Government protection for trafficking victims during the reporting period remained inadequate and no department dedicated financial or staff resources specifically for trafficking victims. While the government operated facilities that provide an array of social services to its citizens, including 10 “Thuthuzela” reception centers that offer medical and psychological care to victims of sexual violence, it remains unclear whether trafficking victims utilized any of these services in 2006. However, police referred an unknown number of traffick- ing victims to local NGO-run shelters during the reporting period; the government provided financ- ing to some of these facilities to assist in the care of victims. Police requested IOM’s participation in joint interviews of suspected foreign victims and referred a number of victims to the organization for short- term care and repatriation. The government actively encouraged victims’ assistance in the investigation and prosecution of their traffickers; at least six traf- ficking victims were placed in South Africa’s witness protection program during the year to enable their involvement. In December, however, photographs of four Thai women in witness protection appeared in a Durban newspaper, increasing threats against their lives and families in Thailand. One group of suspected foreign victims was detained in a jail cell with their alleged traffickers, seriously compromising their ability to assist in a prosecution. There are no legal alternatives to the removal of foreign trafficking victims to countries where they face hardship or retribution. While local law enforcement’s ability to question migrants improved, the lack of national coordination and procedures for victim protection continued to lead to deporta- tion of most foreign victims before they were able to give evidence in court. In addition, immigration officials did not attempt to identify trafficking victims among undocumented foreigners,
Such treaties include the following: 1956 U.N. Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery; 2000 U.N. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the U.N. Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime; 2000 U.N. Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography; 2000 U.N. Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict; 1957 ILO Convention No. 105 on the Abolition of Forced Labor; and 1999 ILO Convention No. 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. The United States is not party to the 1930 ILO Convention No. 29 on Forced Labor, including a recent Protocol and new Recommendation, adopted in 2014, which supplements Convention No. 29 and updates the treaty to address commitments to combat human trafficking in the context of forced labor, among other provisions. The U.S. Department of Labor expressed in a blog post that the U.S. government actively supports the adoption of the new Protocol and Recommendation and advocated for strong provisions to be included in both. See http://social.dol.gov/blog/a-powerful-new-tool-in-the-fight-against-forced-labor/.
Trafficking in persons has been an age-long practice at both local and international levels and this has gained international attention with the ‘Protocols to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons especially Women and Children’ which is also referred to as the ‘Trafficking Protocol’. This United Nations’ instrument has evidently removed the practice from the local to international domain of operation and therefore has become an issue of universal concern. However, the signing and domestication of this protocol in municipal laws of member countries particularly in Africa has not impacted significantly on the practice as cartels of human traffickers keep erupting even as the battle turns fierce against them. Child labour which is one of the main impetuses for the trade is still rife in many communities particularly in Africa. This paper peruses the causes of trafficking in persons, the resultant child labour, its dynamics and the media engagement in the fight against the scourge. It proffers some peacebuilding suggestions for the involvement of the media in the fight against human trafficking and child labour.
exploitation and trafficking through forced labor and debt bondage. Other forms of human trafficking also include trafficking for domestic servitude and the use of children in armed conflict (e.g., child soldiers).
The modern manifestation of this trafficking problem is driven by the willingness of labor and service providers to violate anti-trafficking laws and regulations in the face of continued international demand for cheap labor and services and gaps in the enforcement of such rules. Ongoing demand is particularly concentrated among industries and economic sectors that are low-skill and labor-intensive. To address the complex dynamics at issue in human trafficking, policy responses are cross-cutting and international, bringing together diverse stakeholders in the fields of foreign policy, human rights, international security, criminal justice, migration, refugees, public health, child welfare, gender issues, urban planning, international trade, labor recruitment, and government contracting and procurement.
third largest global organised crime which is mounting and swelling up everyday. Women, girls, children are trafficked within the country from one state to another state or even intercountry like Bangladesh to Pakistan, Burma to Thailand, Nepal to India so on and so for. Girls and women are trafficked for the purpose of prostitution, forced marriage and domestic work. Children are trafficked for the purpose of bondages. It could be working in brick kilns, mining, bidi industries, rice mills, agriculture sector, embroidery factory etc. Young girls and women may be due to poverty, strained relations with family members or in laws, unemployment etc are forced into prostitution. Once entered they are unable to come out of this profession due to various factors. They are not only shunned and spurned by the society but are also ostracised and banished by their family members. As a result, left with no other choice they remain in the world of commercial sex willingly or unwillingly and suffers from diseases like HIV/AIDS, cervical cancer, drug abuse, unwanted pregnancy etc. Its not that nothing has been done globally on this staid and sombre issue but the efforts and laws that have been enacted are inadequate and deficient to combat this menacing and ever elevating problem. No doubt every country has laws on prohibition of human trafficking but are the laws enough to combat trafficking? Whether by enacting laws are we able to curb the ever climbing problem of human trafficking? Should stringent laws be able to finish or rather reduce trafficking? Should uniform and comprehensive laws be able to solve this deep rooted problem? Are these persons whose life has been wrecked and devastated rehabilitated? These and many more questions keep on bringing frown on the faces of the people and one thing is certain that if immediately nothing is done on this grave, grim and dismal issue than human beings who are considered to be the best creation of Almighty on this earth will continue to suffer for no fault of theirs. The authors in the present paper would be focussing on position of trafficking of women and children in various countries and would also be dealing with case studies of different trafficked people. Additionally, the laws that have been enacted and recommendations to curb this global evil would also be provided. The authors would also be dealing with the rehabilitation scenario of these ill fated people.
Box 7 Trafficking in the domestic service sector
It is widely acknowledged that migrants seeking domestic work are particularly vulnerable to trafficking for labour exploitation. Involuntary domestic servitude is a form of forced labour most commonly performed by women or children. Domestic service occurs in an informal work setting connected to the employee’s place of residence and is not often shared with other workers. As such, paid domestic work remains virtually invisible as a form of employment. Domestic work is undervalued and poorly regulated, and many countries do not offer protection to domestic workers under workplace legislation as this type of work is not perceived as regular employment (ILO 2010). The lack of legal protection, combined with the hidden and socially isolating environment inherent in live-in domestic service, is conducive to exploitation, since authorities are not able to scrutinise private working conditions as easily as they can inspect formal workplaces (US Department of State 2010). This renders domestic workers vulnerable to unequal, unfair and abusive treatment, including being overworked and underpaid.
6. The newly-formed Global Fund presents its own opportunities to address the issue of violent transmission of HIV/AIDS through sexual violence. One of the most innovative features of the Global Fund is its requirement that gov- ernments design country-wide, comprehensive HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tu- berculosis strategies in consultation with local civil society organizations. The Fund’s Technical Review Panel inspects the resulting Country Coordi- nating Mechanisms closely to assure that such consultation and collaboration actually takes place. The Global Fund has only funded one round of pro- posals, and it is thus too early to pronounce the experiment a complete suc- cess. It is nonetheless clear that the process has forced certain governments to consult nongovernmental organizations for the first time in their history. The Global Fund mechanism is an excellent way of using foreign aid lever- age to widen the political space for local civil society to flourish—a condition that is vital to the success of any HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment strat- egy. The Fund should insist that human rights and women’s rights organiza- tions be included in comprehensive country planning. The resulting country strategies for addressing infectious disease comprehensively should be scruti- nized for their attention to protection of women and girls from violent trans- mission and good government practice with regard to gender equality. 7. Another strategy to accelerate protection as a form of prevention would be
The term ‘non-prosecution’ which is used in Article 8 of the European Union Directive and in Article 4(2) of the ILO 2014 Protocol to the Forced Labour Convention has a much narrower meaning and specifically refers to the possibility that prosecutors may refrain pressing charges against victims of trafficking. The way in which the term ‘non- prosecution’ is used here does not alter the criminality or illegality of the victims’ conduct and instead suggest that whether victims will face prosecution and punishment for any offence committed as part of the trafficking situation is a matter of discretion and decided on a case-by-case basis (‘entitled not to prosecute’). This is especially problematic in civil law jurisdictions where, in some systems, authorities have a duty (and no discretion) to prosecute. Even where the discretion not to prosecute exists, this creates some uncertainty for victims of trafficking as they are unaware of the consequences they may face should they report to the authorities. It also leaves open the possibility that a decision not to prosecute may be reversed. 98 The UNHCHR Recommended Principles and
more research points to industrialized nations as a source and destination for human trafficking (Logan, Walker, and Hunt 2009). This growing collection of information reinforces the need for a better assessment of the complicity of capitalist networks and other institutions within
industrialized nations in the trade in human beings (Desyllas 2007; Chang and Kim 2007). These indications of the broad scope of trafficking demand an analysis on why the media has focused so heavily on isolated occurrences of trafficking and so little on the sociopolitical forces behind them. There is ample evidence that the rise in global capitalism and the spread of the corporate manufacturing supply chain into some of the poorest regions of the world has fueled the rise in transnational human trafficking (Bales 1999; Chang and Kim 2007; Cameron and Newman 2008; Kempadoo 2005). The following sections will discuss why there is so little analysis of this connection in the popular media.
Abstract. Trafficking in persons is a multi-sided phenomenon accompanying the current migration flows, therefore, the actions that must be undertaken in order to prevent, combat the phenomenon as well as to assist the victims of trafficking require a large partnership between all the actors involved: international organisations, governmental institutions and representatives of civil society. The special psychological, ethical issues raised especially by trafficking prevention and assistance to victims make the church and various religious organisations play a very important role in the corresponding networks at both international and national level. Even if the integration of the church in the networks fighting against TP has been quite largely addressed worldwide, there are but few studies undertaken in Romania in this area. Our paper opens the room for dialogue among the researchers interested in this topic from an interdisciplinary perspective to discuss the possibilities to establish sustainable partnerships between the state and the church against trafficking in persons. With this aim in view, we have first carried out a quantitative analysis of the scope and dynamics of trafficking in persons in Romania focusing on the victims’ profile by exploitation type. The main socio- demographic characteristics (gender, age, schooling, area of origin) have been considered in order to identify the vulnerability factors related to the risk involved by trafficking, both at national and regional level. We have also examined the responses in legislative and institutional terms, with a special emphasis on the collaboration between the state and the church in preventing and combating trafficking in persons. Of special relevance are the conclusions resulted from the field research undertaken in the area covered by the Diocese of Maramures and Satu Mare.
18. Any person who makes, obtains, gives, sells or possesses a fraudulent travel or identity document for the purpose of facilitating an act of trafficking in persons commits an offence and shall, on conviction, be punished with imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, and shall also be liable to a fine of not less than fifty thousand ringgit but not exceeding five hundred thousand ringgit.
Womentrafficking is a kind of activity in which women are exploited. In womentrafficking activity, there is no consideration of women’s right. The target is those women can be used to get money as much as possible. The women can become the victim of womentrafficking is due to the ability of the panders in doing persuasion. Through various strategies, these panders are successful in pushing these women to fall into this inhuman activity. One of the strategy is by politely ensuring them. This writing is aimed at describing the politeness strategy used by panders in persuading women to be the victim of womentrafficking. The research is conducted in West Java (Bekasi, Cirebon, and Indramayu). The data are any utterances of the panders in persuading the women to be the victim of womentrafficking. Observational method with note-taking, recording, and interviewing is used to collect data. The analysis is done by pragmatic and referential identity method related to the concept of politeness proposed Brown and Levinson (1987), Oktavianus and Revita (2013), Leech (2014), and Mira (2010). The result of analysis is descriptively presented. Having analyzed data, it is found that there are four politeness strategies used by the panders in woman trafficking activities. They are ( (a) bald on record; (b) positive politeness; (c) negative politeness; and (d) off record.
Trafficking in Women Human Rights or Human Risks? CLAUDIA ARADAU Cet article critique lirpproche victimisante au trafc des femmes en analysant la construction spkczfque de cesfemmes comme un groupe (([.]
As for the second theme, a multi-pronged approach was essential given that trafficking was not one single event but a set of circumstances involving a wide range of actors. The factors behind the supply of and demand for trafficked persons had to be tackled. The aim should not be simply to “rescue” people out of their situation and return them to their country and the same conditions from which they had originally left. The answer lay in making options available to trafficked persons, providing them with services and support and empowering them to make decisions over their own lives without any financial or social coercion. Also, migration laws should consider: (a) labour supply and demand both in countries of origin and destination; (b) discrimination that made women and children more vulnerable; (c) the demand for forced labour and; (d) the growing sex and entertainment industry that required unregulated migrant workers. Preventive actions were also necessary such as development programmes in migrants’ communities of origin to combat their vulnerable situation resulting from poverty and marginalization.
The model of a nation-state, and associated efforts to create a national imaginary and identity as a ‘Nepali citizen’, has evolved gradually. From the mid nineteenth century Nepal was ruled by the Hindu Rana elite, until in 1951 they were overthrown by a ‘monarchy-catalyzed revolution’ that restored the king to power ‘paving the way for the Panchayat era which refers to the period between 1961 and 1990 (Tamang, 2000: 129). During this time polit- ical parties were banned and the country was ruled by the monarchy, who promoted the concept of Nepali nationalism through modernization and de- velopment, in direct opposition to the isolationist policies of the Ranas (Pigg, 1992). Key to the Panchayat regime of nation building and the creation of a Nepali identity was a national education system, emphasis on the role of the monarchy as a symbol of national unity, the adoption of Nepali as the na- tional language, and updating of legal codes based on high caste Hindu norms (Burghart, 1994). 5 Although these changes can be understood as the imposi- tion of an ‘elite normativity’ on a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual population, the Panchayat period was also associated with the achievement of greater equality for women, in particular in relation to women’s formal le- gal status (Bennett, 1980). More recently, however, the notion of a ‘straight- forward’ progression of women’s rights has been questioned, with some writers arguing for a more complex understanding of this period as repre- senting a shift from ‘family patriarchy’ to ‘state patriarchy’ in the regulation of women’s lives (Tamang, 2000). As we later go on to demonstrate through analysis of findings from the post-trafficking study, these shifts appear to have been further consolidated under more recent processes of nation building in Nepal.
Trafficking in Women and the The Canadian B Y A N N A L E E LEPP En dPpit des pritentions d t ~ Canada gui se uoit le champion du monde en droits h u m a i n s dans l'artne internationale, guand i l s[.]
Hiding in plain sight; that is often the case for many victims of sex trafficking. Imagine taking a road trip with your family and deciding to stop at a rest area to take a quick break. You walk in and out, not paying much attention to the other people around you. Little do you know, that right in that same exact spot are women and girls of varying ages—some have been reported missing, others have run away because of domestic abuse, and one who was traded by her grandfather to a pimp to feed his crack habit—being trafficked across and within state lines, all while being manipulated and coerced into sexual exploitation. This was the case in 2011 in which traffickers ran a multi-state, truck stop, prostitution ring that exploited women and girls. They set prices and wired money among themselves; they lured girls with promises of love and wealth, and then trapped them and forced them to become prostitutes. One trafficker bragged that he had fractured his hand while beating a woman working for him as a prostitute for not making enough money; another broke the nose of a woman he pimped. 1
In the standardized survey, women were asked about their socioeconomic background, pre-trafficking expo- sures, experiences of violence, physical and mental health, and future plans and concerns. The question- naire was translated into Vietnamese and refined through group discussions with International Organization for Migration counter-trafficking teams, further revised through pilot-testing, and reviewed after back-translation into English. It measured symptoms of anxiety and de- pression with the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist and post- traumatic stress disorder with the Harvard Trauma Ques- tionnaire [19–21]. A cutoff of 1.75 was used for measuring anxiety  and 2.00 for post-traumatic stress disorder . We excluded item 12 (sexual interest) from the depression scale because of sensitivity in cases of sexual abuse and because participants were often residing in shelter situations; therefore, we used 1.625 as the cutoff for symptoms indicative of depression, instead of the standard 1.75 cutoff  and assuming that each item made a similar contribution to the overall score. Physical and sexual violence was measured by a modified tool of the WHO international study of domestic violence  which has been supplemented by items victims of trafficking commonly report to local service providers. Participants were asked about health problems experi- enced in the past 4 weeks and variables were coded as positive for people who reported severe levels (“ex- tremely” and “quite a lot”). Given the lack of empir- ical research, especially quantitative knowledge and tools, participants were also able to give open ended responses in addition to set response categories to questions concerning recruitment, reasons for leaving, return, reintegration, concerns and hope for the fu- ture. Qualitative quotes are used to illuminate the context of existing categories or to highlight the exist- ence of different reasons or situations than those cap- tured by the survey tool.
At a national level, the effect of trafficking on development may also be viewed in terms of the funds spent to fight this crime, funds, which could be used for other development interventions, if human trafficking did not exist or were eradicated. For example, according to a GAO report issued in 2007, the U.S. government has provided approximately $447 million in foreign assistance to nongovernmental organizations, international organizations, and foreign governments to combat and help eliminate human trafficking since 2001. In addition, to support U.S. efforts to investigate trafficking in persons within the U.S., the U.S. Bureau of Justice Assistance has funded a total of 42 law enforcement task forces on human trafficking and reported awarding a total of over $17 million to them from 2004 to 2006 (GAO, 2007a). However, this should be viewed as a minimum estimate of the law enforcement costs of anti- trafficking in the U.S. since resource information on fighting trafficking may not be distinguishable from other law enforcement activities. To implement their respective plans and carry out activities related to the investigation and prosecution of trafficking in persons, U.S. agencies have generally drawn from existing resources. Overall, if the fight against trafficking is successful, funds currently used to fight trafficking crimes may be channeled towards alternative development initiatives.
prostitution and trafficking, called for international collaboration to combat womentrafficking, and stressed that “trafficked persons entering the European Union, whether legally or illegally, could now be considered to have been trafficked.” 12
The international community was still not satisfied with the narrow definition of trafficking and public concern and outrage started growing considerably, leading the European Commission to address a number of objectives in relation to this issue in 1998. They included: “re-enforcing European and international cooperation with governments and NGOs, assuring that the question of womentrafficking for sex remains high on the political agenda of the EU; most importantly was the addition of trade in domestic workers or women who are forced into marriage to the trafficking definition, hence not only limiting trafficking to prostitution purposes.” 13 A year later, in 1999, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) also adopted their definition of trafficking referring to any profit-making of traffickers through coercion and/or deceit with no referral to any certain labour field. In year 2000, and after seventy four years of signing the Slavery Convention, the United Nations Transnational Organized Crime Convention was adopted and supplemented by three related Protocols on: Trafficking in Firearms 14 , Smuggling of Migrants 15 and Trafficking in Persons- Especially Women and Children 16 . Article 3 (a) of the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, also