criticizes the aggressive attitude fostered by the ruling establishments against Arab intellectuals. In spite of carrying a sparrow , an epitome of his poetic talent, “the officer asked/for the sparrow’s passport / the word in my country needs a passport” (Al-Udhari 1986: 103). Using the “sparrow” as a symbol of the free poetic word, the poet - during his imaginary tour in the Arab world - criticizes the inhuman practices of the state-side police, sponsored by the regime to tyrannize the voices of opposition . In reality Qabbani , himself , was frequently prevented from reading his poetry to the masses : "I travelled from one country to another / carrying a book of poems / but I was taken from jail to jail / beaten by brutal police operatives" (Qabbani 1993: 244).
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A_FusionBombsandNapalmArticle.doc

A_FusionBombsandNapalmArticle.doc

represented the fiery essence of all that was horrible about the war in Vietnam. Most people still associate napalm with the image of a young girl running with a group of other victims, skin peeling off in layers, after her village was doused with napalm. Images of napalm igniting in jungles, in villages, and on the people of Vietnam are still cultural icons of the era. It is routinely cited along with Agent Orange as an example of American apathy to the cruelty of modern weapons. Nearly 400,000 tons of napalm were dropped on targets in Vietnam, giving rise to the Army marching song which includes the chorus line, "Napalm sticks to kids!". Vietnamese fighter escort aircraft, when using napalm to clear landing zones, often made the strikes just before the helicopters arrived; the resulting fire and smoke constituted a serious hazard to the helicopters. A single CH-47 could drop two and one-half tons of napalm on an enemy installation. Naturally, this method of dropping napalm was only used on specific targets where tactical air could not be effectively used.
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Assessment of the Impact of Modernization on the Traditional Igala House Form

Assessment of the Impact of Modernization on the Traditional Igala House Form

The research will be beneficial to designers, architects and other allied professionals in the built environment, reinstating the essence to integrate traditional form, ideas, expressions, materials into modern/contemporary design techniques and construction. This research recommends that contemporary buildings in Nigeria should be designed and built to be representatives of the culture, tradition and identity of the people, employing the indigenous and traditional architecture of the people or society that lay claims or initiated them thereby harmonizing the modern and traditional concepts in contemporary architectural forms. The research concludes that despite the impact of modernization, there is need to use the existing situation as a spring board to develop traditional architecture in Igala land and indeed in Nigeria that will be environmentally, socially, economically and culturally friendly and acceptable and at the same time harmonizing with the existing environmental infrastructures.
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The Employment of the Savior Concept in Literature: Iraqi Novelistic production post-war of 2003

The Employment of the Savior Concept in Literature: Iraqi Novelistic production post-war of 2003

stories, with touches of black comedy. The novel opens with a leaked government document, a top-secret report on the activities of the “Tracking and Pursuit Department” in Iraq. It chillingly tells the story of a rag- and-bone man (a peddler), Hadi Al-Attag, who haunts the streets of the civil war-torn Baghdad of 2005, searching for fresh human body parts to stitch together a human corpse. Once completed, the patchwork corpse embarks on a journey of revenge on behalf of those whose organs constitute its body. This monster creates a sense of terror among people which has been exaggerated and turned into a monster. This monster, as Saadawi said in an interview, "is made up of parts taken from Iraqis of different races, sects, and ethnicities," therefore it "represents the complete Iraqi individual". In other words, the what’s-its-name is a rare example of the melting pot of identities." (Jani, 2015: P. 321). It’s a painful and powerful story that goes beyond the limits of reality, in an attempt to reach the essence of the cruelty of wars that disfigure the human spirit and society, as fire disfigures skin.
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Chapter13.pdf

Chapter13.pdf

During the First World War, airplanes were used as weapons of war. Afterward, hundreds of Canadian pilots returned home. They were eager to fly for a living, but there were no passenger aircraft. The technology wasn’t reliable yet. Former war pilots such as Wop May got jobs flying bush planes to remote locations to transport people, spot forest fires, haul the mail, take photographs from the air, do rescue work, and conduct surveys for new mineral resources. The first passenger planes began flying in the 1920s.

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The Reliability of Alliances on Korean Peninsula in Post-Cold War Period: Democracies vs. Non-democracies

The Reliability of Alliances on Korean Peninsula in Post-Cold War Period: Democracies vs. Non-democracies

The roots of DPRK-PRC and ROK-US alliances are embedded in the Cold War. Both the United States and the PR China committed a lot of resources to their allies and fought hard against antagonistic alliance. Period of the Cold War witnessed no categorical change in these alliances, and levels of commitments from both parties to their client state persisted. In the post-Cold War period however, the levels of commitment and pledges changed a lot. After some considerable periods of tension on Korean peninsula, the potential level of ROK-US alliance was upgraded through growing strategic and comprehensive alliance cooperation including nuclear umbrella. DPRK-PRC alliance remained satisfied with their past achievements, as if it had not weakened, but there is less evidence that point at enhanced cooperation, since the United States was able to constrain and limit the PR China to distance itself from DPRK. This paper explores the causes which made the reliability of alliances on Korean peninsula so different even when they face the same condition of military tensions after the Cold War. According to a Neo-realist assumption the states have to strengthen their own alliance when the axis of rival states does the same by increasing its military ability even when they are not eager to do so. This is the security dilemma which determines the behavior of states. But according to our argument the alliances on Korean peninsula between the United States and ROK, China and DPRK react differently to same condition of tensions due to their democratic and non-democratic models. The core idea of this paper is that alliance between democracies on Korean peninsula is more durable and reliable than the alliance between non-democracies. For this
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The early Korean Protestant Churches’ impact on Korea’s democratisation: With special reference to the Korean Presbyterian Church

The early Korean Protestant Churches’ impact on Korea’s democratisation: With special reference to the Korean Presbyterian Church

before the Korean government (the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea) adopted its constitution in 1919. With its constitution, the Korean Presbyterian Church was inspiring Korean leaders in general by showing a good example of rule of law. The problem with the Korean Provisional Government’s constitution was that it could not work properly simply because Koreans then were not in a position to keep it, being under the Japanese iron rule up to 1945, and the Korean Presbyterian Church’s constitution became all the more meaningful for Korea’s democratisation process especially, before Korea’s liberation from Japan. The formation of the nationwide democratic, presbyterial polity of the Korean Presbyterian Church, and its adoption of a constitution in 1907 were very significant for Korea’s democratisation. Firstly the timing, the year 1907, is important to understand the matter in question. It was in that year that the last king of Korea, King Kojong, was dethroned by the encroaching Japanese colonial power, Korea as a nation losing its national sovereignty. And it meant that the democratic presbytery was rising against the encroaching dictatorial and colonial Japanese government, demonstrating the excellence of democratic ideals. Secondly, the presbytery with a constitution was the first Korean nationwide representative, democratic and constitutional organisation, whose political structure and democratic methods (such as rules of decision-making and election) were good examples for almost all Koreans, changing the body politics of Korea. The constitution of the Korean Presbyterian Church commands some more attention: it clearly includes every
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Does Networking Promote Immigrant Business Performance?—The Case of Chinese and Korean Immigrants in California

Does Networking Promote Immigrant Business Performance?—The Case of Chinese and Korean Immigrants in California

Every profit-seeking firm relies on its business performance to survive and make economic contributions possible. In order to better understand the eco- nomic contribution of immigrant businesses, examining the driving force of their business performance becomes crucial. The United States welcomes immi- grant entrepreneurs by giving special preferences for admission to immigrants who invest $1 million in businesses and provide or preserve at least 10 full-time jobs for U.S workers. Identifying the factors that affect immigrant business per- formance can help the U.S. government when it comes to screening these immi- grant entrepreneurs and granting entry to the most “beneficial” individuals. Scholars have found certain factors contributing to above-average business per- formances for some immigrant-owned firms. It is argued that Asian-owned businesses outperform non-Hispanic white owned businesses due to higher le- vels of owner education and startup capital [4]. Besides capital and education, another often unobservable, and less discussed factor that might also affect im- migrant business performance is networks formed among immigrants. Critics have pointed out both the advantages and disadvantages of migrant networks and ethnical enclaves. Using statistical analysis, this paper looks into the impact of immigrant networks on immigrant entrepreneurship performance.
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The Bonds of Brotherhood : New Evidence of Sino-North Korean Exchanges 1950-1954

The Bonds of Brotherhood : New Evidence of Sino-North Korean Exchanges 1950-1954

to have the ofªce in Andong set up by 15 August 1950, a date perhaps chosen to coincide with the more positive association of liberation from Japan. Under any other circumstances 15 August would have been considered a tight dead- line for setting up such an ofªce in a neighboring sovereign state. Haste, how- ever, was the order of the day. The document appears to have been written rapidly and contains a handful of subtle revelations. The Korean original de- scribes the type of people the Andong ofªce would be helping as “DPRK citi- zens” (Choson Inmin Minjujui Gonghwaguk kongmin). However, the authors misspelled the word for “country” (guk), dropping the ªnal consonant. This unintentional linguistic amputation, even if just a simple typographical error, constitutes a type of Freudian diplomatic slip reminding us that the DPRK was indeed disintegrating and that the refugees might well have lost their homeland in 1950. 37 The note also functioned as a tangible acknowledgment
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General Mobilization as Foundation of Japan’s War Machine in Pacific War

General Mobilization as Foundation of Japan’s War Machine in Pacific War

Japan's defeat against the United States at the Battle of Midway in 1942 became a turning point for Japan’s power in the Pacific War. Due to the huge number of losses and damages, Japan began to make changes in the colonies, which one of them was the recruitment of forced labor from Southeast Asia region. The Burma-Siam railroad project was one of the most notable projects for having killed so many people and the project was called as "Death Railway". The rail line was built to avoid dangerous sea routes from Southeast Asian regions to deliver warfare to the front line in Burma and to connect Bangkok and Rangoon. At the beginning, the people were welcomed for recruitment of Burma-Siam railroad project. Many people volunteered to become workers because of the payment promised by the government. However, there were people who ran away from the project and told candidate workers about the real conditions in the workplace. Low food consumption and poor worker’s health made many workers fell ill and died. Japan colonial government applied the policy then to homeless people and beggars on streets. Melber said that this action was similar to the Nazi’s policy on 'cleaning' the gypsy from streets. The difference was Nazi sent gypsy to concentration camps while Japan sent beggars as forced labors (romusha), for project
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