encourages school attendance. It has, thus, been a big factor in increasing school enrolment in Afghanistan. New Food Aid During President Hamid Karzai’s working visit to India on 12th January, 2009, the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh announced that Humanitarian Assistance Biscuits distribution under school feeding programme in order to help the fraternal people of Afghanistan in tiding over their current food crisis, India would gift Afghanistan a quarter of a million metric tonnes of wheat. The shipment is to be effected immediately, as soon as transit and transportation arrangements are finalised. Of this, 100–150,000 metric tonnes is expected to go towards creation of Afghanistan’s strategic food reserves. The supply of the wheat will be a considerable logistical exercise, involving transportation by sea to Iran and thereafter overland to Afghanistan by road. A faster and cheaper route across Pakistan by road and trains would depend on facilitation by Pakistan. Class room scene in Khas Kunar, Kunar Province Medical services in Afghanistan were badly affected due to decades of fighting. To attend to the massive and urgent medical needs, India rushed a team of 13 doctors and paramedics to Kabul in end-2001. Camps for fitting artificial limbs were held in different parts of Afghanistan throughout 2002. Since then, five Indian Medical Missions (IMMs) have been working in Kabul, Herat, Jalalabad, Kandahar and Mazar-e- Sharif, attending and disbursing medicines to 30,000 patients per month. The five IMMs cater to the poorest of the poor patients, many of whom come for consultation and free medicines from the contiguous provinces. Nearly 360,000 patients are availing of these services annually. India undertook the rehabilitation of the Indira Gandhi Institute for Child Health (IGICH) in Kabul, the largest paediatric hospital in Afghanistan, and completed its new threestoried Surgical Block in 2005. The Polyclinic Block was completed in 2007. Now, the newly constructed Diagnostic Block is being equipped with diagnostic equipment, including CT scan and MRI facilities. Capacity building of Afghan doctors is a vital component of assistance and batches of IGICH specialists train at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi.
The realization that soft power, may not suffice in achieving strategic interests especially pertaining to national security, compels nations to rely on coercive measures or “hard power”. The practice of “hard power,” then becomes a requisite in achieving immediate and short-term goals. New Delhi’s immediate response to Uri attacks were surgical strikes in Kashmir, and the Indus Treaty option was only resorted to later. However, hard power has its downsides as demonstrated by security concerns of India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Summarizing this intricate power dynamics, Stephen Cohen remarked, “India has been doing a great job in helping in civil economic reconstruction and training of security forces of Afghanistan,” however, “by training security forces, India is in competition with Pakistan which is supporting the Taliban”. 72 The Modi government realizes risks involved in relying heavily on military sources and therefore has made concerted efforts in striking a balance. This is evident from two factors- first, India has maintained its position as the largest importer of arms and have provided military assistance to Afghanistan as well, thus reflecting on India’s military preparedness. Secondly, the distinction between traditional and non- traditional security has become distorted. The purpose of Leviathan, as articulated by Thomas Hobbes, is to protect the safety of its people, thus connecting state security and human security. 73 India’s diplomatic stance towards Pakistan has revived the realist tradition but by resorting to diplomatic measures and not coercion. Soft power, in this regard as manifested through peaceful mechanisms of dialogue and negotiations, considers the significance of force but seeks to mitigate the risk associated with its application.
Instead, there are several areas of strategic competition (the Indo-Pacific region) as well as some of outright hostility (particularly with regard to the border issue). And Afghanistan is increasingly proving to be a fault line. Last week, Russia hosted a conference on Afghanistan’s future that had India, Iran, Pakistan, China and Afghanistan as attendees. But this came after a similar conference in December last year that had only China, Pakistan and Russia. Neither Kabul nor New Delhi were pleased—and even less so when the conference’s outcome was a statement explicitly endorsing the Taliban as a bulwark against the spread of the Islamic State’s Afghan branch. This runs counter to Kabul and New Delhi’s stance; they have repeatedly warned about the dangers of the “Good Taliban, Bad Taliban” approach.
Chabbar is a Port in the South-East part of IRAN located in the Gulf of Oman. Which is the best access point to the Indian Ocean? It is part of the Iranian Seestan- Baluchistan Province, bordering Pakistani Baluchistan. Iran is planning to use this port for transshipment to Afghanistan and Central Asia whereas it desires to keep the port of Bandar Abbas exclusive for trade with Europe and Russia as a major hub. India is helping Iran with an amount of $85 million to develop Chabahar port to get access to Central Asia through Milak (Iran)-Zaranj-Dilaram (Afghanistan) roads. India is already in the process of developing Zaranj and Dilaram roads in Afghanistan, forming a ring road to connect Central Asia with the Middle East. India is also planning to connect to the oil resources of Turkmenistan by laying a pipeline through Afghanistan on to Iran and Gujrat through the Arabian Sea. This way India would be able to bypass Pakistan, which provides a much shorter route for the Asian Development Bank’s proposed project TAPI (Turkmenistan–Afghanistan- Pakistan-India) for transporting the Caspian Sea gas resources to India without any potential interruption from Pakistan(The Nation,2016).
militant groups in order to achieve foreign policy objectives in neighboring countries such as India and Afghanistan is increasingly counterproductive and has negative effects on Pakistan‟s national security. Moreover, China nourishes hopes that CPEC and its economic effects will also contribute to the transformation of Pakistani society and the strengthening of moderate forces. China reasons that peaceful development in Pakistan could in turn also have a positive influence on the region, for example with regard to the situation in Afghanistan. Securing Chinese trade routes by granting Gilgit- Baltistan the constitutional status of a province would codify the status quo, thus indirectly bringing the Kashmir dispute to an end and closing a chapter in global politics. India has already signaled in previous negotiations with Pakistan, for example in 2007, that it is willing to accept the status quo in Kashmir, which evinces the current division of the territory. After all there is still a possibility, however unlikely, that India may one day endorse the internationalization of the Kashmir dispute and a referendum. Were Kashmiris to then vote in favor of accession to the Indian Union, CPEC would become obsolete overnight?
Uri assault was a terrorist attack in which 17 army men were killed and 19 were badly injured. This is the biggest attack on Indian army base in nearly 20 years. This attack has put too much pressure on the Indian government to answer. After 10 days of this attack, on September 28, 2016, midnight at 12:30 AM, 7 terrorist camps were attacked and destroyed by Indian Army. The Indian Army has crossed the Line of Control for the first time and destroyed the terrorist bases located in Pak occupied Kashmir. The operation was given the name “Surgical Strike” by the Indian government. This has increased the stature of India in the world politics. Pakistan has officially denied for the surgical strikes. After this attack, India refused to participate in the nineteenth SAARC Conference which was scheduled on 9 – 10 November, 2016 at Isalamabad (Pakistan). Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Bhutan also supported India and refused to participate in the nineteenth SAARC conference.
‘For most of the participants in the Asia Pacific, hegemony management is about the US and two potential claimants: China and Japan’ (Bobrow, 1999). Potential hegemons are often suspicious of one another and thus it has been predicted that countries like China and Japan are unlikely to join hands together against the US under any circumstances other than very extreme ones even though they may each use potential cooperation to bargain with the US. The balance of power in any region is never quite straightforward, and there is much talk in the academic literature about the decline of the US, and the rise of China in the Asia Pacific. Many of the smaller countries of South East Asia have expressed an interest in American presence in the region because this then balances China and checks the rise of Chinese hegemony. There is no doubt that the way Sino-American relations play out in the Asia Pacific will have a profound impact on the region (Beeson and Stone, 2014). Both countries seem to suffer from some sort of a superiority complex in international affairs and this is unfortunate (Ibid). It has often been argued that Asians are incapable of managing their own regional conflicts and overcoming their historical animosities and in this context American presence in the region becomes all the more necessary to maintain peace, security and stability. The rather paradoxical reality that this has necessitated fighting in a series of bloody wars from Afghanistan to Vietnam is often not given enough attention by scholars. Whatever the role of the US maybe in terms of global peacekeeping, China has been increasingly modernizing its defence forces as a consequence of its growing wealth and has also started to deploy its military in its pursuit of struggle for status (Ibid). American security and prosperity depends increasingly on the development of Asia and it has been argued that the US is as much a Pacific nation as an Atlantic one (Wenzhao, 1999). American policy makers believe that stability and order in the Asia Pacific are ‘fundamental
This qualitative study explores the answers of the issue of terrorism in Afghanistan and why America is demanding from Pakistan to take more counter terrorism measures against terrorists groups and organizations? Pakistan and America relations are swayed under influence of different changes those occurred at regional and global level. America declared India as its strategic ally in Afghanistan and is showed dissatisfaction on Pakistan’s counter terrorism performance and alleged that Pakistan is provided safe havens to groups those are involved in terrorists activities in Afghanistan. Both states have their own strategic interests so there is divergence in their policies towards terrorism particularly in Afghanistan. Trump administration should keep in mind that India is traditional rival of Pakistan, any significant role given by US to India in Afghanistan will create security threat for Pakistan and US should try to address the Pakistan concerns in this regard.
Minister Shri P.Chidambaram, Commerce and Industry Minister Shri Anand Sharma; and other senior officials. President Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil paid a State Visit to South Africa in May 2012. President of South Africa, Mr Jacob Zuma paid a visit to India in March 2012 for 4 th BRICS Summit. President Zuma,
To support his claim he has quoted the former Indian naval chief, Admiral Suresh Mehta, who had expressed concerns over the development of Gwadar port in 2008 and had said: “[b]eing only 180 nautical miles from the exit of the Straits of Hormuz, Gwadar, being built in Balochistan coast, would enable Pakistan to take control over the world energy jugular and interdiction of Indian tankers.” (Mehta as cited in Haider, 2015b: no page number) India is developing Iran’s Chabahar port as a competitor to Gwadar port. India’s stake in the Chabahar port is aimed at gaining access to land-locked Afghanistan and the Central Asian Republics, bypassing Pakistan in transit trade with Iran and other countries. Mickey Kupecz (2012) argues that third-party sources have supported the claim of India’s intervention in domestic affairs of Balochistan. He quotes Christine Fair, a Pakistan Expert, who states, “It would be a mistake to completely disregard Pakistan’s regional perceptions...Indian officials have told me privately that they are pumping money into Balochistan” (Kupecz, 2012: 106). Manoj Joshi (2016) finds out that India has important strategic interests in Pakistan, including in the Balochistan region. According to Joshi, Balochistan is of interest principally because of the naval activities of the Chinese in Gwadar and the plans for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. He (Joshi, 2016) writes:
For a landlocked country such as Afghanistan, regional integration is exclusively imperious as it leads not only in trade promotional activities but encourages increased trade and connectivity within the regions followed by the global economy. The regional integration between Afghanistan and India is thus not a supernumerary for amalgamation with the rest of the world. Rather, it must be bolstered with wider economic assimilation that makes the most of the region’s comparative advantages.
When the new state came into existence, ambitious military officers were anxious to provide guidance to the political leadership and assume a greater role than the political government desired. A se n io r m ilita ry o ffic e r, on one occa sio n , com plained to Governor-General Jinnah that, "instead of giving us the opportunity to serve our country in positions where our natural talents and native genius could be used to the greatest advantage, important posts are being entrusted to foreigners . . . . This was not our understanding of how Pakistan would be run". Jinnah retorted that the Armed Forces were "the servants of the people", they did "not make national policy. It is we, the civilians who decide these issues. . ."104 Addressing the Staff College on another occasion, Jinnah expressed his concern over the attitude of "one or two very high-ranking officers", pointing out that the Officer Corps should ". . . study the Government of India Act (of1935) as adopted for use in Pakistan, which is our present constitution, that the executive authority flows from the head of the Government of Pakistan who is the Governor-General, and therefore, any command or orders that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the executive head."105
Pakistan and China as all weather strategic partners have a history of glorious friendly relations. Both countries always try to make strong these relations through different geo-political, strategic and economic projects/agreements. The Pak-China Economic Corridor (CPEC) is also a key to make strong economic relations of both countries. It is considered to be an extension of China‟s proposed 21st century Silk Road initiative and considered a centre for their relations. It is a huge project under construction that will undertake the construction of highway and railway links running through the areas from Gwadar in Baluchistan and culminating in Kashgar in western China, while passing through the regions of Baluchistan, Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and Gilgit-Baltistan (Khunjrab Pass) and run through most vital geostrategic locations. It will connect Pakistan with China and the Central Asian countries by the highway connecting Kashgar to Khunjrab and Gwadar. The CPEC is of high significance, as it making this region more economically viable, stable and sustainable. It is also one of many mega projects planned by China in Central, South and South East Asia for expanding its political and economic influence to counter the US influence in the region. China has made an attempt to fulfill multiple interests of its own by the financial investments in region on CPEC. It shall act as a trade bridge between China, Middle East and Europe through Pakistan and proved a source of economic benefits. The paper through the empirical and inductive research approach tries to identify the China-Pakistanrelations and the regional development by the construction of CPEC. In this paper makes consideration of the main traits of the CPEC on both regions. It also emphasizes on the impacts on the economic situation of Pakistan at regional and global levels as well.
We also find that Pakistan’s military expenditures are more sensitive to hostilities with its neighbour, whereas India’s military activities are not entirely focused on Pakistan. India, the regional hegemon, has other domestic and international concerns to which its defence spending is targeted, beyond its dispute with Pakistan. Overall, India may have shown more belligerence towards its neighbours because of its greater military power. For example, India unilaterally massed troops on Pakistan’s borders in 1951 and 2002. Indeed, there is some reverse causality between military capability and conflict, meaning that they both cause each other. This suggests that Pakistan’s military build-ups may have been more in response to India’s actions.
From the foregoing discussion, it is clear that there has been a minimal degree of trade relations between India and Pakistan. Trade between two nations could be doubled i.e. from US $ 2 billion to US $ 6 billion in years to come. There is also a possibility of materializing talks on preferential trading arrangement proposed by the Government of Pakistan. This act may go a long way in bring down tariffs further. There has been hardly any significant flow of investment especially FDI and ODA. Hence, the need of the hour is to create a greater economic cooperation, which could provide for mutual economic benefits to both the nations to develop a strong and viable South Asian Region. India has agreed to Pakistan's proposals on building a pipeline to transport gas from Iran is sliver lining in the promotion of Indo-Pakistan economic relations and would go a long way in creating the desired conducive environment that is a sine-qua-non and the need of the day.
amendments to labor laws through the 2006 Finance Bill. “Increasing working hours to force workers, including women, to stay in factories till 10pm is aimed at further exploiting workers, who are already marginalised,” said a declaration issued at the end of the moot. The meeting was attended by representatives of the All-Pakistan Textile Workers Union, All-Pakistan Road Transport Workers Union, All-Pakistan Bhatta Mazdoor Union and All-Pakistan Light Engineering Workers Union. Besides discussing sectoral issues, the delegates took a serious note of the amendments declaring the same as ‘violation of ILO Conventions’. The meeting noted that federal government, by amending to the labor laws through the finance bill, has increased the working hours of from 8 hours to 12 hours, and has asked women workers to work till 10pm. The original laws prohibit setting working hours women to start before sunrise or continue after sunset. Besides, hours of overtime have also been increased from 150 to 624 hours a year. The four labor unions decided to launch a joint struggle for the restoration of eight-hour a day work, social security for all workers, increase in minimum wage slab and its implementation and end to forced labor, particularly in brick kilns (Dawn, 7 June 2006).
irrigation systems and inadequate roads. Less than one-third of all crop land is irrigated and most farming is at the subsistence level. The sector's performance has crucial consequences for the country's poor. Farm productivity is very low. Farm output rose by only 0.7% in the first quarter of 2010 but the government predicts gains of 4.7% in the 2010/2011 fiscal year. Manufacturing accounts for approximately 14.4% of GDP. Real growth in manufacturing fell to 6.3% in 2009. However, producers of consumer products expect a strong rebound in 2010. So far, inventory restocking has provided most of the support for struggling manufacturers. Increased spending on technology in industrialized countries in 2010 should boost growth in India's high-tech producers are services. The service sector has experienced slower growth but remains healthy. The country's export-oriented information technology and business process outsourcing industries face mounting competitive pressures and slowing demand. The agriculture sector’s share of GDP has decreased sharply since 1991 from 35 % to mere 17 % in 2009, whilst nearly 60 % of the population continue to depend on agriculture sector. The data in terms of total consumption of cereals is presented in Table 6 for various countries for 2005. For India, we present data for 1991 as well so that we can analyse the trends in cereal consumption since the adoption of neo-liberal reforms. As the data indicates the total per capita cereals consumption has declined 180.1 kg per in 1991 to 169.3 in 2005. If we compare India with other developing countries such as China and Mexico, we find average per capita consumption is lower in India (see Table 6). After neo-liberal economic reforms were introduced in India there has been hardly any empirical in-depth study on India to examine its impact on economic and social change. An attempt has been made by Utsa Patnaik (2010), who found that after 1991 neo-liberal reforms were introduced, the inequalities have risen between various sections of Indian society.
Pakistan is working to establish trade and investment linkages with the Central Asian Republics, including energy corridors (gas from Turkmenistan and electricity from Kyrgyzstan) within the context of the CAREC regional program sponsored by the Asian Development Bank. When we see the potential of the Central Asian market for Pakistan on trade and investment, most of the imports to the Kyrgyz Republic are related to agricultural products, the major share of agriculture products in Kazakhstan, including fruits, vegetables and sea food are imported from Russia, Turkey and Europe. Pakistan has a competitive advantage and potential to export all these items as the timeframe for the transportation of these goods to these countries is significantly shorter. It takes only 13 hours for goods to be transported from Pakistan to the Kyrgyz Republic by way of the Karakoram Highway via China while the time frame for transporting goods between Pakistan and Kazakhstan through the currently used transport line the Karakorum highway (Gilgit border) is approximately 16 hours.
Meanwhile, the Raj Mannar committee report of 1971, was an important documents of federal relations. It stated that an inter-state council consisting of Chief Minister as Chairman to be set-up to resolve inter- state dispute and the governor should be appointed with the consultation of Chief Minister. Moreover, Article – 356 should not be misused by the Governor and residuary power should also be vested in state legislature.