Islamic Political Thought

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The development of Islamic political thought in relation to the West during the mid twentieth century

The development of Islamic political thought in relation to the West during the mid twentieth century

amend that statement because they had found a common link between both sects that would unite the global Ummah. As Enayat writes, “Islamic unity is cherished as an ideal which at times appears to transcend all differences of creed, however fundamental these may be.” 107 Now that a common enemy had been identified, a method indigenous to Islam must be utilized to combat that enemy. Qutb, Shariati, and Al-e Ahmad believed that by returning to the Islam of Muhammad and the Rashidun, and most importantly using the Quran as a basis for politics, that was an infallible method for restoring God back into Muslim society, which they felt had been lost at the influence of the West. Nazih Ayubi correctly observes in his work Political Islam that in Qutb, Shariati, and Al- e Ahmad’s choosing religion to act as a method to combat the West and its influences, they had selected something that neither the West nor its governmental allies could appropriate. It is something that belonged internally to the people. 108 Though Ayubi makes a fairly obvious statement, it is still one of importance in this regard and to this research when combined with politics; he states, “For those resisting foreign dominance (political and/or cultural), Islam can provide a medium of cultural nationalism that is both defiant and self-assuring.” 109 In developing and disseminating this line of ideas, Qutb, Shariati, and Al-e Ahmad were essentially pushing Islamic political thought in a new direction in the mid-twentieth century.
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The Epistemology of Islamic Political Thought in Indonesia

The Epistemology of Islamic Political Thought in Indonesia

Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (shortened to PKS or PK Sejahtera) 5 is a political party based on Islamic foundation in Indonesia which is also concerned with Islamic sharia. 6 PKS is more known as the youth party which is clean and professional, having social awareness that is relatively permanent (not only a show around the General Election). PKS is also known as Islamic party with a relatively tidy party management, and an impression as cadre party, rather than a mass party, although recently it starts to widen its mass basis. In the beginning of its establishment, PKS impressed as an exclusive Islamic party in style, although since it has been adapting rapidly to sociological condition of Islamic society in Indonesia, e.g., case of determining the beginning of month in Saudi Arabia. Suspectedly PKS is also more nationalistic and open to plurality of groups and even religions. Besides, PKS‟ politicians, in several certain cases, were relatively able to be professional political figures (such as the imminent succession of the party‟s president and who will hold the state political office afterward). PKS is also more oriented to quality work, rather than to authority only. Even though lately PKS is considered more pragmatic and power hungry, as it seems there is tendency of PKS to build coalition with non-Islamic parties (secular) with different ideology, in several electoral processes. Even there is researcher who assess PKS as actually has hidden agenda prepared for later use. The political thought of PKS model can be said as a combination between bayani, irfani and burhani.
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Relevance Study of Islamic Political Thought Imam Al-Mawardi in Indonesia

Relevance Study of Islamic Political Thought Imam Al-Mawardi in Indonesia

This indicates that both from the early sources of Islamic religion and the historical fact, al-Mawardi did not find the standard system of the succession of state heads, but the succession in Islam that has been implemented by the companions there are three systems. First, a general election was made by legislative agencies such as the Abu Bakar case. Secondly, the selection of the Commission system chosen to determine the replacement of the head of state, then the determination of this Commission is promoted to the people for ratified, such as the promotion of Umar ibn Khattab. Thirdly, the system of appointment by the head of State before by first consider the political voice of the people, as the throne of Uthman ibn Affan.
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A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

John Calvin, a Frenchman, who was born in 10 January 1509 in Noyon Diocese (near to Paris). His father was clerk in financial affair of local Diocese. Young Calvin, educated to Paris University and after end of his course in Latin Grammar, entered to College de Mon- tague as assistant to Maturin Cordia and after (McGrath, 2005: 99). His extensive study in field of civil law, make him familiar with thought that later when he has been known as crusader, used these thoughts. He studied Greek language in Orleans and in 1529, un- derstanding of Andre Alessati reputation (Italian Great Jurist) went to Burges. After his education in law course, returned to Noy- on for his father’s decease, but local council of Church excommunicated him and for this, he return to Paris to continue to his studies, but attract strongly to reformation thoughts of Looter, that newly has been paid attention by people. This is while authorities seriously hated him.
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Islamic Politics and Political Islam

Islamic Politics and Political Islam

In post-colonialism, political climate in Malaysia has shown similar situation where the local poltics often expressed on the separation of religion and politic. Individuals taught by Western politics, often cynically rejected the Islamic political thought that stated; the purity of Islam should not be contaminated by the filth brought by politics. From their point of view, politics is dirty and does not need the moral control while directly in Islam, poltics and religion is united and related in where religion protects the politics when the poltocs protect the religion (Syed Naquib 1985). Through the political separation framework in Malaysia, it can be traced through UMNO constitution and Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) that became the medium of the Malay political struggle. This is because, during that time, PKMM is basically a political party that holds on the principles of socialist ideology that combined with nationalism. Whereas, for UMNO it is more towards liberalism, driven by nationalism (Nik Anuar 1999).
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Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

In order to understand what was happening to Niebuhr at this time, it is necessary to realise that if he might be con­ sidered to be a child of American Nineteenth Century Liberalism on the one hand, on th® other he was also a child of Nilllam James* pragmatic revolt. As Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., points out, Niebuhr is an instinctive empiricist with sharp political intuitions as well as an instinct for realism. His first re­ action to any problem has always been as a pragmatist, not as a moralists witness the fact that he was able to discover that the answer to the plight of automobile workers in his own parish, lay not in some benign optimism, but in a direct program of political and social action involving the us® of the stuff of which politics is mad® - power* Schlesinger continues the com­ parison with James in th® following wordss
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A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

Joseph Canning's preface acknowledges a debt to his research supervisor Walter Ullmann, whose Penguin History of Political Thought: the Middle Ages, published in 1965 (revised edition 1970) has remained a standard introduction for anglophone readers. A new short guide is timely, and the ex-student's will bid fair to replace the master's. Like Ullmann's, this book is admirably clear in presentation and exposition. It judiciously summarises a good deal of the research done over the past thirty years, and has an up-to-date bibliography, including much in Germ. an. Specialists will be grateful too for end-note citations of texts in the original Latin. The book's division into four well-defined chronological chapters of virtually equal length provides a solid structure: the first chapter goes from Late Antiquity to the eighth century; the second covers the Carolingian and post-Carolingian periods; the third opens with a clear account of the Investiture Contest and traces church-state conflicts through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as well as discussing the impact on political ideas of 'the revived legacy of antiquity' in law and philosophy; the fourth pursues church-state conflicts, and also conflict within the church, in the late Middle Ages, specifically through their exposition in the writings of jurists. Lines of substantial continuity are picked out and followed up consistently. Thus ten lucid pages in Chapter 1 on the Code of Justinian provide a reference-point for the discussion in Chapters 3 and 4 of the revived study and application of the Code in the central and later Middle Ages; and evolving ideas of papal government are dealt with successively in all four chapters. This is, in one important sense, to go with the grain of the subject: ideas do have a life of their own, as one writer copies, modifies and refines another's work, takes up the old terminological tools, while putting them to new uses.
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The Issue of Woman in Ghasem Amin’s Political Thought

The Issue of Woman in Ghasem Amin’s Political Thought

When he turned back to Egypt started his activi- ties as a lawyer and a judge, along with his friend, Fathi Zaghlool. After a while, he became the head of the association of the lawyers of the cities of Swif and Tanta. According to Heikal, Amin at- tempted logical Ijtihad (Jurisprudence) when in some cases he found Islamic or even French sources insufficient, and when most of the judges of his time were trying to terminate a case, he cared about people who were, in one way or another and sometimes with no specific reason, involved in a legal dispute, and tried to issue a decree to make the hearts of people involved in a case, closer to each other, much before the disput- ing issue was solved (Heikal,1948, P.66). Appar- ently, Amin was sorrowful about people who, as he said, were neither eager to learn what they didn‟t know, and nor willing to listen to the knower (Amin, 1908, p20). He died in the 1908 April as wished for women‟s freedom from ignor- ance and darkness.
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Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Obviously, they are humans and human beings are affected by family as well as political and social conditions. Understanding and thought of people in every time is limited and proportionate to conditions and scientific advancements of that time and this limitation on human understanding, which is prerequisite of being a human being is quite natural. On the other hand, one of the most important characteristics of Quran and Sunna is that they are perennial, especially that part which is not subject to conditions of time and place. Scientific theories are willing to last a long time provided that they could overcome opposing theories or do not allow them to emerge. When political thought is directly related to Quran and Sunna, a theory is apt to become lasting by being attributed to Quran and Sunna. In this process, the words and ideas of a mortal creature will be placed along the words of the immortal God. In other words, they are willing to consider their own ideas as being the word of God, which has been uttered by them. In this way, any criticism of those ideas will be considered as tantamount to criticism of the words of God and their rejection is equal to rejecting divine revelation. This will close the door to innovation and no new theory could challenge such theory. Innovation is only possible when the main pillars of that theory are confirmed and only less important points are subject to innovation (and that should not take shape as outright rejection). In this case, accepting the pervious theory and adding something to it will be of no objection. However no theory or viewpoint is allowed to weaken frame of previous theories and take its place. During history when new problems emerged, there was possible for thinkers to come up with new ideas and political thought and since those theories were attributed to diving revelation, they blocked the way to presentation of other theories.
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An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

that Motahari reached to the political ques- tion of sovereignty out of a philosophical- historical question in his book Elal-e Ger- ayesh be Maddigari (the reasons for tending to Materialism; but here, in contrast, he poses the philosophical issue of "mankind and des- tiny" out of a social (political) question namely "the reasons of Muslims’ decadence". He emphasized that "different historical, psy- chological, ethical, social, religious and phil- osophical issues which exist in different fields" lie under the issue of decadence and are compiled together (cf. the collection of works, volume 1, 1995: 346). Motahari pointed to the "vastness and wide range" of the issue of decadence and mentioned that studying "others’ opinions about this issue - whether Muslim or non Muslim-" are crucial. He also expressed that it needs too much courage for entering this field "without con- nivance and deliberate neglecting". There- fore, he believed that one person could not investigate this alone unless he dedicates all his life to it and he pointed out that "he has investigated the issues just in short and as a sample. All he has done was just an attempt to shape a kind of collaboration and consulta- tion for an important social, Islamic discus- sion" (ibid: 347).
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Moderationology - An Islamic Introduction to Reassurance the Curriculum of Moderation in Contemporary Islamic Thought and Behavior

Moderationology - An Islamic Introduction to Reassurance the Curriculum of Moderation in Contemporary Islamic Thought and Behavior

Forgiveness, in the conception of contemporary Islamic thought, emerged with and reached perfection through humanity. In this respect, we can witness the greatest forgiveness and the most impeccable tolerance in the greatest exemplars of humanity. Malice and hatred are the seeds of Hell that have been scattered among humans by evil spirits. It is impossible not to be chilled by the thought that these unfortunate ones could rule the future. For this reason, the greatest gift that the generation of today can give their children and grandchildren is to teach them how to forgive—to forgive even when confronted by the worst behavior and the most disturbing events. However, thinking of forgiving monstrous, evil people who enjoy making others suffer would be disrespectful to the idea of forgiveness. We have no right to forgive them; forgiving them would be disrespectful to humanity. A generation which was raised in a particular past under constant hostile pressure saw continuous horror and brutality in the dark world into which they had been pushed. They saw blood and pus, not just in the dark of night, but also at the break of day. Unlike those who encourage malice and hatred and turn the Earth into a pit of Hell, we should take this forgiveness, and run to the rescue of our people who are confronted by countless troubles and who are being continually pushed toward the abyss. The past few centuries have been turned into the most unpleasant and foul years by the excesses of those who do not know forgiveness or recognize tolerance. 27
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The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The postmodern interpretation of the political is primarily shaped by the rejection of what Lyotard termed ‘metanarratives’ - of all attempts, that is, to legitimate social and political relationships by presenting them as natural, rationally grounded or inevitable. The reverse side of this deconstructive scepticism is a sense of the contingency of all identity and all social and political relationships which is shared by agonal theorists like Connolly, as already noted. In the case of postmodern thinkers, however, the impression has often arisen that they are ultimately inspired by a purely negative ideal of deconstruction that regards all social relations as merely masks for power and domination. It is to the credit of the American philosopher, Richard Rorty that he sought to combine sympathy for the anti-rationalist and anti-foundationalist aspects of postmodern philosophy with a more positive formulation of the political implications of postmodern philosophy by focusing on what he regards as the two most fundamental features of the political for postmodern theory.
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The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

ties of economic, political, social and cultural life to which the people of Guinea are subjected reveal that the people are the target of one of the most violent and best organized exam[r]

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Gharar  in Post-Formative Islamic Commercial Law: A Study of the Representation of Uncertainty in Islamic Legal Thought

Gharar in Post-Formative Islamic Commercial Law: A Study of the Representation of Uncertainty in Islamic Legal Thought

Badī‘ Ya‘qūb and Muḥammad Nabīl Ṭarīfī (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmīya, 1999), s.v. gh-r-r; E. Fagnan, Additions aux Dictionaires Arabes (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1960), s.v. gh-r-r; Edward W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon (London: Williams and Norgate, 1865), s.v. gh-r-r; J.G. Hava, Al-Farā’id al-Durrīya (Beirut: Catholic Press, 1951), s.v. gh-r-r; Muḥammad b. Durayd, Kitāb Jamharat al-lugha, ed. Ramzī Munīr Ba‘lbakkī (Beirut: Dār al-‘Ilm li’l-Malāyīn, 1987), s.v. r-gh- gh; Muḥammad b. Mukarram b. Manẓūr, Lisān al-‘arab (Beirut: Dār al-Bayrūt, 1957), s.v. gh-r-r; Muḥammad Murtaḍā al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs, ed. ‘Abd al-Sattār Aḥmad Farrāj (Kuwait: Maṭba‘at Ḥukūmat al-Kuwayt, 1974), s.v. gh-r-r; Muḥammad b. Ya‘qūb al-Firūzābādī, Qāmūs al-muḥiṭ, (Beirut: Dār al-Jīl, 1970), s.v. gh-r-r; R. Dozy, Supplément aux Dictionnaires Arabes, 3 rd ed. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967), s.v. gh-r-r. Wehr contains a similar definition. See, Hans Wehr, Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, ed. J.M. Cowan (Ithaca: Spoken Language Services, Inc., 1994), s.v. gh-r-r. The pre-Islamic poet Imru’ al-Qays employs form IV, agharra, in his famous mu‘allaqa to describe how his character may have deceived a woman into hating him. Imru’ al- Qays, Diwān Imri’ al-Qays, ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, 3 rd ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif,
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Geopolitics and global democracy in Owen Lattimore's political thought

Geopolitics and global democracy in Owen Lattimore's political thought

The question of political agency was central to Lattimore’s understanding of the role of international organizations in the era of decolonization. Lattimore was an enthusiastic supporter of decolonization movements worldwide and hoped the war would speed this process up. He saw the 1942 bilateral Treaty for the Relinquishment of Extra-Territorial Rights in China, signed by the British and Chinese governments, as the dawn of a new geopolitical era in Asia. The new order would no longer be characterized by unequal or exploitative political and economic relationship, but by local governments for the benefit of local populations. Yet he warned that the legal change did not eradicate the Western mindset which considered Asia as an area that has ‘things done to it’ by the West. ‘It is often assumed that Asia is not a part of the world which can be expected to do things that alter the destiny or destroy the power of decision of the Western peoples.’ Accordingly, Asian states were not considered an ‘original political force’. 56 It is unclear whether there is a contradiction
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The political and social thought of Thomas Paine 1737 1809

The political and social thought of Thomas Paine 1737 1809

Independence these War the throughout Published Ct periodically 9 argumntgl against recon_ P&POrS reiterated seventeen patriotic efforts., and exhorted revolutionary with -britaing cilia[r]

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Beyond society : a study of Hegel's and Nietzsche's political thought

Beyond society : a study of Hegel's and Nietzsche's political thought

In Schopenhauer as Educator Nietzsche is concerned with "the type of men whose teleology points beyond the well-being of a state, that is, with philosophers, and with these only in respe[r]

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The Position of the Concept of Revolution in Hannah Arendt's Political Thought

The Position of the Concept of Revolution in Hannah Arendt's Political Thought

Given the fact that Arendt draws a rela- tionship between revolution on one hand and violence and totalitarianism on the other hand; in her view, violence is only permitted to the point where it leads to a revolution that will lead to the establishment of freedom, otherwise violence, per se, will endanger humanity with catastrophic damages. On the other hand, violence is an integral part of revolution, and if it is not put on the path to freedom and establishment of a republic, is yet another problem and defeats the purpose. It should also be noted that totalitarianism also plays an important role in political thought and leads to isolation and lacking of identity in human beings,and not only will it lead to the atomization of people, but also basically leads to the redundancy of human beings. In conclusion, the concept of revolu- tion plays a central role and has a pivotal po- sition in Arendt's political thought, and other concepts and topics make sense around the axis of revolution.
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The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

Wilkes by his actions and by his legal battles had confirmed important liberties? but his influence was more profound than this. Hebrought Parliament into great disrepute. He demonstrated by his actions its unrepresentative nature; its dependence on the Crown; its corruption and prejudice— facts known for decades? but never so amply demonstrated ; nor had the danger to personal liberty? so inherent in such a system? been so clearly proved. And the Wilkes agitation produced new political methods. The public meeting was born and stayed alive. The Supporters of the Bill of Rights Society was founded? the first political society which used modern methods of agitationpaid agents were sent round the country to make spee­ ches and the Press was deliberately and carefully exploited. Politi­ cal dissatisfaction was given strength? and coherence? by deliberate organization. Politics were ceasing to be a part of the social life of a gentleman. Organized public opinion had become a factor in politics? and its strength increased? as the government of George III was overwhelmed by problems too vast for its comprehension. ^
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Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Foucault is eager to present us with an alternative to the devices which produce histories of continuities rather than of discontinuities, but these devices are not simply rejected as 'misconceived'. While he introduces the idea o f discourse as part o f a project o f setting out a 'pure description of discursive events', it becomes clear that these traditional devices are not rejected because they do not reflect 'how things are', but because if one is primarily interested in discontinuities they are not useful.68 His argument is essentially a pragmatic one in which the idea o f discourse is thought of in terms of the choice o f a 'level of description' which is appropriate to a particular interest in the matter at hand.69 In his account, 'statements' are treated as elements of a discourse, in which they are systematically related to one another, but this is not to deny that they may also be thought of as elements of particular speech acts. On this pluralist view we do not have to choose between one way o f identifying acts and another, but only to specify the level of description at which we are associating them. We could allow that speakers intend their utterances to be taken in a particular way without limiting ourselves to determining what this is, or organising our account of that utterance around this narrative principle. The identity o f the act concerned cannot be specified independently of our interest in it, on this view, while Skinner on the other hand assumes that the speaker's intentions fix its identity in such a way as to limit what we might say about the act in question.
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