ISLAMIC POLITICAL THOUGHT IN INDIA

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Rise of Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: Mawdudi, Qutb and Faraj

Rise of Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: Mawdudi, Qutb and Faraj

Abstract: The turbulence and political instability in several key Muslim countries have now global consequences, as thousands of Moslems leave their countries, because they cannot live or even survive there. This is an enormous shame for the huge Islamic civilization, harbouring more than 1 billion believers in the prophet Mohammed. It should be pointed out that the coordination bodies in the Islamic civilisation – the Arab League and the Muslim Conference – have done little to stop the on-going civil wars and horrific political violence. Similarly, the rich Gulf States offer no help for refugees, turning instead to the EU with its protection for human rights. How can we understand this collapse of the Koranic civilisation? The ultimate reason is the rise of Islamic fundamentalism within the Sunni community during the 20th century. And it will not disappear soon. Islamic terrorism against Westerners, Shias, religious minorities in the Middle East could not have occurred on the present scale, if it did not have legitimation among radical fundamentalism. To understand the major changes in Islamic political thought and Koranic religion, one must go to the three men who reinterpreted Islam along radical new fundamentalism, namely Mawdudi (islamisation) (India-Pakistan), Qutb (caliphate) and Faraj (jihad) (Egypt).Their books and pamphlets are studied all over the Koranic civilisation, which is much larger than Arabia. The three inspired Ben Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri (Al Qaeda) as well as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi (ISIL) and Abu Bakr_al-Baghdad (ISIS).
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The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

Islamic societies and natives in Australia and North America in his time.^^ China was neglected because, Yen Fu suggested, 'Jenks was not familiar with China.’^* Yen corrected the omission. China's social development followed the same law of social evolution that Jenks had discovered, he argued. The totemistic stage existed in ancient China and this could be evidenced. Yen Fu suggested, by references in some Chinese classics to the ming tribe as the tribe of snake and pan-ku as the tribe of dog.^^ The Chinese society at that time was comparable with some contemporary societies, such as those of the Northern American Indians, Australian natives, as well as some ethnic minorities in China.’® ® China entered into the patriarchal stage preceding the West. 'Our most reliable records show that during the period from Tang and Yu until Chou (around 2,000 B.C-221 B.C.) - a space of over 2000 years - we had already reached a feudal stage, and so-called patriarchal society had already achieved its full development.'’®’ Later when things had reached the limits of their actualization, another change began. With the rise of the unified Ch'in empire (221-208 B.C.) under the leadership of Chin Shih Huang-ti, society began the process of transition from a patriarchal stage to a political stage. However, there has been another two thousand years since Ch'in. With different dynasties and repeated circles of order and disorder, the habits, customs, and thought patterns of the Chinese people have remained patriarchal.'’®^ China's advance toward political society was frozen by a vicious circle of dynastic succession.
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Comparative study on Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi's political thought with particular reference to his contempararies : Abul a la Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb

Comparative study on Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi's political thought with particular reference to his contempararies : Abul a la Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb

Nadwi's analysis on this question was prompted by various factors: The chaotic situation regarding the Islamic thought in India, in Punjab in particular -a creatio[r]

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The Epistemology of Islamic Political Thought in Indonesia

The Epistemology of Islamic Political Thought in Indonesia

Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (shortened to PKS or PK Sejahtera) 5 is a political party based on Islamic foundation in Indonesia which is also concerned with Islamic sharia. 6 PKS is more known as the youth party which is clean and professional, having social awareness that is relatively permanent (not only a show around the General Election). PKS is also known as Islamic party with a relatively tidy party management, and an impression as cadre party, rather than a mass party, although recently it starts to widen its mass basis. In the beginning of its establishment, PKS impressed as an exclusive Islamic party in style, although since it has been adapting rapidly to sociological condition of Islamic society in Indonesia, e.g., case of determining the beginning of month in Saudi Arabia. Suspectedly PKS is also more nationalistic and open to plurality of groups and even religions. Besides, PKS‟ politicians, in several certain cases, were relatively able to be professional political figures (such as the imminent succession of the party‟s president and who will hold the state political office afterward). PKS is also more oriented to quality work, rather than to authority only. Even though lately PKS is considered more pragmatic and power hungry, as it seems there is tendency of PKS to build coalition with non-Islamic parties (secular) with different ideology, in several electoral processes. Even there is researcher who assess PKS as actually has hidden agenda prepared for later use. The political thought of PKS model can be said as a combination between bayani, irfani and burhani.
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Machiavelli and the Foundation of the Modern Political Thought

Machiavelli and the Foundation of the Modern Political Thought

The core of political thinking of Machiavelli, es- pecially in the treatise of Speeches, is the concept of public goodness. A virtuous king is a person whose interests and power are accessible and justi- fiable only in the framework of the public interest, i.e. the interest of the king and that of the govern- ment are coordinated. In this type of thinking the best support for the interests of the king is the pub- lic interest. In other words, the policy of the king is a type in which there is no contradiction between the interest of the king and the total interest of the society, rather, they are alongside each other and complementary, and the justification of each of them is in change between the interests of these two political powers: this means that sometimes the interests of people support the government and sometimes the interest of the government guaran- tees the benefits of the public. This is the same point which, by Machiavelli, makes difference be- tween republic and monarchy systems. In republic systems “the states do everything to satisfy the public benefits, even if it is harmful for one or the other person, because the number of those who benefit from the public goodness is so many that makes an action possible to be conducted even if it is contrary to the will of a minority group. Oppo- site to this issue happens in a monarchy system. Most of the times, what is useful for the king, might be harmful for the society. And what is use- ful for the society might be harmful for the king. In a society where dictatorship replaces freedom, the smallest harm that is achieved because of this replacement is that the society does not improve anymore (Ibid).
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Qanun and the Modernisation of Political thought in Iran

Qanun and the Modernisation of Political thought in Iran

One of the main aims of the Qanun newspaper was to explain the importance of law in the political life of society. How can a country such as Iran build up a political system according to modern laws? In some parts of Qanun, Malkum Khan tried to show the problems that arise from the absence of laws in society, e.g. censorship, destruction and despotism. On the other hand, the enforcement of laws will organise the political system of the country and preserve security. It will also control the authorities of the nation and prevent the government from practising censorship and despotism. He emphasised that the lawless state is the enemy of human rights. Moreover, in his world-wide view of the importance of law for society he explained that “a lawless state is the destructor of the world” (Qanun. No. 12, p.3). Not only did Malkum Khan try to highlight the benefits of the enforcement of law and the disadvantages arising from its absence in society, he also tried to explain what laws should be enforced and the different political implications they possessed. For instance, in a very general and comprehensive statement on this issue he stated that:
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Victorian Political Thought on France and the French

Victorian Political Thought on France and the French

Finally, Varouxakis refuses to attach static, monolithic representations of France to each public moralist. He rather argues for a dynamic representation that not only changes with time, but is emphasised differently, depending upon each public moralist’s target group or readers. Accordingly, he notes that J.S. Mill was much more critical in respect of France with his French correspondents than with his English. Vis-à-vis the French, Mill displays more conditional reserves regarding the viability of the French political system. The representations are not forced into rigid, coherent structures, but are indeed often explained from the
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The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

But only one chapter in the book, Parry’s on Christian Socialism, places religion at the centre of its analysis. Few of the other contributors offers any sustained treatment of religious issues, either as an element in their protagonists’ intellectual formation, or as a subject in the schemes of politics with which they were busy elaborating. Even Waszek’s chapter on Strauss’s ‘Theologicopolitical speeches’ treats the theological dimension only in passing. The index includes only two references for ‘Protestantism’ and three for ‘Catholicism’; Church institutions come up a little more often, but in a desultory fashion. The result is that we end up with an overwhelmingly secular vision of how political thought worked in this era. Such a model is surely just as problematic for the modern period as for the early modern era, on which recent revisionist work emphasising the centrality of religious thinking has focused.
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A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

Secondly, Spinoza is a strong adherent of institutionalism. It is the framing of the institutions that keeps the commonwealth on its right track towards peace and security. He engages in a minute examination of the adequate institutions that reason devises. His model is that the dominion is rule by one person, a few persons or all the people. Every type of dominion can only achieve the natural goals of a commonwealth, namely general well-being. The argument in Spinoza’ political theory is aimed at political realism and avoids moralism. It is much built up upon his theory of human nature, or how people really behave. They are what they are, and can only be restrained by rules:
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Moderationology - An Islamic Introduction to Reassurance the Curriculum of Moderation in Contemporary Islamic Thought and Behavior

Moderationology - An Islamic Introduction to Reassurance the Curriculum of Moderation in Contemporary Islamic Thought and Behavior

The main difference between the systems of love in Islamic thought and Mo-tse’s is that love, according to Islamic thought, is love of God which guides us to love his creatures, while universal love of Mo-tse could be named as love by itself, i.e. love does not receive its teachings from the supremacy of God. This difference is quite clear when Islamic thought believes that creation is the result of lighting the wick of the candle of love, the wick of “being known and seen.” If the Lord did not love creation, there would be neither moons, nor suns nor stars. The heavens are all poems of love, with the Earth being the rhyme. In nature, the heavy blow of love is felt, and in relationships between people, the flag of love can be seen to wave. In society, if there is a currency that maintains its value, it is love, and again the value of love is found in itself. It is not possible that any value on this Earth can overcome or even compete with love. The cartels of gold, silver, coin, or any other object of value, are almost always conquered in this marathon by the devotees of affection and love. Up to this very moment, only those who are immersed in hatred, wrath and enmity plan to resist and struggle against love. Ironically, the only cure that will calm these brutal souls is love. Beyond the effect of worldly treasures there are other problems that only the mystical keys of love can solve. When the day comes, despite all the splendid, pompous life styles of the owners of material wealth, their coffers are empty, their fires have burned out; yet the candle of love always burns, giving light and diffusing this into our hearts and souls. Love weighs more if weighed against the purest gold. Both gold and silver can lose their value in different markets and places, but the doors of love are closed to any kind of pessimism and nothing can alter its inner stability and harmony. 24
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Thirty years of research in the history of Islamic economic thought:Assessment and future directions

Thirty years of research in the history of Islamic economic thought:Assessment and future directions

In 1994 Louis Baeck published ‘The Mediterranean Tradition in Economic Thought’ in which he has extensively dealt with “the Economic Thought of Classical Islam and Its Revival”, (pp. 95-124). The book surveys the Mediterranean Tradition over four millennia. Although the theme of the book is wide, it gives substantial coverage to the history of economic thought in Islam, an area generally ignored by the historians of the subject. In addition to a complete substantial and illuminating chapter on Islamic economic thought, references to Islamic and Arab scholars are scattered at various places in most of the chapters. The author admits that in most handbooks on economic thought the contribution of the Islamic scholars finds no place. (p.118). But he does not attempt to find out the reason behind it. He pays a rich tribute to Islamic scholars of the past and admits superiority of Islamic culture to its Greek and Oriental ancestors intellectually as well as in the material field. (p. 119). He puts on record the influence of Muslim scholars on Western scholastics (pp. 158, 160, 162). The author suitably highlights the importance of Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddimah in economic literature. To him it is a piece of work which was ahead of its time. The author points out various important concepts of modern conventional economics which are found in the Muqaddimah in embryonic form (pp. 116-117). He openly acknowledges the role of Islamic thinkers in the development of scholastic economics when he says that, in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries the Islamic symbiosis started to infiltrate the Latin West (p. 119) 24 .
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Islamic thoughts and individuals' actions in the built environment

Islamic thoughts and individuals' actions in the built environment

and undeniable right and is considered as the biggest and most valuable worships. Thought and its derivations are used 11 times in 13 Surahs of the holy Quran. Also, the word of thought and its derivations are used 429 times in the holy Quran (Soltani & Aqahosseini, 2014). In a number of verses of Quran, thought is encouraged. For instance, “And they ask you what they ought to spend. Say: That which is beyond your needs. Thus Allah makes clear to you His Laws in order that you may give thought” (The Noble Qur’an, Al-Baqarah 2:219). People who contemplate can make better decision in their lives. Also, contemplation raises some feelings and emotions that lead to an appropriate manner in human beings. In addition, the holy Quran determines particular ways for encouraging to thought and invites people to think about them. According to the Quran, there are three resources for thought: nature, history, and personal pronoun (Soltani & Aqahosseini, 2014).
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Wisdom (hikma) and philosophy (falsafa) in Islamic thought (as a framework for inquiry)

Wisdom (hikma) and philosophy (falsafa) in Islamic thought (as a framework for inquiry)

and theosophical study in Islamic thought. In other words, by the time Muslim scholars assimilated Hellenistic philosophy into Islamic teachings and the Eastern way of life, th[r]

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Analogy in Farabi's Thought

Analogy in Farabi's Thought

logical ideas to the other parts of his thinking, like politics and city. What are the role of proof and experiential affair and other reasoning approaches that Farabi has used? Here the researcher meets difficulties, because Farabi’s theoretical perspec- tive about proof and affirmation does not easily correspond to the approach and style he used. This is the point that Damien Jonas, also has considered in his article (Janos, Op, Cit: 84-86). From his perspective, “Farabi depends to a large extent, and emphatically, on nonproving approaches, like anal- ogy. But, the question that remains is that what the role of these approaches in the context of Farabi’s ontology is. The element of recognition is pre- sented in many of Farabi’s ideas through this type of reasoning (i.e. Analogical reasoning). As, fol- lowing Plato and Aristotle and Islamic trainings, Farabi accounts for the similarity between the sun- light and possibility of seeing, on the one side, and the active role of intellect in acquiring knowledge, on the active role of intellect in acquiring know- ledge, on the other, i.e. similarity between the issue of light from the sun and its role in seeing the ob- jects, and the issuance of grace from active intellect and acquiring knowledge (Ibid: 84).
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Relevance of Gandhian Democracy for Peace and Betterment of Human Being

Relevance of Gandhian Democracy for Peace and Betterment of Human Being

“Democracy”, he defined as the art and science of mobilizing the entire physical, economic and spiritual resources of all the various sections of the people in the service of the common good of all (Harijan, 1939). Such a comprehensive defini- tion of democracy far surpasses the previous one’s. It is not only political or popular in its significance. Rather, it is at the sometime, materialistic, spiritual, as well as utilitarian having faith in equality, justice and fair play. His notion of democracy was that under it the weakest should have the same opportunity as the strongest. For realizing that ideal, he prescribed the instrument of non-violence. Non-violence for him, was not merely a principle to govern all battles against injustice, it was a life-long creed for him. In fact, he developed non-violence as a way of life. Achievement of political independence or Swaraj was dependent upon the Gandhian instrument of non-violent Satyagraha. Thus, his construc- tive programme is the modus operandi of ideal democracy. In India, it is practi- cally village work which is indispensable for the emancipation of the nation.
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Merchants, 'saints' and sailors: The social production of Islamic reform in a port town in western India

Merchants, 'saints' and sailors: The social production of Islamic reform in a port town in western India

explanation for failure and decline. The sketch provided above is not a ‘history* of traders and their relationship to a ruling past, rather, it is a narration o f the past from the perspective of the present, with one deviation into textual accounts dating from them 1930s. From the perspective of the present the characteristics that made Bhatiyas rulers also made them good traders. This is clearly at odds with popular stereotypes and academic models that invest too much faith in them. The seths of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are seen as having ruled landless kingdoms. Their subjects worked on their fleets, in their godowns and on the docks. Each employee had numerous familial, economic and political clients who also supported the trader and benefited from his patronage. Pocock describes Bhatiyas as ‘merchant- princes’ (1973:115). This passing reference to one o f the great trading communities o f western India conveys a clear understanding (albeit unelaborated) of the issues discussed in this chapter. The traditions of rulers and traders are not products of syncretic heritage, but they appear to be based on similar principles with different worldly interests, and exist as tendencies, but not as absolutes. Bhatiyas, like the other trading groups, both Hindu and Muslim, follow traditions that make them impossible to understand from within the tradition of ethnography that has developed in peninsular Gujarat. The material presented in this chapter has suggested an
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The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The postmodern interpretation of the political is primarily shaped by the rejection of what Lyotard termed ‘metanarratives’ - of all attempts, that is, to legitimate social and political relationships by presenting them as natural, rationally grounded or inevitable. The reverse side of this deconstructive scepticism is a sense of the contingency of all identity and all social and political relationships which is shared by agonal theorists like Connolly, as already noted. In the case of postmodern thinkers, however, the impression has often arisen that they are ultimately inspired by a purely negative ideal of deconstruction that regards all social relations as merely masks for power and domination. It is to the credit of the American philosopher, Richard Rorty that he sought to combine sympathy for the anti-rationalist and anti-foundationalist aspects of postmodern philosophy with a more positive formulation of the political implications of postmodern philosophy by focusing on what he regards as the two most fundamental features of the political for postmodern theory.
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Relevance Study of Islamic Political Thought Imam Al-Mawardi in Indonesia

Relevance Study of Islamic Political Thought Imam Al-Mawardi in Indonesia

As for the interesting thing, that al-Mawardi introduced the theory of social contracts in the early XI century, and only five centuries later, the mid-XVI century CE began to emerge the theory of social contracts in the West (Ehsanullah, 1994). Mawardi was thus the only medieval Islamic political thinker who argued that the head of State could be changed if it was incapable of carrying out duties, even though Mawardi did not provide a way or mechanism for turnover Head of the country. Nor does he explain how the Ahl al-Endeavor or Ahl al-Hall was al- Aqd was appointed, and from among other people, based on personal qualifications or group representatives.
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The Concept of “Political Legitimacy” in Shia Political Thought (With Focus on Imam Khomeini’s Political Thought)

The Concept of “Political Legitimacy” in Shia Political Thought (With Focus on Imam Khomeini’s Political Thought)

types in Imam Khomeini’s distinctive out- look. In fact, Imam Khomeini has frequently has discussed the divine legitimacy both in- tellectually and practically, and it has been most likely due the fact that the Islamic gov- ernment primarily should be a main execu- tive tool for actualizing the divine law as true embodiment of God’s government on earth. In “Kashf-e Asrar (the Discovery of Myster- ies)”, for instance, he writes: “no one has the right of sovereignty over the nation and no one is allowed to dominate others except God; because the exclusive right of govern- ance and legislation belongs to God himself. Logically it is expected that God establishes a government for the people and makes re- quired law. But, the law is the Islamic law (Shariah), as such, which he has established originally, then it is proved that this law will be employed limitlessly at any given time and place” (Imam Khomeini, n.d: 184). Hence, from this point of view, a govern- ment, which has been founded in order to implement divine regulations or particularly the Islamic law, will have divine legitimacy within the political organization. Further- more, his later arguments on Velayat-e Faqih explained in Persian (1968) contain certain implications on divine legitimacy of rulers. For instance, he notes that: “the Islamic Gov- ernment is nothing but a government of law. I.e. the Sovereignty and Guardianship are exclusively confined to God and naturally, the only law would be God's command. This law predominates overall members of the Islamic society. Every individual must be subordinate to the divine law from Holy Prophet himself and his successors (Caliphs) to ordinary citizens. God himself forced the Prophet Muhammad (S) by direct divine in- spiration to declare and introduce his succes-
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Ali Shari’ati’s revolutionary Islamic thought and its relevance to the contemporary socio-political transformation

Ali Shari’ati’s revolutionary Islamic thought and its relevance to the contemporary socio-political transformation

Abu Dhar was watching these shameful scenes and because he could no longer bear it, could no longer remain silent, he rebelled, a manly and wonderful rebellion; an uprising which caused rebellion in all the Islamic lands against ‘Uthman; an uprising from which the waves of enthusiasm can still be felt until the present day in the situations of human societies. Abu Dhar was trying to develop the economic and political unity of Islam and the regime of ‘Uthman was reviving aris- tocracy. Abu Dhar believed Islam to be the refuge of the helpless, the oppressed and the humiliated people and ‘Uthman, the tool of capi- talism, was the bastion to preserve the interests of the usurers, the wealthy and the aristocrats. 6
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