Soviet regime tried to suppress and discourage Islam by every possible means and destroyed its organizations. World War II created some ventilation in which up to some extant Islamic religious system started re-stablishing itself and some Islamic practices started with state permission and under state supervision. In entire Central Asia only two official Islamic institutions appears at that time which were one Madarsa in Bukhara and one Madarsa in Tashkent. 1980s established Islam as an ethnic identity and culture rather an active spiritual stream in Central Asia. 1980s is the time of Glasnost and Perestroika which invigorated the Islamic revival due to comparatively lenient Soviet bureaucratic strictness over Islam.
The mid-80s onwards, during the perestroika, Central Asia witnessed an ‘Islamic Renaissance’, a period which saw the emergence of militant Islam in the Central Asian states. The Islamic revival in these states is not surprising considering that the “unofficial Islam” had – as mentioned earlier – continued to be a part of people’s lives. But in addition to this, a major reason for this revival can be found in the impacts of the Afghan War for which the Soviets drafted thousands of Central Asians to fight against the US-backed Afghan Mujahideen. Rather than developing a sense of solidarity with the Russians whose side they were fighting on, many of these young men returned “glowing with praise” for the Mujahideen (Rashid 2002, 5). (Juma Namangani, the founder of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, is an example). Meanwhile, the United States, Britain, Pakistan and other anti-Soviet states fuelled guerilla movements in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan to cut Soviet supplies. Many Uzbeks and Tajiks were being brought secretly to Pakistan to study in madrassahs or train as guerillas to fight alongside the Mujahideen.
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The Muslims know this area as the Sind since the 711M, precisely when the Umayyad commander Muhammad bin Qasim invaded this region. During the three-year reign of the Umayyad occupied this region, namely the Indus region precisely at the time of Caliph al-Walid (Thohir Ajid dan Ading Kusdiana, 2006). At this time Islam has not fully mastered the important areas for focus caliphate based in Damascus is still fragmented in the region of Central Asia, North Africa to Spain. About 750M years during the reign of the Abbasid also occur the same steps, but the caliph did not give full support to develop the region's territory. This is because the Abbasids focused prefer to foster socio-cultural forces inside. When the Abbasids began to incorporate new people into the Turkish power elite, they were given such an important task. Turkish people are given the power to conquer the South Asia region, especially India is Mahmud Ghazna. From this then became the ruler of Islam began to emerge India to the reign of dynasties in turn.
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In Islam it is not only permissible but religious obligation – a Prophetic tradition to play some sport. Sport activities in which Prophet (PBUH) himself took part are walking, running, wrestling, swimming, archery, spear throwing, horse riding and camel racing. Playing sport is not against the spirit of Islam unless it violates rules of Shariah (Islamic code of life). These general guidelines which must be taken care of by both the sexes while playing are;
Islam and sport are quite complimentary. Playing sport in Islam is not only permissible but religious obligation provided they are carried out according to the general guidelines of Islam called „shariath‟. Further Islam approves only such sport which involves mutual love, respect and cooperation and prohibits sport which involves hatred, grudge and animosity. Sport activities in which Prophet (PBUH) himself took part are walking, running, wrestling, swimming, archery, spear throwing, horse riding and camel racing.
lim outskirts, is supported in Tashkent by” In- dustrian’s Courses “in which officers prepar- ing for administrative policing posts, not only learn living languages of natives, but also get acquainted with Muslim law studies” [2, p. 2], a fragment of this decree notifies that being a Muslim, the people of the Turkestan region ad- here to the Sunni trend in Islam and that there is a Sharia law common to all – a legal code that is inherent only for this margin. This article also states that every Muslim lives according to Sharia law, which is a set of laws established by Imam Hanafi, which guides Turkestan Mus- lims: “In other words: Turkestan, Bukhara, Turkish, and other muslims are guided in their faith and life by one law, and not by different codes, such as Russian, French, British, etc ... Shariat is not a simple guideline and rule for different departments of human rights, but an encyclopedia of law for all this departments – religion, civil, criminal, etc .... In this order, the rulings are set forth in the “Mukhtasarul- Vikaya” (fiqh) law manual compiled by Ubai- dulla Sadrisharіatom, the famous theologian of Bukhara, the most widespread among the Hanafi people [2, p. 3]. In other words, it be- comes obvious that the Turkic peoples, guided by the teachings of the Hanafi, associate with them their national traditions, customs and cul- tures. The territory of Mavrennakhra was part of the Islamic civilization in the Middle Ages, and everyone in the world recognizes the rich religious heritage left by our ancestors.
Being indifferent towards opposing beliefs and unappreciated behaviours is one of the possible grounds for the formation of tolerance (see Tyler 2008:8). However, this type of confrontation, with regard to the mission of Islam, is with no doubt unacceptable. In the viewpoint of Islam, being indifferent towards wrong beliefs and misbehaviours means confirming them in a sense, and its ill consequences will seize the whole society rather than only the violators. Thus, in the event of killing the camel of God, only the wretched one was responsible, but as all the infidels of the Thamud tribe consented to it, the Holy Qur’an considers all of them guilty of it (see Q91:14 and its interpretation: al-Ṭabarī 1991, xxx:137; Fadlullah 1998, xxiv:287; Hawa 2003, xi:6547; Quṭb 2004, xi:3919). It has also been emphasised in the Hādith that what gathers people together is their like and dislike (Sharif Al-Raḍi 1993, sermon 201). So, it is mandatory for all walks of life in the society to take action against the improper beliefs and behaviours by heart, tongue and practice (see Sharif Al-Raḍi 1993, sayings 375 and letters 31:392). ‘Commanding right and forbidding wrong’ as a religious duty addresses all Muslims to clarify their relation towards the true path and not to encourage others to the right and forbid them from the wrong (Hobbollah 2011). There is a consensus on the importance of this issue amongst all different Islamic sects (see Cook 2001). Qur’an (Q9:71) declares:
"patriarchy," "domination," and "injustice". In the early eighties the government of Northrhine- Westfalen resolved to provide Islamic religious instruction in the public schools, but then went on to establish a commission of Christian theologians to draft the curriculum. Muslim organizations vehemently opposed the plans, arguing that Christians would never tolerate a Christian curriculum written by Muslims. Similarly, whereas Muslims recognize Christianity as a legitimate faith (according to the Koran), only the Roman Catholic Church, not the evangelical churches, has reciprocated. Furthermore, the Federal Republic of Germany has declared the Roman Catholic and Evangelical Church "recognized religions" a legal status which entitles them to significant financial assistance from the state. Yet it has not done the same for Islam despite its roughly 2 million adherents in Germany. In the words of the Islamic Federation of Berlin: "If we in Berlin are to fashion our future together, then it does not suffice to support the justified demands of the black population in South Africa; it is far more necessary to support these freedoms and rights in Berlin itself, and for all of the faithful".Leben wir miteinander (Berlin: Islamische Foederation in Berlin, 1986), p. 4. This entire document represents a persuasive example of the critique of European hypocrisy.
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Today the Muslim world population is estimated to have reached almost one billion, one-fifth of humanity. Islam occupies the centre of the world. It stretches like a broad belt across the globe from the Atlantic to the Pacific, encircling both the ‘haves’ of the consumer North and the ‘have-nots’ of the disadvantaged South. It sits at the crossroads of America, Western Europe and Russia on one side and black Africa, India and East Asia on the other. Historically, Islam is also at the crossroads, destined to play a world role in politics and to become the most prominent world religion in the next century. 3
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In a globalised world characterised by economic and social inequalities with dispari- ties in employment and development, alternative possibilities suggest that one looks beyond the dominant or mainstream Western approaches to management and organisation to engage with and understand non-mainstream, sometimes referred to Eastern and Oriental approaches and perspectives (Pio, 2007b; Syed and Pio, 2013). In a world where business organisations are generally driven by a desire to create and add value, where the notion of value is more often than not defined by the financial bottom-line, and unethical corporate practices are not uncommon, it is important to explore alternative views of work, organisation and manage- ment. In mapping the landscape of management and organisations in South Asia, our lens of sacred activism stimulates the possibility of multiple frames of reference, with multiple iden- tities that bring peace and prosperity to all. Such multiplicity would mean that “…global identity can begin to receive its due without eliminating our other loyalties” (Sen, 2006: 185). Sacred activism through seva and khidmat echoes the words of Arundhati Roy (2003: para. 31), winner of the Man Booker Prize and a world citizen, who said “another world is not only possible, she in on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing.”
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Abstract: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (English: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Arabic: ?@دBCDDDDDDE ?DDDDDDFGHI ?DDDDDDJKLM), known as Saudi Arabia (Saudi Arabia, Taiwan translated as Saudi-Arabia), referred to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia is located in southwest Asia, the Arabian Peninsula, east near the Persian Gulf, west of the Red Sea, which borders with Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Yemen, Bahrain, Qatar, and other countries. Saudi Arabia is a veritable "oil kingdom," oil reserves and production rank first in the world, making it one of the world's wealthiest countries. Saudi Arabia is the world's largest producer of desalinated water, and desalination accounts for about 21% of the world total. Saudi Arabia to implement liberal economic policies. Mecca is the birthplace of the founder of Islam Mohammed, a Muslim pilgrimage to the Holy Land. The kingdom of Saudi Arabia as the only Arab state in the two pillars of the United States in the Middle East and as the master of the Islamic alliance has to be of concern to us. Especially in the current era, the kingdom of Saudi Arabia is faced with the increasingly prominent double-edged sword effects such as religion, oil wealth, emerging middle class and excellent power influence, and its political modernization trend has to be reflected.
Thus there is a need for the Western and Muslim imaginative minds combined to gather in order to achieve what many think of as the imp ossible. Imagination is needed to bring back to our children the ability to dream of fairies making them the strongest on earth. However, imagination is not an unattainable dream that our subconscious fabricates. It is rather a new way of looking at the differences between the West and Islam. Rather than burning the efforts to step outside the box to solve the struggle, imagination is the means to bring all those who are caged inside the captivity of the box to live and coexist in a harmonious tranquility and applicable understanding. In a religious fixation of the concept, Kearny (1994:46) avers “imagination is deemed to be the most primordial ‘drive’ of man which, if sublimated and oriented towards the divine way (Talmud), can serve as an indispensible power for attaining the goal of creation: the universal emb o diment of God’s plan in the Messianic Kingdom of justice an peace.”
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According to Goldschieder (1971) present particularized Theology" hypotheses, religion, influence fertility behavior perspective social, economic development. In the Paper by Fatima ( 2000) explore that many Muslim religious leaders (Ulama) over the past quarter-century have checked that family planning is permitted or prohibited by Islamic law. The majority of Muslim jurist doesn't speak only one regarding family planning, methods (sterilization) or abortion, as expressed by many religious leaders rely on Sharia law (Islamic law, Qur'an, and Hadith) (Weigl,2007). The instruction of the Prophet to Muslims in Hadith to marry, procreate, and abound in number, for I will pride myself with you amongst the nations on the day of reckoning' is sometimes quoted as evidence against the permissibility of contraception. (Fatima,2000). Sterilization is discouraged by the Muslim jurists given its permanency, but is permissible for a clear medical treatment for the mother's health and also to prevent transmission of hereditary disease to the progeny. (Weigl, 2007) Particularize theology hypotheses approach Islamic attitude and behavior connected to fertility. To the result, is to find Islam as a pro - natalist religion by the marriage pattern of Islam. Islam permits a man to be married until four numbers of wives and a man as the father's large number of children (Weigl, 2007). In Saudi Arabia point, as the pro-natalist country that promotes population policy is used to observe restrictions on the import of contraceptives and attribution of birth control as against Islamic values. (Salam,2013). For examples of family planning, program implementation in the Muslim
However, when it later became apparent that both Marxist and Arab Nationalist ideologies had failed, the ‘palace strategists’ sought to re-appropriate religion and manipulate it to its own ends. This plan did not take into account the failed and bloody efforts of other authoritarian regimes that sought to manipulate Islam as a bulwark against a ‘red revolution’, as in the case of Anwar Sadat in Egypt. The Syrian authorities began to introduce religious vocabulary into political discourse and socio-cultural activities. The state’s implication in this religious resurgence was helped by ‘reformed’ former Muslim Brothers. The building of places of worship peaked in the 1980s and 1990s with the creation of well-controlled religious training schools. The aim was to achieve a monopoly of influence over a population which was becoming increasingly conservative.
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de facto pacifism in Islam include the following. Firstly, there is the quietism of many Sufi groups. While this does not necessarily show a political commitment to pacifism as such, it nevertheless encapsulates pacifism as a way of life, initially in the vocational sense, and, through the Sufi yearning for the realisation of the unity of all things with the Divine, in a universal or absolute sense as well. Secondly, there is the explicit pacifism articulated by members of the Bahá’í faith, who call for the abolition of war and propose various means to accomplish that goal. Although the Bahá’í are not regarded as Muslims, nor do they regard themselves as Muslims, but as a different faith altogether, it is nevertheless the case that their roots are in Islam (specifically Shaykhism, a nineteenth-century form of Iranian Twelver Shi’ism), and that the reason for their separation from Islam has nothing to do with their pacifism. Rather, it is their rejection of the orthodox Islamic doctrine of nabawwa (prophecy) – specifically the belief that Muhammad is the seal of the Prophets, the final Messenger sent by God to Humankind – in favour of a belief that God has continued to send Prophets up to the present day (and will in all likelihood continue to do so), that constitutes that reason. Thirdly, ‘progressive Islamist’ scholars such as Farid Esack in South Africa have consciously sought to ground Qur’anic interpretation in a ‘hermeneutic circle’ that emphasises the experience of oppression (including sexist oppression), a transformed and de-reified understanding of the Qur’an in the light of this experience of oppression, inter-religious solidarity against oppression, and an active opposition to the oppressive violence of the state as analysed by such writers as Tolstoy and Ricoeur (Esack 1997). Many of these principles are common to a range of liberal Islamic ideas (e.g. Arkoun 1984, 1994; Rahman 1979, 1999; see also Kurzman 1998), and may at least potentially be manifest in a political commitment to pacifism, in one form or another. Fourthly, organisations like the Muslim Peace Fellowship in the United States do turn such principles – whether they are as sophisticated as the hermeneutic circle or simply based on a ‘fresh’, ‘open-minded’ reading of the Qur’an – into a commitment to non-violence or pacifism. Such epistemology and praxis is also articulated or reported by a number of authors and contributors to edited collections, although they do not constitute an organisation as such (Satha-Anand 1990, 1996; Paige, Satha-Anand and Gilliat 1993; Johansen 1997; Harris 1998; Said, Funk and Kadayifi 2001, Said, Funk and Kadayifi 2002).
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The appearance of Islam in Mali dates from the thirteenth century (period of the empire of Mali). The main actors of this Islamization were the traders and the Almoravids. From this time to now Islam remains popular as well as its leaders. Religious leaders are the interface between public administration and society. Mali opted for democracy in 1991, which created more political open- ness, particularly in terms of public freedoms. Therefore, we are witnessing the rise of Muslim influence in the democratic game. This fact provokes the debate on the place of Islam in political life. The distinction between politics and religion is necessary, but it does not absolutely forbid Muslim actors from taking a democratic stand on issues relating to the life of the nation. The religious space is characterized by the multiplication of sects and the compe- tition between its actors. This phenomenon is reinforced by the support of the powers of the Muslim world which are in logic of ideological competition. The security issue in Mali deteriorated by the terrorist attacks worries Mali and its Western partners. This fear is related to the will expressed by Muslim leaders displaying Islam as a source of social rules. Many observers believe that this will threaten the universal values of democracy.
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Ali Abdul Halim Mahmud (2002: 7) menyatakan bahawa dakwah ilallah adalah dakwah yang bersumber dari Allah SWT yang disampaikan kepada kita melalui para nabi dan rasulNya, serta ditutup dengan kehadiran Nabi Muhammad SAW. Bila dikatakan ‘dakwah ilallah’, berarti kita berdakwah agar manusia beriman kepada Allah, risalah yang dibawa para nabi dan rasul, taat pada apa-apa yang diperintahkan, berhenti total dari semua yang dilarang dan membenarkan seluruh perkataan utusan Allah tersebut. Erti berdakwah adalah mengajak kepada din Islam, penutup seluruh Kalamullah, serta agama yang paling sempurna dan syamil (komprehensif). Islam adalah agama yang telah Allah jamin penjagaannya, sedangkan agama-agama selain Islam diserahkan kepada para pemeluknya. Oleh kerana itu, hanya Islamlah yang akan tegak tanpa perubahan dan cacat. Segala definisi dakwah yang telah diberikan di atas, maka dapat membuat rumusan seperti:
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that both faiths stress must be placed in God. Moreover, Mary’s story shares many common details among both traditions. While differences must be acknowledged, the similarities provide a plentiful amount of opportunities to connect with one another on a religious level. At the same time, applying the values that she identified with will allow us to connect on a human level. Just as Mary submitted to God, we must also submit to our common sense of humanity. By using her as a bridge between two faiths, we will finally be able to see the other side, see that it’s not Islam versus Christianity, it is Islam and Christianity.
David R. Blank and Michael Frassetto edited Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, a compilation of essays that explores Western attitudes toward Islam and the development of negative Western stereotypes of Muslims. Blank and Frassetto posit that while attempting to comprehend European historical attitudes to Islam and the East, modern scholars face many difficulties because European attitudes fluctuated primarily for the purpose of European self-examination. From legends of barbaric Arab mercenaries of pre-Islamic times to the veneration of the “Noble Saracen” in Renaissance literature, the image of “other” was an outcome of shifting motives in the creation of European images of self. The animosities that Europeans held for Muslims, and which prompted the era of the crusades, were to some extent a consequence of the recognition of the military might of Muslims in the context of the assertion of a European identity in its infancy. 3 Europe also benefited from Muslim scholarship in its own development. It would be erroneous, therefore, to
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It is interesting to note that walls are mainly being erected in areas with a Muslim- majority population. At first glance, this seems extraordinarily surprising, because the concepts of division and alienation essentially contradict Islamic fundamentals. 66 However, closer investigation reveals that these physical, concrete borders are not an entirely novel phenomenon but are, in fact, a fortified continuation of the national borders drawn up during the imperial expansion of the European Great Powers. While for Europe, the emergence of ethno-nationalism offered its peoples the opportunity to define themselves under the flag of the Enlightenment, for Muslims it was a completely new socio-political structure, leading to their eventual enslavement. 67 These borders, which were built with the endorsement and often at the instigation of the governments of the Muslim states in question, are an important factor in the understanding of the significance of the nation-state concept in the study of Islam and globalisation, as well as serving to contextualise the recent Bosnian war and the atrocities committed against Bosnian Muslims. This is because the nation-state, and by implication nationalism, in a Western ethno-liberal sense, are alien and relatively novel to Islam. Kedourie (1993: 68), who has written several influential works on the development of nationalism both in Europe and in regions outside the European-Christian cultural arena, confirms that nationalism is not a universal phenomenon
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