While violence in the name of Islam did not generally characterize Indonesia and Malaysia in the 1970s and 1980s, events were taking place in the region and outside it that gave impetus to a renewed sense of Islamic identity and provided fodder to more radical expressions at the end of the 20th century. In the early 1970s, the world oil crisis had two important repercussions among Southeast Asian Muslims. The challenge to the West presented by the Arab-led oil embargo gave a sense of exhilaration to many in the local population who saw it as an example of a renewed Muslim position of world power. 2 Secondly, the new petrodollars that were accumulated after the crisis allowed both private and state Middle Eastern actors to provide the funding to promulgate their views of Islam to the outside world, including SoutheastAsia. Much of this aid was in the form of support for the expansion of general knowledge of Islam including aiding religious schools, distributing Korans, and providing scholarships for study in the Middle East. However, this new wealth also presented the opportunity to spread the rigid Wahabbi interpretation of Islam and other Islamic ideas that were to provide the foundation for future religious extremism.
The traditional but mildly reformistic theology that emerged in the mod- ern era, is a theology that is common amongst the religious establish- ment who associated themselves with the ideas of the reformist Egyptian Azharite’s, Sheikh Muhammad Abduh, and the famous and highly re- spected Indonesian ulama, BuyaHamka. Many of the religious tradition- alists are within this spectrum of theological affinity where teaching of wisdom (hikmah) and the adab traditions, are emphasized besides a strong observation of the legal precepts (fiqh) of Islam. Amongst these groups, albeit their firm stands on the orthodox theology, we see over time, a more receptive attitudes in the call to revitalize the faith, often phrased moderately. Their good grounding in the classical learning allows for some kind of openness and diversity of opinion. This strand is more eclectic in its theological views in comparison to those traditional ortho- dox kalam as well as those neo-orthodox revivalists.
developed parts of the world: lack of competitive markets (due to, for example, prohibition of women’s employment), absence of wage work, high fixed cost of labor supply, and low marginal productivity to farm work can ensure low rates of female economic participation. Using Freedom House (FH) Freedom rating, Fish (2002) finds evidence to support the hypothesis that Islamic nations are politically authoritative and more oppressive towards women than non Islamic nations. In a similar note, Donno & Russett (2004) also find evidence to show that Islamic nations tend to be more autocratic and are more likely to suppress women’s rights. Clark et al. (1991) explore the impact of culture on female labor force participation in 135 countries for 1980. They use a combination of religion, political ideology, and world region variables to find evidence supporting the importance of culture in explaining women’s labor force participation. Women in Islamic countries and in the largely Catholic Latin American countries were found to have the lowest labor force participation rates. Their conclusion is that strong Islamic separation of male and female work sphere and traditional exclusion of women from paid participation in Latin America explain the lower participation rates in these countries. Papps (1992) discusses the mixed evidence of the direct impact of religiosity on women’s economic participation in the context of Islam dominated Middle East. Salway et al. (2005) mention “unaccompanied mobility” as a key element of women’s empowerment in South Asia. Dyson & Moore (1983) contend that traditional norms such as exogamous marriage, and male kinship patterns lead to low status and less autonomy of women in Northern India. Rahman & Rao (2004) contend that restrictions on women’s physical mobility leads to lower labor force participation rates in Northern India, while Goyal (2007) argues that development alone will not solve gender
In addition, Islam came to South Asia before the Muslim invasion of India. Islamic influence first came to South Asia was at the beginning of the 7th century with the advent of Arab traders. Arab traders who came to South Asia used to visit the Malabar region, which is an area which relate them to the port in SoutheastAsia. According to Historians Elliot and Dowson in their book, The History of India as told by the historians themselves. they come with the first ship carrying Muslim tourists look on the coast of India since 630 AD HG Rawlinson, in his book: Ancient and Medieval India he said that the first Muslim Arabs living on the coast of India in the last part of the 7th century AD. J. Sturrock in his South Kanara and Madras Districts Manuals. that with the advent of Islam the Arabs who became a leading cultural force in the world. Arab traders and merchants to be carriers of the new religion and they spread it wherever they go.
To explore women ’ s political advancement in SoutheastAsia, we can consider experiences in the region ’ s four most populous countries. These include, in alphabetical order and according to the World Bank ’ s most recent (2016) population estimates, Indonesia (population 261 million), the Philippines (103 million), Thailand (68 million) and Vietnam (94 million). The diverse social, relational and institutional attributes that characterize Southeast Asian countries present women and analysts of women ’ s political advance- ment with a range of challenges. Indonesia is a sprawling, diverse and predo- minantly Islamic society that has experienced sweeping political and social transformations, on the one hand, and a shift towards conservative Islam, on the other. The Philippines, by contrast, is a Catholic-dominant society in which local “ big men ” have historically dominated politics and governmental institutions. In predominantly Buddhist Thailand, the tumultuous history of democratic movements, military coups and popular uprisings that have unfolded over the past three decades have presented women with distinctive challenges. While in communist-led Vietnam, political o ﬃ ce – determined more by appointment than by election – nonetheless remains a crucial path to social mobility within the Communist Party. Despite di ﬀ erences in pol- itical and socio-cultural settings, by lowering the unit of analysis to provincial and district levels this article detects both similar patterns and noticeable di ﬀ erences in women ’ s political under-representation across borders.
There has been a renewed effort to produce more detailed post-Cretaceous tectonic reconstructions of SoutheastAsia, including those of Metcalfe (2011), Hall (2012) and Mor- ley (2012). Our model draws upon such work and many oth- ers, cited within. Although there is general agreement that continental fragments detached from northern Gondwana in the latest Jurassic–Early Cretaceous, the pre-rift configura- tion and destination onto the southern Asian margin varies across the models. We have chosen an approach to invoke the simplest geodynamic scenario required to transfer these blocks onto the Asian active margin. Hall (2012) and Met- calfe (2011) argue southwest Borneo (SWB) core was a Cre- taceous Gondwana-derived allochthon. We treat southwest Borneo as the core of the block that developed on Paleozoic metasediments as an eastward continuation of east Sumatra and Malaya, with the Schwaner Mountains I-type plutons developing from generally westward-dipping subduction of Izanagi oceanic crust in the Cretaceous (Hutchison, 1996; Parkinson et al., 1998). We propose that southeast Borneo (east of the Meratus Mountains), East Java and West Su- lawesi blocks formed a continental sliver that detached in the latest Jurassic–Early Cretaceous from northern Gond- wana (Veevers, 1991; Veevers et al., 1991; Audley-Charles et al., 1988). The interpreted continuity of the east Asian mag- matic arc into the southwest Borneo core from Late Jurassic times would indicate a Cathaysian position, proximal to In- dochina and the Malay Peninsula (see Sect. 3.7), rather than an origin from Gondwana in the Late Jurassic or Early Creta- ceous. In order to account for the mechanism to also close the Woyla back arc along West Burma and Sumatra in the Late Cretaceous, we suggest the possible collision of Gondwana- derived microcontinents sourced from the Argo segment on the NW Australian shelf.
There are major barriers toward effective rare disease management worldwide. The challenging nature of rare diseases, most notably their low incidence rate, renders management difficult as the average annual cost per per- son works inverse to prevalence. Moreover, the increasing number of orphan drugs and budget impact continue to concern decision makers. As such, governments world- wide face a problem in prioritising funding for orphan drugs. In particular to SoutheastAsia, over 45 million people in the region are estimated to suffer from rare dis- eases . However, SoutheastAsia also shoulders other health challenges (e.g. cardiovascular disease) that are more common, and therefore more publicised. With fewer resources than those in many other areas of the world, the region has historically focused its health policy on ensur- ing primary and preventive care, acute care, and manage- ment of disease with high epidemiologic burden. The concentration on broadening access in such areas under- standably leaves little room for funding, let alone discus- sions, on rare diseases. Despite limited prioritisation, horizontal and vertical equity arguments from various stakeholders, including patient advocacy groups, have ele- vated the need to tackle rare diseases across the region. We can accordingly observe that Southeast Asian coun- tries consider rare diseases initiatives as in scope and sali- ent, although current efforts are fragmented and dispersed across the region.
mainly on technical skills as the most immediate solution for the resolution of skills shortages in an economy. In the context of economic development, however, a more holistic understanding of the nature of skills is warranted, including three categories of skills. These are: cognitive skills, that is, skills and capacities of a cognitive nature that are acquired primarily through participation in formal education; technical skills, known as skills and capacities of a manual or procedural nature that are acquired mainly through pre-employment vocational training programmes delivered by technical and vocational education (TVET) institutions and the like; and soft skills, described as skills and capacities concerning interpersonal communications, leadership, management ability and empathy that are acquired in part through participation in formal education but which may also inculcated in the home. These skills categories need to be considered in relation to three common types of skills problems. As identified by Capelli (2015, p.252), these are: skills gaps, which occur when an education system does not adequately equip a nation’s young people with the skills required by the labour market; skills shortages, which occur when there are shortfalls in particular skill categories within a nation’s labour market; and skills mismatches, which occur when the skills of employees are not well aligned with the skills required by their jobs, resulting in either over-skilling or under-skilling in the labour market. Skills gaps and skills shortages tend to be the most commonly reported types of skills problems in the Southeast Asian region, while skills mismatches are less frequently reported in the literature from the region.
The Second World War ended, in the context of a devastated and weakened Europe in the international system, with the diminishing role of Britain, France and especially the ruin of Germany. The US and the Soviet Union emerged as world superpowers that are wealthy and powerful. Both countries soon took over the power of international political relations. However, The Soviet Union - The United States with two opposing ideologies stood on opposite lines. This makes postwar reconciliation distant. A series of conflicts emerged, though they were not directly confronting, but initiating a new war named Cold War. Worried that many colonial countries after independence would support and become allies of the Soviet Union, the United States used aid packages, technical assistance and sometimes military attack to support the pro- Western forces in new countries (Bureau of Public Affairs, US Department of State, 2017). The US military strategists found that the weakest point in strategies of the US in Asia was SoutheastAsia, a large area adjacent to China to the south. Because “SoutheastAsia is of strategic importance, it controls the gateway between the Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean.” “SoutheastAsia is very important to the United States” (Ellen, 2002). In addition, the previous dominant powers in SoutheastAsia such as Britain and France were struggling with domestic difficulties and stepping away from the region, making it easier for the United States to influence them was much easier than combining the forces to confront the Soviet Union in Europe. The influence in the Southeast Asian also helped the United States to complete the two island chains (US West Coast - Hawaii and Guam - Japan - Philippines - Singapore) in order to maintain security in the Pacific Ocean, to ensure the flow of goods and military forces of the United States in this ocean. If the opponent wins SoutheastAsia, sooner or later the United States will lose the
University of Huddersfield Repository Hill, Catherine E Mitochondrial DNA Variation in Island Southeast Asia Original Citation Hill, Catherine E (2005) Mitochondrial DNA Variation in Island Southeast[.]
Azithromycin resistance in Shigella spp in Southeast Asia 1 Azithromycin resistance in Shigella spp in Southeast Asia 1 2 Thomas C Darton 1,2 , Ha Thanh Tuyen 1 , Hao Chung The 1 , Paul N Newton 3,4 ,[.]
3.2 SoutheastAsia 1945-75: The security complex's analysis 111 3.3 Towards a more complex SoutheastAsia (1945-75) 115 3.4 The core and non-core sub-regions 116 3.5 The maritime core 118 3.6 The Indochina continental core 123 3.7 The Thai-Burmese sub-complex 125 3.8 The Thai-Malaysian sub-complex 126 3.9 The Malaysia-Philippine-Indonesian sub-complex 129 3.10 Issues of insecurity and amity/enmity shifts in the maritime
countries had already become colonized by European colonialism. Thailand was no exception in suffering from the threats. In order to protect the nation’s sovereignty, the King played a leading role in strengthening Siam’s diplomatic and international ties with the superpower countries such as England, France, Russia and Germany. After his visits to many countries in Europe and Asia, the King returned to his country with the policy of modernization to transform Siam 1 into a modern nation so as to protect the nation from falling under the colonialism. It was, therefore, during this period that several reforms took place, for example, railway system, postal service, modern public administration system, military reform, bureaucratic reform, and so on. Education was regarded by the King as an important means of modernization. Realizing the value of investing in human resources, the King provided King’s scholarship and sent capable young men to study in Europe. After the graduation, those men were assigned to leading positions in bureaucratic offices following the bureaucratic reform and the establishment of various departments and ministries. It was obvious that the main purpose of training people with the new education system was to have them serve in civil service. Besides, the King sent his close assistants to observe the management and operation of education in many European countries including Japan. Many of them returned home to serve as active agents for education reform.
Economic growth in SoutheastAsia is very dynamic and interesting. This paper aims to analyze the defining factor of that condition. This paper uses regression analysis to determine the impact of labor, investment, human resources, natural resources, and technology toward economic growth (Solow variable). The result indicates that Solow variable affect differently to each country. In Indonesia and Brunei, investment, human resources, and labor have significant effect toward economic growth. In Thailand and Philippines, investment, natural resources, and labor affect economic growth significantly. In Malaysia investment, technology, and human resources have significant effect toward economic growth. In Vietnam, technology, natural resources, human resources, and labor affect economic growth significantly. Meanwhile, In Cambodia technology, natural resources, and labor have significant impact toward economic growth.
The sharp slowdown in export growth in 1996 affected Thailand most severely. After growing nearly 25 percent in 1995, Thailand’s export revenues in dollars fell 1.3 percent in 1996. This partly reflected a significant drop in the terms of trade (see table A1). Export growth also fell sharply in Malaysia (26 percent to 5.8 percent) and the Philippines (32 percent to 17 percent) and more moderately in Indonesia (13.4 percent to 9.7 percent). The reasons cited for this slowdown included a significant decline in manufacturing export prices, most notably for semiconductors and other electronics products, and an appreciation of the dollar against the yen, which caused Southeast Asian effective exchange rates to appreciate (see Goldman Sachs, 1997). In Thailand, the slowdown in economic activity was associated with a significant shift in market sentiment starting in early 1996, as reflected in declining stock prices that did not hit other countries until later. Property markets were also adversely affected, which severely impaired the financial position of certain financial institutions. Press reports suggest that news of the drop in export growth in 1996 raised significant concerns about the sustainability of exchange rates and current account deficits.
We should also aim to better understand the distribution of flower-visiting orthopterans as well as how to predict their occurrences. Although presence-only data can be challenging to analyse using conventional modelling techniques, recent development of MaxEnt modelling can help to overcome the shortcomings of such data (Jiménez-Valverde et al. 2008). In fact, MaxEnt modelling has been shown to be able to predict insect–plant distribution of suitable and non-suitable habitats for insect pests and hosts, thus assessing vulnerability to insect pests (e.g. Barredo et al. 2015, Restrepo Correa et al. 2016). However, we still need more observational records before run- ning a robust and predictive MaxEnt model to understand the occurrence and distribution of flower-visiting orthopterans in this region (Pearse and Altermatt 2015). These can in turn ad- dress our knowledge gaps on the understudied ecological roles of orthopterans as florivores and/or pollinators, particularly in SoutheastAsia.