A variety of factors such as differentials in endowments across social groups, actual or perceived discrimination, behaviour pattern or attitudes and supply of educational and employment opportunities etc. collectively resulted in the backwardness of Muslims in education and occupation. The sense of insecurity and limited access to good quality schools adversely affected female students more. Muslim’s perception of discrimination and ‘communalisation’ of reading materials leads them to prefer Madrasas over schools. The community is faced with poorer quality or less suitable schools. Muslims show less appreciation for the reward through education. Review of literature mentions that Muslims prefer self-employment as a response to discrimination in the formal labour market. Sachaar calls this phenomenon as ‘Minority Enclave Hypotheses’ (Basant, 2012).
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The standard model has been extended to an environment that involves search, non-transferable utility and multiple traits. Various studies derive conditions for assortative matching to arise when individuals meet potential partners in the pres- ence of search costs (e.g., Burdett and Coles, 1997; Shimer and Smith, 2000; Atakan, 2006) or when utility is not fully transferable between partners (Legros and Newman, 2007). Similarly to our paper, Mailath and Postlewaite (2006) consider a setting in which individuals match on the basis of multiple traits (“income and unproductive attributes”) and have children. However, they focus on the relationship between sta- tus and marriage, while we emphasize gender differences in intergenerational social mobility.
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interests and aspirations of different generations require knowledge about the likelihood of intergenerational social mobility mainly in relation to education. The youngest segments of the population hold new aspirations about education, jobs, welfare and happiness. Women have expectations about a better future for themselves, their families, their businesses and their economies. In these processes, previous situations of parents and grandparents are most of the time taken as references for comparisons. The current and persisting unemployment of skilled labor (Driouchi, 2014) with the limitations of enterprise creation (Driouchi, 2014) and the implicit exclusion of women in some Arab countries (Gamar and Driouchi, 2014), constitute major signals for more knowledge about intergenerational social mobility. School attainment and knowledge in Arab Countries has already shown (Driouchi, 2014) how Barro and Lee (2014) data for the period 1950-2010 could be used to analyze education differences between countries. A special focus on the basic data can be found in Bentouila, and Gamar (2014). The
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In the post-war period the professions represented the primary route for intergenerational social mobility in the UK (Cabinet office, 2008). Yet in recent years a number of reports commissioned by the Social Mobility Commission have highlighted that Britain’s traditionally high-status professional arenas, such as law, medicine, journalism, elite professional services and, most recently, banking, are dominated by those who have been privately educated or who hail from privileged backgrounds. While this work has been revealing, it has had to rely on either data with small sample sizes (Macmillan, 2009), or purely qualitative data (Ashley et al., 2015; Moore et al., 2016). In contrast, the new LFS data we draw on in this report contains both a very large sample size and detailed data on parental occupation. This allows us to compare the impact of socio-economic background on rates of access into both traditional high-status professions like medicine and law but also many professions not often explored in relation to social mobility such as nursing, social work, life science and IT.
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Intergenerational social mobility varies across countries; for example, the US have been traditionally been viewed as being more mobile than European countries, al- though recent evidence has shown the US to occupy a middle ground within OECD countries—with countries such as Italy, France and the UK displaying less mobility than the US, and countries such as Sweden, Canada and Norway exhibiting more (Breen and Jonsson, 2004). Social mobility also tends to vary across different pop- ulation groups within countries. For example, US patterns of intergenerational mo- bility vary by race (Hertz, 2004). Our focus here, however, is not on race—an aspect which has received considerable attention in the literature—but on intergenerational patterns of mobility for the offspring of recent migrants, and specifically on gender differentials in social mobility within that group.
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Therefore, from this discussion we can conclude that Within the Tea Garden Horizontal Mobility is stronger than Vertical Mobility. Horizontal Mobility is observed almost all occupations. But Vertical mobility can be observed only from Daily rated labour to Business holder within the Garden. The study on Occupational Mobility reveals that occupation of Tea garden labourer is mostly Stagnant. Various causes of Occupational stagnation are like lack of education, Location of Tea garden, social security provided by Tea management etc.
In addition to gender di ff erence, intergenerational mobility displays regional disparity. The pattern of decline is more significant in less developed areas, such as rural and west- ern regions. Figure 2.12 graphs the return to schooling years for six provinces according to Zhang et al. (2005), and suggests that the increase in return to schooling is more signif- icant in the two most developed provinces / municipalities, namely, Zhejiang and Beijing. However, this increase lowers intergenerational mobility. Given the declining mobility in less developed rural / western regions, the regional pattern may not be driven by return to human capital. Alternatively, we suggest that the regional disparity is mainly driven by the gap in per capita income and the severity of credit constraint. Given the distribution of family income, intergenerational mobility is expected higher in a society with higher av- erage income, as fewer households are subject to credit constraint. However, households in rural and western regions have tighter credit constraint on investment in the human capital of their children than their wealthier counterparts. As discussed in the background section, the public finance for education has been localized; therefore, the share of gov- ernment expenditure on education is low in less developed areas, such as rural area and western provinces. The drastic increase in educational costs has exacerbated credit con- straints, especially in these regions. As per a recent national survey of college students, Li et al. (2013) reports that the poverty rates are 28% and 32% for students from western provinces and rural area, respectively. These values exceed the national average level of 22%.
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Questions about the distribution of income, both cross-sectionally and over time, have received consid- erable public and media attention. These discussions sometime but not always make the linkage to school attainment, but, when they do, they usually do not consider any underlying causes of differences in at- tainment and the impact of college aid policies. The analysis highlights the major problem with simply looking at the marginal conditions for attendance under the different scenarios. The subsidy programs can have large effects on the schooling behavior of the population, and this results in substantial changes in the cost of schooling and in the wages of people who enter the labor market with different skills. Further, when considering the characteristics of intergenerational mobility, it is clear that any changes in patterns of college enrollment and completion accumulate across generations. In the absence of any government inter- vention, substantial inefficiencies might exist – because smart poor kids cannot afford schooling and remain uneducated. Moreover, the financial constraints would tend to lock in family status across generations.
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16 movement from non-agricultural to agricultural works. Urban and regional variables also matter to mobility of employment, especially the mobility between agricultural and non-agricultural sectors. Urban people tend to move up from unskilled to skilled and non-manual occupation than rural people. Compared with workers in Red River Delta (the reference group), workers in North Central Coast, South Central Coast and Southeast are more likely to move up from unskilled to skilled and non-manual. Workers in northern mountains including North East and North West are less likely to move from self-employed to wage jobs as well as move from agricultural to non-agricultural employment. Workers in Central Highlands are more likely to transit from wage jobs to self-employed employment, but less likely to as move from agricultural to non-agricultural employment.
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In addition, this paper presents examination of how an increase in pension benefits affects intergenerational mobility. Le Garrec (2015) derives that education investment increases if the pension benefit depends on the wage level. Our paper presents examination of the model with intergenerational mobility.
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The empirical results show that the equity of educational opportunities can ef- fectively solve the problem of intergenerational income flow. Therefore, the government should publicize and popularize the correct concept of family edu- cation, abandon the idea of useless reading, continue to improve compulsory education and popularization of high school education, improve the funding system of higher education. Higher education investment is large, low-income families are difficult to bear the cost, the government funds to protect poor stu- dents’ access to education. Define and refine the amount of poverty assistance, grant different amounts of assistance according to specific conditions, improve the repayment mechanism of student loans, flexible and diverse repayment me- chanism to alleviate the economic pressure of students with difficulties.
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Aghion et al. , Vandenbussche et al.  and Basu and Mehra  bring out the contribution of the different composition of human capital to economy-wide technological improvements through the twin channels of imitation and innovation. Technological progress is a dualistic phenomenon which uses human capital inputs differently at different stages of development (in terms of its distance to the world technology frontier). Theoretically, it is shown that when an economy is far away from the world technology frontier, imitation of technologies is the main engine of total factor productivity (TFP) growth. In comparison, as an economy bridges its gap from the world technology leader, the scope of imitation falls and the dependence on innovation activity rises. Technologically sufficiently advanced economies rely on innovation activity (constitute innovation-only regime) alone whereas technologically sufficiently backward economies perform only imitation activity (form the imitation-only regime). Intermediate economies perform both the activities (represent imitation-innovation regime). This work aims to extend this line of research to address the relation between the intergenerational mobilities (upward and downward mobilities) of individuals and between (skilled and unskilled) group wage inequality of an economy depending on the level of development when individuals are credit constrained. 1 On the consumption
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Nevertheless, until quite recently, there were not definitive results linking individual motivation to individual market outcomes. Using the National Longitudinal Survey, Andrisani (1977) found a statistically significant relationship between hourly earnings and the “internal–external” attitude of men. He claimed that if both black and white men had greater internal attitudes and less external attitudes, then individual initiative and labor market out- comes would increase. Duncan and Morgan (1981) specifically sought to replicate the NLS results with data from the Panel Study on Income Dynamics (PSID). They found that PSID-based expectancy items are not substantially dissimilar to those of the NLS. Both capture the social psy- chology concept of locus of control, i.e., a person’s perceived personal ability to control their own lives. (For an extended discussion, see Duncan and Morgan (1981) as well as Dunifon and Duncan 1998). Nevertheless, among others using the Panel Study on Income Dynamics, Duncan and Morgan and Hill (1985) failed to find strong links between individual motivational measures and individual income 2 to 4 years after the survey measure of motivation.
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The proposed method builds on the large body of decomposition literature which seeks to understand differences in some outcome between groups. A prime example in labor economics is wage differences between men and women. The method often used to investigate such differences is some variation of the Oaxaca-Blinder (OB) decomposition (Oaxaca 1974, Blinder 1973). While the traditional OB decomposition focuses on understanding simple mean differences, recent literature has extended the traditional OB decomposition beyond simple mean comparisons to evaluate differences between two groups across the full distribution and functions thereof (Chernozhukov et al., 2013; DiNardo et al., 1996; Firpo et al., 2007; Machado and Mata, 2005; Roth, 2016). In some instances, however, the relevant question pertains to an outcome that varies along a continuous group membership rather than binary group membership. In particular, the literature on economic mobility seeks to understand to what degree and why offspring incomes vary with parental incomes. In this case, the outcome (offspring income) varies along a continuous group membership
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This paper presents new data on social mobility in Scotland. It examines the extent to which individuals’ occupation as adults is correlated with the occupation of their parents. It considers the extent to which growing up in a workless household influences the likelihood of being employed as an adult. And it examines how the occupational class of one’s parents influences the probability of being a homeowner, after controlling for individual characteristics (educational qualifications, health). The paper finds evidence that parental labour market status plays a significant role in influencing labour and housing market outcomes in Scotland, and that this intergenerational effect is at least as strong in Scotland as it is in the UK as a whole.
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Pakistan is a developing country with high unemployment rate, slow economic growth, inefficient Zakat system, and increasing poverty rate. Pakistan is facing different problem to achieve the sustainable development goals. The 21th century goals are to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, insure environmental sustainability, reduce corruption rate, inclusive economy, concentration of wealth, equal distribution of wealth. The proposed framework of intergenerational wealth mobility will help to minimize the poverty, evasion of taxation system, effective and efficient Zakat system as well as reduces the level of money laundering and corruption rates in Pakistan. In a while examine by (Shehzadi, Mohammad and Shah 2012).
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Intergenerational mobility studies usually estimate the correlation between the socioeconomic status of parents and their offspring. On the one hand, a high corre- lation would imply that people born in disadvantaged families have a smaller chance to occupy the highest socioeconomic positions than those born in privileged families. On the other hand, a zero correlation would imply a high degree of mobility and more equal opportunities. Sociologists explore the association measures between ordered categorical variables, such as social and economic class position. Meanwhile the eco- nomics literature has primarily concentrated on the relationship between parents’ and their offspring’s permanent incomes or earnings. 1 In particular, the standard measure
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Some studies, for instance Piraino (2007) in Italy, investigated the channels in the transmission of economic status and found parental education’s contribution to the inter- generational mobility. Korea went through a great expansion in education in the last few decades, and the parent-child schooling correlation among 20–69 sons in 2008 is only 0.333, one of the lowest values according to Hertz et al. (2008). 22 In particular, approxi- mately 60% of sons in 2008 are educated beyond high schools, whereas about 50% of their fathers have education equal or less than middle school. At the same time, there is a dif- ferential probability of attaining post-secondary education degree by father’s status. For example, the probability of attaining college or advanced degree is 32 percentage points higher for sons whose fathers are educated more than middle school. As the wage gap between sons with a college or advanced degree and those with no education beyond high school is 100% in 2008, I estimate the role of education as a channel of intergenerational transmission by adding the son’s education dummy variables to Eq. (5). The resulting
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Although we favor the interpretation of high human capital parents being literally “better” at investing, we note that our conclusions would continue to go hold for many other, unmodeled sources of complementarity. For instance, more educated parents might enjoy a higher total return on furthering their children’s human capital because they also derive intrinsic utility from their offspring’s academic achievements. Alternatively, the marginal product of human capital investments may be increasing in school and neighborhood quality, or it may depend on the nature of children’s social interactions. The crux of our analysis is that children of well-educated parents are more likely to grow up in environments that act as complements to parental investments.
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The above issues have been also tackled from the perspective of intergenerational mobility. Salehi-Isfahan, Belhaj-Hassine and Ragui (2014) analyze equality of opportunity in educational achievement in some Arab countries. As discussed in Binzel (2011) and in Binzel and Carvalho (2015), the available empirical studies of intergenerational mobility suggest that the transmission of economic status across generations is higher in less developed countries than in developed ones as the expansion of education allows for more social mobility in developing economies. But, Carvalho (2015 & 2016) when focusing on Egypt|, document a contemporaneous decline in social mobility among educated youth and develop a model to show the impacts of an unexpected drop in social mobility combined with inequality.
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