Indian Politics

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ROLE OF CASTE IN INDIAN POLITICS

ROLE OF CASTE IN INDIAN POLITICS

INTRODUCTION: Politics is an ineluctable all-embracing activity through which we preserve and amend the general rules under which they live. Politics has been seen as an uninterrupted, enduring, constantly changing and omnipresent activity having its key disclosure in the decision making to face and solve a mare‟s nest and flows from an outstanding activity, a form of human conduct. Indian democracy being the largest in the world, has survived from the major provocations posed by extensive illiteracy, poverty, secessionism and communalism with different critical problems that have cut down the emergent democratic institutions of so many post-colonial societies. Since Indian society has being highly sectioned along the lines of castes, religion, class etc, it eventually prevents the true functioning of Parliamentary democracy and puts an extremely bright feature of Indian politics which is largely shaped by its cultural diversity, social, ethnic, caste, community and religious pluralism, known tradition of the countrywide movement with a unique contrasting approach of party supervision and grappling ideological outlook.
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Introduction to Indian Politics

Introduction to Indian Politics

The implementation of the Mandal Report cemented social identity into the basic structure of Indian politics by establishing, for nearly half of India’s population, a clear association between social status (based on caste) and economic status (based on education and employment). To belong to a ‘reserved category’ – the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, and the Other Backward Classes - meant access to education and jobs on terms which were more favourable than those available to persons who did not belong these categories. It was, therefore, important to preserve, and be aware of, one’s caste identity because thanks to ‘reservation’ – the scope of which was greatly extended by the Mandal Commission – it was the proverbial goose that laid golden eggs. Any political party that even remotely suggested that the policy on ‘reservation’ should be diluted or phased out – for example, on the grounds that it was unfair to persons in the non-reserved categories or that it might impact adversely on quality - would, in effect, be committing electoral suicide. 9
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A Study - Indian Politics and Castism

A Study - Indian Politics and Castism

ABSTRACT: In Indian Politics we preserve and amend the general rules under which they live. Politics has been seen as an uninterrupted, enduring, constantly changing and omnipresent activity having its key disclosure in the decision making to face and solve a mare‟s nest and flows from an outstanding activity, a form of human conduct. Indian democracy being the largest in the world, has survived itself from illiteracy, poverty, castism secessionism and communalism with different critical problems that have cut down the emergent democratic institutions of so many post-colonial societies. Since Indian society has being highly sectioned along the lines of castes, religion, class and creed etc, it eventually prevents the true functioning of Parliamentary democracy and puts an extremely bright feature of Indian politics which is largely shaped by its cultural religious and geogrophical diversity, social, ethnic, caste, community and religious pluralism, known tradition of the countrywide movement with a unique contrasting approach of party supervision and grappling ideological outlook.
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INVOLVEMENT OF INDIAN POLITICS IN SPORTS ITS CAUSES AND EFFECT: AN ANALYSIS

INVOLVEMENT OF INDIAN POLITICS IN SPORTS ITS CAUSES AND EFFECT: AN ANALYSIS

Sometimes, talented players are left and because of political interference redtaptlism has also entered into sports. It is a matter to grave concern that for the last many years. India has not able to win any gold medal in Olympics or any other event at the international level, except for the one and only Abhinav Bindra. The player is just because of the involvement of the politics in sporting area. At the time of selecting a national team or even a player the interest of the country is not taken care of about political approach is given to consideration. Sometimes, discerning players are unjustly dropped. The main objectives of the study is to know the role of politics in sports and its main causes. The detailed information have been collected with the help of questionnaire and analyzed with some statistical tools have been used i.e chi square test have been applied. In the end some major findings and fruitful suggestions have been given in full paper.
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INTEGRITY IN ADMINISTRATION & ROLE OF CORRUPTION IN INDIAN POLITICS

INTEGRITY IN ADMINISTRATION & ROLE OF CORRUPTION IN INDIAN POLITICS

Andhra Pradesh's Anti Corruption Bureau (ACB) has launched a large scale investigation in the “cash-for-bail” scam. CBI court judge Talluri Pattabhirama Rao was arrested on 19 June 2012 for taking a bribe to grant bail to former Karnataka Minister Gali Janardhan Reddy, who was allegedly amassing assets disproportionate to his known sources of income. Investigation revealed that India Cements – one of India's largest cement – had been investing in Reddy's businesses in return for government contracts. A case has also been opened against seven other individuals under the Indian Penal Code and the Prevention of Corruption Act.
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Youth’s Role in Democracy: Strategies for betterment in Indian Politics

Youth’s Role in Democracy: Strategies for betterment in Indian Politics

Indian Democracy was the largest democracy even at the time of the first general elections in 1951-52. The founders of modern India and members of the Constituent Assembly adopted universal adult suffrage, thus reposing faith in the wisdom of the common Indian to elect his/her representative to the seats of power. The right to vote is irrespective of caste, creed, religion or gender. Those who are deemed unsound of mind, and people convicted of certain criminal offences are not allowed to vote. Voting is not compulsory in India. But, there has been a general increase in the number of people voting in Indian elections. From 44.87% in the first general elections (1951-52), it has steadily increased to 58.21% in the 15th general elections (2009). To date, India’s youth bulge has been at odds with its political system dominated by older leaders in their late 60s, 70s, and even 80s. The fielding of younger candidates, extensive use of social media this election, and efforts by political parties to build a youth following in rural and urban areas is an effort to play catch up. But going beyond these elections, key to India’s economic growth and development over the next decade will be its ability to tap into and channel the aspirations and energy of the youth.
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BJP LED NDA and Indian Politics

BJP LED NDA and Indian Politics

privilege can likewise be seen a counter-Hindutva drift in that collective opinions are presently being tackled by increasingly political groupings. Hence, the rise of these new standards, in spite of the fact that taught by the BJP, is from multiple points of view a negative advancement for them as rivalry for voters differentiates and increments. All things considered, the two enduring standardizing inheritances of the NDA may well check the long haul weakening, as opposed to the long haul predominance, of Hindutva strategy standards inside Indian local governmental issues.
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Inferring of Political Leaning from Tweets, Retweets of Indian politics

Inferring of Political Leaning from Tweets, Retweets of Indian politics

Abstract: The current use of on-line social networks to unfold information and change opinions, by using most of the people, news media and political actors alike, has implement new outlet of research in computational political science. Here The trouble of compute and inferring the political leaning of Twitter customers. We formulate political leaning inference as a convex optimization problem that consists of ideas: Twitter users generally tend to tweet and retweet constantly, and Similar Twitter users have a tendency to be retweeted through similar sets of target audience. Then take a look at our inference technique to a massive dataset of Indian political personnel’s related individual tweets amassed over a time frame. On a fixed of regularly retweeted resources, our method achieves a few percentage of accuracy and excessive rank correlation compared with manually created labels. By analyzing the political leaning of some amount regularly retweeted property, and get regular clients who retweeted them, and the hash tags utilized by those sources, our quantitative have a examine sheds slight at the political demographics of the Twitter population, and the temporal dynamics of political polarization as activities spread..
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MALPRACTICES IN INDIAN POLITICS IN THE CITY AND THE RIVER

MALPRACTICES IN INDIAN POLITICS IN THE CITY AND THE RIVER

The novelist also shows the ruler indulging in the malpractice of giving ministerial posts to persons for political reasons rather than for their talents and capabilities. For instance, the post of the Education Adviser has been given in the novel to a person who has won the support of students and teachers, whose support the Grand Master wants to win, and talent or capability is not at all taken into consideration. Giving posts for political reasons is likely to encourage politics rather than bring efficiency in administration. It is also mentioned in the novel how the public funds are misused by some rulers to gratify the needs, the wishes or even the whims of their near and dear ones. In this novel, the road called the Avenue Great River is straightened because the Grand Master‟s wife wants it to be so for no reason other than one of having a nicer view. Even though this involves making people living while losing their homes and hearths. It is sheer tyranny to deprive people of their homes and hearths only to make the view look nicer to the ruler‟s wife. Views do matter no doubt, but they do not matter more than homes and hearths.
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Purling Politics

Purling Politics

More than simply being an alternative to more established methods of resistance, craftivism draws on unique affective and emotive resonances to capture attention and elicit responses in often unexpected ways (Price 2015). Reflecting on the Pink Tank Project (forming part of protests against the Iraq War), Black and Burisch (2011, 207) suggest that the wrapping of a bright pink knitted blanket around “such a threatening object in public space may seem like a disarmingly absurd gesture, but the dramatic use of the crafted object…creates a rupture in the ways in which the public interacts with the tank” and with the public commemoration of warfare. Such projects strategically harness the “familiarity of knitted material and its ordinariness”, and the surprise produced through its unexpected deployment in public discourse around warfare, to open spaces of dialogue, exchange and response. It is the perceived ordinariness of craft which, for Price, “belies” its “extraordinary potential” as a tool “to interrogate the urban experience” and expectations of politics (2015, 90).
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The politics of consumption

The politics of consumption

But faced as we are now with an environmental crisis that demands revision of the unquestioned commitment to market driven growth, and a profound shift of thinking about the nature of prosperity, this set of associations begins to look strained, and to our children’s children is likely to seem very outdated. A programme for sustainable consumption ought now to be seen as ‘progressive’ precisely in virtue of its critique of the anachronistic growth model of the economy with its dependency on an ever expanding and resource intensive consumer culture. Admittedly, those eco-modernisers who emphasise the potential for sustainable development will challenge this picture. Yet it remains very unclear how growth at anything like the rates currently conceived as ‘healthy’ could be achieved indefinitely. Let us recall that in the recent boom years between 1995 and 1998 growth in world economic output exceeded that during the entire 10,000 year period from the dawn of agriculture to the start of the 20 th century, and then consider how far an expansion at that rate could continue. Growth at only 2.5 percent each year from 2050 to the end of the century would more than triple the global economy beyond the 2050 level, requiring (if it were to prove sustainable) almost complete de-carbonisation of every last dollar (Jackson, 2008: 43; cf. 2004, 2009; Victor, 2009; Purdy, 2005). A just and sustainable global economy will therefore require a break with affluence as currently construed and the general adoption of less work- dominated and more materially reproductive ways of living. It is important to emphasise the role of justice here. This is because greater global equality will be essential to any enduring economic system. But it is also because without a fairer division of wealth at the national level there is unlikely to be any significant electoral support for an alternative politics of prosperity. A more egalitarian order in Europe is in this sense a pre-condition for the development of a new culture of thinking about sustainability – which is why, at present, one must welcome any political shifts, such as Hollande’s recent victory in France, that are likely to advance rather than hinder that cause. These claims have been at the centre of the argument I and others have developed in recent years around the concept of ‘alternative hedonism’, and I shall come back at a later point to say rather more on it.
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Redemption between politics and ontology: Agamben on the coming politics

Redemption between politics and ontology: Agamben on the coming politics

In the first chapter of Catastrophe and redemption, Whyte focuses on Agamben’s biopolitics and his relationship to the work of Michel Foucault. This is used as a base to assess Agamben’s claim in Homo Sacer that Western politics has been a biopolitics since its very inception at the time of Aristotle. In Chapter Two Whyte moves on to consider Agamben’s writings on the state of exception, which he argues today has become the normal form of government. The sovereign, and those who exercise sovereign power, retains the ability to exclude or include persons within the legal and political orders. It is in this way that ‘desubjects’ such as bare life are created. Building upon this in Chapter Three Whyte considers the ultimate catastrophe, namely Auschwitz and the accompanying figure of the Muselmann, the figure representative of bare life under the Nazis. Auschwitz is the paradigmatic camp, and the ultimate combination of the state of exception and biopolitics.
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Transnational politics and translocal governance: The politics of corporate responsibility

Transnational politics and translocal governance: The politics of corporate responsibility

Transnational Political CSR and Translocal Governance ID NF CO Transnational Political CSR Consensus Normative goal Main political actor Authority Preferred economic outcomes Preferred n[r]

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The Economics of Politics vs the Politics of Economics: Nigerian case

The Economics of Politics vs the Politics of Economics: Nigerian case

Politics has been a game of power and influence all over the world. Indeed, Nigeria within one century (1862 -1990) of colonial rule had five distinct constitutions (1992, 1946, 1951, 1954, 1960) used by colonial officials to refine the political arena. Infect, this was also used as a means to control nationalism and the political evolution of the country. Thus, from the times of amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates along with the colony of Lagos in 1914, the earliest political structure was predicted on unitarism. Apart from the hues and cries that greeted the various British constitutional enactments, we may not have largely ignored the fact that certain personalities and groups (with an advantage of foresight) had cautioned that the country was sliding towards balkanization instead of independence. Specifically, the conference of Nigerian students held in Scotland (1949) was of the opinion that one of the chief weaknesses of the 1943 constitution was the arbitrary regionalization of the country, based on the equal unsatisfactory provincial groupings initiated at the beginning of the British rule. They therefore suggested that as necessary condition of achieving that unity in diversity as expressed in the Richards constitution, the basis of regionalization must be examined. Yet another vexed issue that gave rise to the political anomaly bedeviling the Nigerian federation was the encouragement of partisan politics along ethnic ties in fact, this was a creation of the British lords under its “Divide and Rule” stratagem. Although 26 political parties were enlisted by electoral commission of Nigeria to contest the 1959 elections, here the three dominant political parties were the northern people congress (NPC), Action group and national council of Nigeria and Cameroon
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The Politics of Attention: West European Politics in Times of Change

The Politics of Attention: West European Politics in Times of Change

Laura Chaqués is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Barcelona. She has a PhD in political economy (university of Barcelona) and a Master’s degree in political science (New School for Social Research, New York). At present her main topics of study are the dynamics of agenda setting, policy networks and global public policy. She has published the book “Redes de Políticas Públicas” (Cis 2004) and several articles in national and international journals. She is the Director of the Spanish Policy Agendas Project, and she is also involved in the Morality Politics project directed by C. Green-Pedersen (university of Aarhus).
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Parochialism, politics and the Tasmanian press : a study in the politics of journalism

Parochialism, politics and the Tasmanian press : a study in the politics of journalism

The Examiner, on the other hand, published 65 percent of its State bank articles on pages one to six, 56 percent of its State league articles on the front or back page and 59.74 percent [r]

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Writing politics

Writing politics

capitalism then it is within an understanding of equality extended to the economic sphere that we can recuperate a notion in which capitalism is understood as exploitative. Today there seems to be a growing number of people concerned with the distribution of wealth, self-determination of how to use land, resources, etc. These are struggles articulated against multinationals and neo liberal trade and, at the moment, they seem to have very little to do with the traditional ‘working class’. Still they articulate an anti- capitalism in the name of fairness, justice and equality, challenging radically the basis of what parliamentarian democracy has become – liberal democracy. They are calling, it seems to me, for a radical approach to democracy that, on one hand, Laclau and Mouffe help us to understand and theorise in its specificity. On the other hand, Laclau and Mouffe’s ideas of hegemonic politics enter ‘life’, even if obviously they cannot ever be prescriptive about it. It would be reductive to explain these seeds of antagonism as another of those contingent moments of history. Even worse would be to develop an attitude, particularly for the Leftist that lived through the ’68, of cynicism of the sort of ‘have been there, done that’. In other words to reduce these struggles to the fantasies of a few thousand idealist youngsters. In Italy the movement that is going on in the streets by millions at the moment does not have a traditional class character as it is understood in Britain, still around the issues of waged labour a wider political subject might emerge that incarnates today very different demands. Probably so wide that it is not meaningful anymore, that is why some leaders have started to call for the idea of ‘rights’, a concept that, if associated in the mind of many with liberal views, comes to mean something very different in the strategic moves of the leader of the biggest Trade Union in Italy. The defence of the rights of few in the labour market comes to incorporate the universal notion of right for equality and freedom at work, in the public sphere of the media and in the decisions regarding the res publica. Gramsci has shown that the strongest ideas are not necessarily the ideas of the strongest, leaving us with the notion of collective wills, a concept that today makes more sense than in any other historic moment. The Left (whatever that might come to mean, here I am in the terrain of conjecture and vision) should have, when re-inscribed in the democratic imaginary, something to do with the articulation of such a will.
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The corruption of politics

The corruption of politics

My account here is influenced by recent debates on realism in political theory. 6 At the heart of what I take to be plausible versions of a realist critique of liberal thinking about politics is less a denial of the reality of values in the political sphere and more a recognition that, while these exist, they are always potentially in conflict. Fundamental conflicts between values means that any political ordering will involve trade-offs and will play down some areas of value while promoting others. Consequently, any particular ordering will be, to some degree, partial, and this will be true both for procedures (since these will involve imposing one particular reading of what the right balance of fairness, equality, justice, and rights of participation requires) and for outcomes. Those outcomes will, in consequence, command only limited legitimacy and will be only more or less stable. Moreover, the ability to get solutions to stick, and the claims on and use of the resources needed to do so (financial, material, ideological, persuasive and coercive) is a political process that is non-neutral, involves components of coercion and fiat, and is inherently local – being concerned with which issues need resolving here and now, and what compromises can be negotiated and enforced. 7
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Politics and affect

Politics and affect

In developing a position that sees the role of feelings as central to politics and society, we must develop a strong case for seeing feelings as a force that bring a dynamic indeterminacy to life in general and to the political process in particular. Crucially, this is about the element of spontaneity and chaos as opposed to order and control in politics, an issue that has been a constant point of argument from before the debate between Lenin and Luxembourg (Mattick, 1978) to the present day. To assemble this case, we believe a number of steps and distinctions are necessary. First, we must recognise both the cognitive and the somatic dimension of feelings, using the concept of emotion where the cognitive component is strongest and affect where the somatic component is strongest. Second, we need to understand that human feelings are governed by their own logics and regularities. As we shall see, Freud (1915b) thinks of this in terms of the ‘vicissitudes’ of feelings, whereas Deleuze and Guattari (1999, p. xvi) see affect as ‘a prepersonal intensity corresponding to the passage from one experiential state of the body to another’, that is, as non linear, embodied and ambivalent (Massumi, 2002).
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The Politics of Wounds

The Politics of Wounds

Over the course of my research for this chapter, I have come to identify a constellation of terms: vulnerability, injury, hurt, and wound. For the purposes of this chapter, these terms often stand in for one another, that is, one gestures towards the other. To be sure, these terms find resonance in critical race, Indigenous, and black feminist scholarship—which the making of this thesis is indebted to—but they also find political use in national discourses and rhetoric, a use which I believe has been unexplored up until now. As such, what wound, injury, and hurt come to represent has been appropriated from “minority politics” by a myriad of versions of white nationalism. At times, then, this chapter is somewhat comparative in its trajectory—thinking through wounds in both subaltern or minority politics and whiteness. Of course, the politics of wounds deployed by the two are far from identical. Whereas minority politics grounds its politics of wounds within a material and tangible history as well as the present, whiteness, like a hypochondriac, imagines the historicity and materiality of its wounds. Nevertheless, this citational complex of imagined wounds on the part of whiteness provides credence to a milieu of phobias towards racialized others (Islamophobia and negrophobia) in addition to anxieties towards an uncertain future.
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