Internal Migration in Turkey

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IMPACT of Internal Migration on Political Participation in TURKEY

IMPACT of Internal Migration on Political Participation in TURKEY

During the last sixty years, about 7 to 8 percent of the Turkish population has moved from one province to another in every five-year interval. As can be observed from Figures 1 and 2, this movement was essentially from the east and north towards the west and south, that is from the less developed and poorer parts of the country to the more industrialized and richer regions. As a consequence of this massive internal migration, the urbanization rate has increased from about 25 percent in 1950 to 42 percent in 1975, 65 percent in 2000 and 77 percent in 2011. Now 39 percent of Turkish population resides in a province other than the one in which they were born. This figure was 28 percent in 2000, 17 percent in 1975, and only 12 percent in 1950. 1 Six provinces which collectively make up a third of the country’s resident population have more immigrants than people born there. Only 16 percent of residents in Istanbul province which includes Turkey’s largest metropolis, and only 32 percent of those in Ankara province, which includes country’s capital and its second largest city, were born there. On the other hand, more than half of the people born in thirty-four of the eighty-one provinces were living elsewhere. Less than a fifth of those born in Ardahan, and only about a quarter of those born in Çankırı, Tunceli and Bayburt reside in their birth provinces.
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Impact of internal migration on political participation in Turkey

Impact of internal migration on political participation in Turkey

Most of the results above are similar to what was found in other countries. However, a few of our findings should be considered novel. That emigration has a negative impact on turnout is reported only in one other study. Likewise, even though their participation is lower than that of natives, that immigrants have a greater incentive to participate in elections in areas where their concentrations are high is a result not obtained in too many studies. Our finding that turnout may decline with college education is an important one as well, as it can explain the Brody’ s (1978) puzzle (why, despite rising education levels, political participation fails to increase). To the best of our knowledge, this explanation was not suggested elsewhere. That electoral participation declined in the post baby-boomer generations in many North American and European countries is well known, but here we were able to show for the first time that this was the case in Turkey as well. We further found that this decline has reversed in Turkey in the generation born after 1980, which entered the electorate with the 2002 election. This explains, at least partially, why the turnout rate in Turkey does not exhibit a declining trend as in Western countries where the political participation of the millennial (Y) generation is especially low. In Turkey this cohort not only turns out even more than the baby boomers, its proportion in the population is much larger than their Western counterparts ’ .
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Internal migration: a review of the literature

Internal migration: a review of the literature

Toya et al. (2004) study both the determinants and the consequences of migration in the Philippines using regional data over the period 1980-2000 and analyse the role of human capital. They compute the average schooling years based on Barro and Lee (1993) to obtain a measure for the net inflow of human capital. They obtain that net migration (also net inflow of human capital) is positively affected by the income in the sending region, thus all people tend to move from poor to rich regions. The results for conditional convergence show that the net migration rate does not have a significant impact on regional growth. They carry out a further estimate to assess the impact of migration on human capital formation; finding that net inflow of population is negatively correlated with the growth in primary and secondary schooling years and positively correlated with the growth in higher schooling years. Therefore, they conclude that migration has two opposite effects on the growth of regions (i.e., quantity and composition effect) and that this may explain the insignificant effect of migration on regional growth. Kirdar and Saracoglu (2007) provide empirical evidence for the negative causal impact of internal migration for Turkey. They test the presence of convergence across Turkish provinces during the period 1975-2000. Following Barro and Sala- i-Martin (1995), they test the presence of the absolute convergence, finding divergence rather than convergence. On the contrary, after controlling for regional characteristics and structural features specific to each province, the results show the presence of (conditional) convergence 37 . The impact of migration on the speed of convergence is then examined, finding a significant negative effect. The authors point out two important characteristics of internal migration in Turkey that can support the results. The first is that internal migration flows are very high compared to internal migration in developed countries. The second refers to the composition of migration, which is mainly characterized by low skilled workers moving from rural to urban area. They conclude that the composition effect is very weak and that explains why the results turn out to be those predicted by the neoclassical theory.
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An Empirical Test of Income Distribution and Migration Relationship: A Case of Turkey

An Empirical Test of Income Distribution and Migration Relationship: A Case of Turkey

The period when internal migration in Turkey occurred is after 1950’s. In this country, there are income inequalities between east and west regions and these inequalities are against to east so over migration has occurred to west after 1950s. (Karaca, 2004). This situation has become the general reason of internal migration from 1950s to nowadays. Migration which is from rural to urban or from eastern regions to western regions has caused increasing population in the certain places in Turkey (Tutar et al., 2012).
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Southwest as the new internal migration destination in Turkey

Southwest as the new internal migration destination in Turkey

Not to get lost in detail, we will focus on the top fifteen provinces from where migrants to southwest originate. These provinces, listed in Table 5 and marked in Figure 2, account for almost 60 percent of in-migration to Antalya and Muğla. Recognition of patterns will be enhanced if we divide the fifteen provinces into three groups: three distant ones in the western half of the country (Istanbul, Kocaeli, and Ankara) , ten provinces surrounding Antalya and Muğla ( İzmir , Ayd ın , Mersin, Adana, Hatay, Denizli, Afyon, Burdur, Isparta, and Konya), and two distant ones in the eastern Turkey ( Diyarbakır and Van). Henceforth we will refer to them as the first, second and third groups. In Tables 5 through 8, we shaded the rows for provinces in the first and third groups and placed the ones in the second group in between them to facilitate comparisons. Further partitioning of the second group into five coastal and five non-coastal provinces will be very helpful as well. In the unshaded parts of the mentioned tables, the coastal provinces are placed first, then the land-locked ones. The provinces in the first group which incorporates the two largest metropolitan areas and the coastal ones in the second group, especially Izmir which includes the third largest metropolitan area, constitute the most advanced parts of the country. The provinces in the east are among the least advanced. The rest of the provinces in the second group fall in between.
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Migration and Regional Convergence: An Empirical Investigation for Turkey

Migration and Regional Convergence: An Empirical Investigation for Turkey

prefectures, and concludes that the causes of this migration puzzle have to be investigated elsewhere. In a study, similar to that of Barro and Sala-i-Martin (1992), conducted on Sweden, Persson (1994) finds a positive but still a weak contribution of internal migration on the convergence across 24 Swedish counties in per capita income. Soto and Torche (2004) conclude that the lack of speedy convergence across Chilean regions is due to low levels of interregional migration, which is a direct result of the social policies of the government. Among the convergence studies for Turkey, only Gezici and Hewings (2004) incorporate net internal migration rate as a regressor directly into their regional convergence analysis together with other explanatory variables such as an east dummy to capture the east-west dualism, population growth rate, and public investment to GDP ratio. However, they find no significant effect of migration on convergence for the 1987-1997 period.
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Cross-Border Labor Migration in Europe: A View from the Emerging Civil Society in Ukraine

Cross-Border Labor Migration in Europe: A View from the Emerging Civil Society in Ukraine

as a Sending Country for Wage-labor Migration The population of Ukraine has drastically decreased from 52.2 million in 1992 to 46.3 million in 2011 (Sushko, Prystayko 2011) due to migration and low birth rate caused by low salaries and a relatively low quality of life (Vollmer, Bilan, Lap- shyna, Vdovstova 2010). The name “Ukraine”, or Ukrajina, literary means “bor- derland”, and unfortunately the geopolitical role of the country accurately corre- sponds to this meaning. Because of its geographical situation in Europe bordering the Eurasian country of Russia, it is considered to be the “buffer state” between Russia and NATO countries. it is also considered to be the “sanitary border” of Western Europe, keeping out the treat from the east (Mikhel 2009). Ukraine is divided into twenty five administrative regions (Oblast’) and is divided into east and west by a river Dniepr. This involuntary division also seems to be separating the country ideologically and linguistically, where the western part of Ukraine is pro EU and is the main supplier of emigrants into the European countries, and the eastern part supports and provides short term emigrants to Russia.
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Prospects of labour migration pressure in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Turkey

Prospects of labour migration pressure in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Turkey

but can employment ratios rise without constraints in these countries? For instance, in the case of Algeria, the business-as-usual scenario predicts that, by 2035, the employ- ment ratio is expected to increase from about 45% of the working-age population in 2015 to 75% in 2035. Is such a rise realistic in a country where, in 2015, the male em- ployment ratio is already at an intermediate to high level (75%) but where the female employment ratio is among the lowest in the world (14%) due to persistent and perva- sive cultural barriers to work outside the home (Achoui 2006; ILO 2015; World Bank 2011)? The answer is affirmative if, during the period 2015 – 2035, cultural change per- mits higher female labour force participation. A rise of the general employment ratio to 75% by 2035 would imply the following. First, the male employment ratio would have to rise to even higher levels, say to 90%. Such a level seems feasible as it is observed in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia where the highest male employment ratios are found. Second, the employment ratio of Algerian women would then have to increase from 14% in 2015 to 60% by 2035 to realize a general employment ratio of 75% by 2035. Should existing barriers to female labour force participation prevail, the shortage of labour would then have to come from immigration, for instance, from Algerian labour migrants abroad. If this does not take place, a decline of GDP growth is implied. To conclude, scenario results show that the tempo of migration pressure growth will level off because working-age population growth is becoming less strong. This supports claims of several qualitative and theoretical studies (e.g. De Haas 2011; OECD, 2009) which suggest that, in the long term, demographic growth will become less of a deter- mining factor in the emigration of residents from these countries. However, up to 2035, the size of the non-employed population in Turkey and Morocco is expected to be large and even somewhat increasing. Proximity, presence of a large community of co- ethnics, political stability and safety and perceptions about better income and employ- ment in EU countries may result in release of part of this migration pressure in the dir- ection of Europe, through legal or illegal channels. If current political instability, sectarian violence, social unrest and insecurity in several countries in the South and East Mediterranean region continue to spill over to these countries, current refugee flows to the EU may not come to a halt and it will become increasingly difficult to dis- tinguish asylum seekers from immigrants driven by economic motives. If so, accultur- ation of immigrants and social cohesion in EU countries and cities require even greater attention, anticipation, creativity and action of national policymakers and ethnic com- munity leaders.
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The impact of externalized migration governance on Turkey: technocratic migration governance and the production of differentiated legal status

The impact of externalized migration governance on Turkey: technocratic migration governance and the production of differentiated legal status

Throughout the twentieth century, Turkey was a land of immigration for Muslim and Turkic groups from the wider region, but these arriving groups were perceived as natural citizens rather than foreigners. According to the 1934 Settle- ment Law, immigrants were defined as those of Turkish descent and culture who came to settle in Turkey. 3 Only in the early 1990s, mass inflows during the Gulf Crisis and at the peak of the Kurdish armed conflict in the Eastern part of the country urged authorities to introduce regulations on the treatment of large groups of displaced people arriving in Turkey. According to the 1994 Regulation, 4 the Ministry of the Interior (MoI) became the final decision-making body for refugee status determination (RSD), in collaboration with the UNHCR. 5 While the 1994 Regulation signals the transition to international norms (İçduygu & Bayraktar Aksel, 2012, p. 40), it did not provide a clear procedure for inter- national protection applications until the amending document in 2006 (Soykan, 2017, p. 54). Indeed, the post-1994 period is characterised by rights violations by Turkey, especially the right to non-refoulement and an increasing number of cases against Turkey at the level of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) (Kiri ş ci, 2012, pp. 67 – 68). Many people in need of international protec- tion were deported before gaining proper access to the asylum process. Although the 1994 Regulation is a milestone for migration governance in Turkey, due to problems in capacity and implementation, it failed to filter between asylum seekers and other categories of migrants.
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Internal Migration in Nepal: National Growth Rate Method and its Improvement

Internal Migration in Nepal: National Growth Rate Method and its Improvement

In addition to direct estimate of migration from census data there are various indirect techniques to measure the internal migration. The key strength of indirect techniques is that they do not require any specialized data. Among the different indirect methods used to measure migration, national growth rate is one of them. This method is more suggested by the researcher if detailed data is not available. It require minimum and simple data. The data on total population is sufficient to measure the internal migration using this method. Although this is a user friendly method, it is not free from the criticism. This method fails to separate the pure migration from the natural increase of migrated people. To overcome such limitation of this method an improvement on this method has been suggested by MD. Mizanur Rahman. The method developed over the correction on NGRM is supposed to segregate the pure migration from the natural increase of migrated people [2].
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Is migration in later life good for wellbeing? A longitudinal study of ageing and selectivity of internal migration

Is migration in later life good for wellbeing? A longitudinal study of ageing and selectivity of internal migration

Of course, there is much that we have not done in this paper that could usefully augment understandings of whether migration is good for wellbeing and implications for inequalities in ageing. In particular, we do not capture anything about the household or family links of movers or stayers, which are likely to be crucial for understanding drivers and impacts of internal migration in later life (van der Pers, Mulder, & Steverink, 2015). In this respect there are undoubtedly gender dif- ferences to explore. It would be useful also to be able to compare voluntary and involuntary movers to voluntary and invol- untary stayers. This would enable, for example, assessment of the extent to which there is unfulfilled moving desire (Coulter, 2013) among older people and how enabling migration may potentially enhance wellbeing. One important limita- tion of this study is attrition of sample members, which is more common for those with poorer wellbeing/health and in the lower social classes. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that the levelling off in the trajectory of wellbeing after an involuntary move, compared with the trajectory before the move, is not driven to some extent by attrition of those with low levels of wellbeing. We guard against this to some extent in that replication of our analysis using the ELSA wave 6 longitudinal weights, which account for attrition (but lead to a much smaller sample size requiring observations at each wave), does not alter our substantive findings. Similarly, we must acknowledge that ELSA is a household survey, excluding those in care institutions for whom different drivers of migration and relationships with wellbeing are likely. Place is entirely absent from our study; where people move to and from and how this relates to family and social networks, services and suchlike is undoubtedly important for understanding the association between moving and wellbeing. For example, the body of research that has demonstrated migration to be health-selective, with the effect of increasing spatial inequalities in health outcomes, might be further developed through stratification according to reason for migration (Norman & Boyle, 2014; Norman, Boyle, & Rees, 2005). Additionally, this paper would ideally be developed with greater attention to reason for move beyond the rather crude categorisation of “ voluntary ” and “ involuntary ” that we have employed here. This in itself could constitute a programme of work, qualitative and quantitative. We hope that further research will address these deficiencies. Given the declines in residential mobility over time, including for older age groups (Champion & Shuttle- worth, 2016), combined with our finding of the positive effects of migration for wellbeing, particularly for those facing adverse circumstances, the question of who gets to move becomes increasingly salient for those interested in challenging social inequalities.
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Internal Migration in the Context of Trade Liberalisation in Vietnam

Internal Migration in the Context of Trade Liberalisation in Vietnam

A modification of the Harris-Todaro model has been suggested by Pissarides and Mc- Master (1990) to explain net migration defined as total inflows in a region less total out- flows from a region. Pissarides and McMaster (1990) state that the gain from migration depends on relative wages and regional unemployment rates. They also explained that migration is also affected by regional unemployment in two ways. First, because unem- ployed workers have less to lose than the employed workers, they are more likely to move out than the employed ones. Regional unemployment differentials approximate the dif- ferences in employment probabilities in regions. The Harris-Todaro’s framework indicates that expected income depends on the possibility of employment, which is based on the assumption that the individuals are risk neutral and not quantity constrained and both relative wages and unemployment differentials can be converted to a single ‘expected income’ variable. Second, aggregate unemployment may impact on the gain from migra- tion: if the unemployment rate is high, employed workers may find security in their jobs and if they have achieved seniority rights in their current jobs, their gains from moving might be reduced; net migration is influenced by unemployment duration; unemployed workers may be discouraged from moving if they face liquidity constraints, therefore the gains from moving might be reduced.
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INTERNAL MIGRATION AND RIGHT TO VOTE IN INDIA- A REVIEW

INTERNAL MIGRATION AND RIGHT TO VOTE IN INDIA- A REVIEW

Internal migrants are a neglected community,” said Parimal Sudhakar, programme coordinator at the Society for Labour and Development in New Delhi. “In their source place, their representatives don’t pay attention to them because they don’t come back to vote. But where they have moved also, representatives don’t pay attention to them because they don’t have voting rights.” It isn't as if they lack the requisite documents. “At least 65%-70% of internal migrants have voter ID cards,” said Sudhakar. “Since their families in the villages will need their ration cards, they travel with their voter ID cards instead.” However, migrants usually make their ID cards with the name of their native places, partly because of job insecurity forces them to move for work frequently and partly because it helps them to safeguard any property they have may have at home.
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Remittances from Internal Migration and Poverty in Botswana

Remittances from Internal Migration and Poverty in Botswana

Though migrant remittances have increased considerably since the 1980s, it is still not certain what impact remittances from internal migration make on poverty mitigation in develop- ing countries and especially in Sub Saharan Africa (SSA). This is partly because, until recently, much of the funding for popula- tion studies went to reproductive health while the effects of globalization focused recent research on international migration. It is general knowledge that pre-1990 remittances were generally quite low in SSA (Caldwell, 1969; Adepoju, 1974; Lucas, 1982). Rempel & Lobdell (1978) concluded that the monies migrants remitted from urban areas in Kenya made no significant contri- bution to economic development in rural areas. These findings may have been due to the assumption that urban-rural remit- tances were made primarily to develop rural communities, as Gould (1995) also appears to have done. An additional contrib- uting factor may be the relatively low real wages received in urban areas plus the negative effects of structural adjustment programmes on human development. As Taylor et al. (2005) and several others have observed, not much has been done to inves- tigate the relationship between migrants’ remittances and pov- erty. Using data from 71 developing countries throughout the world, Adams and Page (2005) found that international migra- tion reduces poverty significantly. This position is supported by studies in Latin America (Acosta et al., 2007) and Sub Saharan Africa (Gupta et al., 2009). But while there seems to be certainty at the international level, there is considerable uncertainty about the effect of internal migration on poverty. Moreover there still exist pessimists who fail to see the relationship between migra- tion and poverty mitigation. Among the principle areas of con- tention is the definition of poverty. However, personal incomes
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Internal migration in Indonesia : outmigration from Java and Bali

Internal migration in Indonesia : outmigration from Java and Bali

1977:77-78). By using the duration of residence of less than 10 years, there were about 0.91 million Java-Bali born persons living in the Other Islands. Among them about 0.72 million lived in rural areas. While the number of transmigrants transferred to the Other Islands in the period 1962-71 was about .2 million, the rest of .52 million should be voluntary migrants including the spontaneous transmigrants. The spontaneous migration is certainly much'larger than the officially sponsored transmigration. A study of out-migration from Yogyakarta shows that the official statistics of transmigrants leaving Yogyakarta for all destinations between 1962 and 1971 show a total movement of about 23,000 persons whereas 38,000 persons living in Lampung alone at the time of the 1971 Census had lived in Yogyakarta during the previous ten years (McDonald and Sontosudarmo, 1976:61). Similarly, McNicoll (1969:80) says that among emigrants from Java to rural areas of the Outer Islands, spontaneous migrants are about 50 per cent more numerous than subsidized. Moreover, a considerable proportion of these migrants appear to have gone to the transmigration settlement areas
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Ethnic internal migration: The importance of age and migrant status

Ethnic internal migration: The importance of age and migrant status

These differences, not explained by the additional attributes adjusted for in these models, may relate to differences in pathways out of the family home (Finney, 2011), whereby these groups delay moving away from the place where they grew up. Similarly, it may reflect differences in the desire (or need) for greater local rootedness. For example, the benefit of maintaining a connection with one's local community may vary between differently marginalised or disadvan- taged groups, shaping propensity (not) to move across different distances. However, it may also reflect the more com- plex relationship between education, migration, and later employment for minority groups compared with the majority population, not captured in these data. Unequal access to different higher education institutions between ethnic groups may impact on employment prospects, disrupting the relationship between educational attainment and propensity to migrate. Education attainment may be an important trigger of migration for White groups, but employment status is more important for ethnic groups (Raymer & Giulietti, 2009). Further, non ‐ White groups are less likely to move away from the home environment for educational purposes which, according to wider literatures on migration propensities and income, detrimentally influences later ‐ life earning potential and may influence subsequent internal migration trajectories (Faggian et al., 2006).
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INTERNAL LABOR MIGRATION AND INTEGRATION CHALLENGES INDIAN PERSPECTIVE

INTERNAL LABOR MIGRATION AND INTEGRATION CHALLENGES INDIAN PERSPECTIVE

Hundreds of thousands of migrants fled the state as a result. Orchestrated riots and violent political campaigns routinely target these migrants and protest their presence in the city. Mumbai is a particularly stark example of local identity politics that marginalize internal migrant populations, but it also reflects a basic reality of the Indian states system, which is organized by language and cultural groups: since most Indian states are, by design, the local homelands of India’s different ethnic and linguistic groups, migration between states often creates competitive politics between migrants and locals. It is also important to note, however, that some migrant destinations do not have a local backlash. Bihari migrants in Kolkata, for example, form a majority of that city’s labor migrants, but there is no substantial natives strain in Kolkata’s politics.
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Internal migration and inclusive development: Insights from the field

Internal migration and inclusive development: Insights from the field

People and size of population have remained an interesting area of enquiry and research in social sciences since time immemorial – oscillating between considering people as a favourable factor for economic growth and viewing them as a drag to the growth process. The Mercantilist view, which dominated economic thought during 16 th -18 th centuries, considered increase in population as a blessing. According to them higher population meant higher number of soldiers and increase in the number of productive workers. On the other hand, the Physiocrats were suspicious about the advantages of population growth and some of them insisted that shortage of food was a possibility that ought to be taken into account by a nation if population increased continuously. This debate was a subset of the wider debate between looking at people from the Human Capital context and the Human Development context. While the former treats people as active economic agents and inputs to the production process, the latter looks at human being as the benefactor of the process of growth. Now, population of any region can change through natural processes of birth and death, and through movements of population or migration. Over the last three hundred years or so, the natural process has stabilised across the globe. With advances in science and technology, preventive and curative medical facilities have improved tremendously, leading to convergence of death rates. Socioeconomic progress at the macro level and changes in micro- decision making at the household level have led to a fall in birth rates. As a result, migration has emerged as an important factor behind population changes – both temporary and permanent. It has also become a part of worldwide process of urbanisation and
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Forced displacement and internal migration in Colombia, 1992 2004

Forced displacement and internal migration in Colombia, 1992 2004

regularities in the study of forced migration in Colombia: the lack of interdisciplinary studies, the lack of consensusabout the real dimension of forced displacement in Colombia- as a c[r]

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Growth, Employment and Internal Migration  Peru, 2003 2007

Growth, Employment and Internal Migration Peru, 2003 2007

The second to fifth columns add different measurement options for internal migration and interact them with the convergence variable, to assess if migration speeds up the convergence pace or not 16 . One first option is to include the net migration variable. However, it has to be done in absolute value (disregarding the sign) because higher net migration levels (both on the positive side or the negative side) should help speed the convergence process in per capita GDP. By the “law of diminishing returns”, relatively capital-abundant richer regions with a net flow of incoming migrants would tend to experience reductions in their levels of average per capita GDP. On the contrary, relatively capital-scarce poorer regions with a net flow of outgoing migrants would tend to experience increases in their average levels of per capita GDP 17 . The second column in Table 20 shows that the convergence coefficient keeps the negative sign but loses size and statistical significance. The interaction term of convergence and net migration has the expected negative sign (higher migrations levels speed the convergence process) but fails to pass statistical significance tests at conventional levels.
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