By depending situation to migrantworkers, Malaysia has endeavoured to control migrantworkers influx by providing on restriction and constraint of policy. They are apparently shown to Malaysian Law, such as Employment Restriction Act (1968), the Immigration Law 1959/63 (Amendment 2002), Employment Act 1955, Passport Act 1966, Workmen Compensation Act 1952, Anti Trafficking in Person Act, Sabah Labour Ordinance (State of Sabah), Sarawak Labour Ordinance (State of Sarawak), Workers’ Minimum Standard of Housing and Amenities Act 1990, Children and Young Persons Act 1966, Industrial Relations Act 1967, Trade Unions Act 1959, Occupational Safety and Health Act 1994, Wages Council Act 1947 . Implementation of policy to reduce of migrantworkers has been arranged for certainly period of planning development in Malaysia. The policy purpose is to select foreign citizen influx in immigration gate, to increase of working visa charge, to implement of restricting and operating to undocumented migrant, to promote of local workers for employing on industrial sector that loaded by migrantworkers, to encourage of employer to recruit the local workers and to utilize of technology in term on less workers oriented [16,17,18,19]. Hence, policy package have been still perceived that yet do not significantly reducing of migrantworkers influx to Malaysia because of worsening the technical implementation as well as many employer have reliant on migrantworkers for unskilled sector .
We envision our rich human and natural resources contributing to our development and shared prosperity. [...] We commit ourselves to moving towards closer cohesion and economic integration, narrowing the gap in the level of development among Member Countries, ensuring that the multilateral trading system remains fair and open, and achieving global competitiveness. [...] We will create a stable, prosperous and highly competitive ASEAN Economic Region in which there is a free flow of goods, services and investments, a freer flow of capital, equitable economic development and reduced poverty and socioeconomic disparities. The AEC 2015 establishes ASEAN as a single market and transforms ASEAN into a region with free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labour, and freer flow of capital. 2 The free
In ASEAN level, challenge towards better framework of management and protection of migrantworkers also exist. Until now, there is no legal binding instrument to protect the migrantworkers in ASEAN, moreover for the domestic workers. In fact, this condition means that there is lack of protection and social security for them. There are many disagreements between the sending countries such as Indonesia, Cambodia, and recipient countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei Darussalam. The sending countries are the one pushing a negotiation for the legal binding documents, but the others feel that ASEAN Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of MigrantWorkers (Cebu Declaration) 2007 is sufficient enough as a guidance of principal norms. With the current loose regime, it would likely to happen that the unskilled workers, including domestic workers will be discriminated under the ASEAN Economic Community (Jong, 2015). Concerns also appeared as the current draft of instrument contains many loopholes such as the prohibition of labour unions, the absence on migrantworkers wages standard, and the unavailability ofspecific arrangement for education of migrantworkers’ children considering the tuition fees for foreigners are always higher (Jong, 2015).
A mixed methods study of return Mekong migrants in Thailand and Malaysia was presented by the ILO. The Migration Outcomes Index evaluates socio-economic benefits of labour migration . Vietnamese migrants had better outcomes linked to higher skill levels and lon- ger periods spent working abroad compared to migrants from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. Low wage levels were described as a key stressor among migrantworkers, and participants discussed how ensuring protection for migrant’s wages and working conditions would avert a “race to the bottom” for Malaysian workers’ conditions. Interventions suggested to improve socioeconomic returns included job skills training, receiving the mini- mum wage, helping migrants to avoid large debts and help to secure jobs upon return to home countries.
attempted to use urban communes, a new form of urban organisation, which returned cities to small communities, to establish communist cities. China’s urban communes were products of the Great Leap Forward. During the Great Leap Forward, China’s countryside was quickly communised. While the rural communes were viewed as higher and desirable forms of socialism, many peasants and unemployed urbanites in cities were viewed as a social problem. It was hoped that urban communes would not only facilitate the industrial leap forward by resulting in the massive participation of urbanites, but would also solve the unemployment problems in cities. Salaff (1967) maintains that urban communes did not involve the modernisation of the countryside; rather, Mao returned cities to small communities by breaking down their size and integrating them with agriculture. Therefore, urban communes represented Mao’s attempt to do away with the large industrial city by substituting it with small non-evolving cities with little potential for growth (Salter, 1976). The Daqing model was Mao’s other attempt to create socialist cities in light of rural-urban integration (Lo, 1987; Tang, 2000). The Daqing oil field was established in the early 1960s. In Daqing, while the oil workers worked in the oil field, their dependents cultivated the surrounding land. The Daqing model was the combination of an oil field, refinery factories, and farms. Mao called on industries to learn from Daqing because it integrated industries with agriculture and the city with the countryside (Hama, 1980). Daqing gave priority to production rather than livelihood, the effect of which was to reduce the emphasis on housing and urban infrastructure in the construction of new industrial bases (Buck, 1984). Murphey (1980) points out that Daqing is both a city in the countryside and a village in the city, and its essence is the spirit of anti-urbanism in the CCP’s urban strategy.
• (EL) Domestic workers normally execute a wide range of tasks, which can include caring, personal hygiene, domestic work, cooking, socialization, external work, etc…It depends on the employer and there is no norm or a well described job profile. Live-in domestic work is excluded from the provi- sions concerning the length of the working day, additional payment for overtime work, prohibition of labour on Sundays or festivals, as well as payment for work on Sundays and night shifts. The ar- rangement of hours of work relies totally on the employer who is responsible, according to article 663 of the Civil code, to regulate the hours of work and rest of live-in workers in order to secure employees health and the performance of religious and political duties. The only provisions from which live-in domestic workers are not excluded are holiday benefits, annual leave and compensation for dismissal, which is covered by the articles 669-674 of the Civil Code. Even though insurance against unemployment is meagre in Greece, all domestic workers are excluded from it, as well as from insurance against accidents at work. The flow of immigration towards Southern Europe (Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Malta) is a developing problem in recent years. In Greece, like in other countries of Southern Europe, there is a high percentage of women’s immigration, with a pre- dominance of women from Albania, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Georgia, Romania, Russia and the Philippines. • (DE) The majority of care and domestic workers are women aged between 30 and 65. The propor-
Norfolk had university level qualifications, but were currently undertaking low- skilled jobs. It has been suggested that migrantworkers are often found in low paid work, with limited occupational mobility 36 , or what have also been described as ‘3-D’ jobs (dirty, dangerous and degrading) 37 . This can be due to a need to find a job as soon as possible, as well as the often temporary nature of their employment. This can create a situation whereby people ‘settle’ for particular jobs, despite the fact that they may be over-qualified. There are also issues around language barriers and the lack of recognition of overseas qualifications, which can hinder occupational mobility. Indeed, the research carried out by the Chambers of Commerce North West 38 revealed that 71% of those businesses who employed migrantworkers did not have procedures for recognising qualifications from home countries. There is evidence that some initiatives have been developed in order to recognise the skills of new migrants and also assist occupational mobility 39 . This includes skills recognition and vocational adaptation pathways, which have been piloted in five vocational areas: construction; general maintenance; social research; business administration; and, health care 40 . These projects included carrying out skills audits and providing vocational ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages).
Results of the in-depth interviews with Board of Dompet Dhuafa, East Java, the Program Coordinator, obtained information that the purpose of realized alms as a source of funds for indonesian labor empowerment program is making the migrantworkers can live independently in our own country. The Program was implemented by Dompet Dhuafa Hongkong among others in the field of education and skills (program for the nomads to hone life skill so self-contained or ready to develop themselves and opening efforts when returning Indonesia), Ministry of health aid (grant assistance for nomads who are sick), social humanitarian (fund raising for natural disasters and wars), economic self-sufficiency (development of entrepreneurship for the nomads), as well as advocacy and media (muzakki and mustahiq's service, consultation and communication media). These programs are aimed at realizing a self-sustaining when nomads returned to his native country.
It is accurate to say that all areas of the UK have experienced migration of some kind, whether it is long-established migrant communities, dispersed asylum seekers and refugees, or, migrantworkers. In recent years, there has been an increasing focus on this latter group of migrants, particularly since the enlargement of the EU in 2004. Local authorities are recognising the need to understand the composition and needs of their local population, in order to be able to plan and deliver services effectively, as well as being able to respond to any issues relating to community cohesion 1 . This study was commissioned by Peterborough City Council in December 2008 and was conducted by a team of researchers from the Salford Housing & Urban Studies Unit (SHUSU) at the University of Salford. The study was greatly aided by research support from Peterborough City Council’s New Link service, as well as a number of community interviewers. The project was managed by a steering group composed of officers representing Peterborough City Council, Cambridgeshire County Council and the British Red Cross.
In February 2004, David Blunkett, the then Home Secretary, announced that the UK had 550,000 job vacancies and needed migrantworkers to help fill these 28 . In terms of the labour market in the North West, the highest job vacancy rates were found in ‘elementary occupations’, which are primarily low skilled jobs 29 . Research carried out in the North West indicated that the percentage of such vacancies, particularly ‘Process, Plant and Machine Operatives’ had fallen between 2004 and 2006 30 . Although this cannot solely be attributed to migrantworkers, there appears to be some correlation 31 . Turning our attention once again to the official statistics, Tables 7 and 8 below show the approved applications by occupation for Rochdale and Oldham May 2004 – December 2007. This information is taken from WRS data, which provides figures for the ‘top ten’ occupations of registered workers. As such, there is an additional figure for ‘All other occupations’, which are not listed. The caveats mentioned earlier with regards to the use of such data need to be taken into account; however, we have taken the information available with regards to the ‘top ten’ occupations for each specific time period to give an indication of the types of jobs people are undertaking in Rochdale and Oldham.
on poverty ratios during 2004-0.States with poverty of less than 15 percent were Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab,Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi, Andhra Pradesh. As against them. States with poverty ratios above 30 percent were Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Uttarakhand, and Orissa. The problem of poverty is directly related to the existence of unemployment, underemployment and low productivity.(NIRD,1984).Agriculture is a seasonal occupation ,which can not open job opportunities round the year to all(powar,1983,).In the absence of irrigation facilities permitting multiple cropping ,the monsoon agriculture enjoins on a majority of the rural labour force on a extended period of seasonal unemployment(Myradal,1970,).These help ness dispirited unemployed labour leave their village homes and join to swell the already over populated areas not only in India but also in other parts of the developing and developed countries, whose agricultural laboures are shifting to industrial sector(ILO.1960). Dantwala (1963 ) emphasizes the feature of seasonability and disguised nature of unemployment in the agricultural sector, seasonability arises from the problem of in elasticities of the time pattern of primary production. According to Nigeria (1963), we are not short of land quantitatively but we are short of land qualitatively, that is to say, arable lands are not as fertile and productive as we would want, the result is that, people move from these poor soil areas to the urban and agro-based industrial areas and create more problems for the government. Similarly Myrdal (1958) observes that in many underdeveloped countries, a part of the labour force does not engage in any form of workers at all. Most of these workers, who work only short periods in agricultural sector. These countries have to face the problem of disguised unemployment; the term disguised unemployment is used to refer to the mass unemployment. Disguised unemployment prevails especially in agricultural sector of un underdeveloped and over populated countries.(Nurkse 1960 ).Unemployment is associated with all types of workers from the small, owner cultivators down to migratory agricultural labourers for periods of time even during the agricultural season (Sundram,1947 ).
5 8 countries in 2004 (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia and Slovenia), almost 750,000 migrantworkers from those 8 countries entered Britain’s labour force between May 2004 and September 2007. The vast majority came from Poland (66% of all applications), followed by Lithuania (10%), Slovakia (10%) and Latvia (5%). The hospitality industry is the second largest employer of migrants in the UK, after the administration, business and management sector (Dobson, 2009). Besides the EU, the source countries for other migrantworkers include India (9%), Pakistan (5.9%) and Nigeria (2.3%) (Rienzo and Vargas-Silva, 2017). Although it is difficult to estimate the exact number of women employed in the tourism and hospitality industry, female employment stands between 60 and 70 percent at global level (ILO, 2010), and female migrantworkers represent a large source of labour for the sector, mostly in less-skilled and semi-skilled jobs such as front-line, house-keeping, catering assistant, bar staff and waiter/waitress (Adib and Guerrier, 2003; Dyer et al., 2010).
The study found that 79% of those surveyed also worked in Bolton and of this group, 49% were not currently registered on the WRS. This would suggest that the actual number of migrantworkers could be around 3,149. In other words, for every person registered in Bolton there is potentially an additional one person who we don’t know about. An important implication of this is that service providers will need to take account of this potential under-estimation of the size of the migrant worker population in determining the future demand for services within Bolton.
It must also be remembered that we are applying the findings of our survey results to the total number of registrations between May 2004 and December 2007. What needs to be taken into account is that a number of people will have returned home during this period. Indeed, a recent report suggests that while around 1 million A8 migrantworkers have arrived in the UK since 2004, approximately half have since left 39 . Furthermore, there will be those who have migrated out of Bolton to find work in other areas of the UK. We are, therefore, not suggesting these to be the true figures for Bolton, rather we are highlighting, based on the results of our survey, that potentially for every person registered in Bolton there is an additional one person who we don’t know about. There is also potentially greater diversity with regards to national groups than official data shows. An important implication of this is that service providers will need to take account of the potential under-estimation of the real size of the migrant worker population in determining the future demand for services within the town.
Although it is evident that some migrantworkers are not fully aware of the range of housing options available within Bolton, the question was posed concerning their tenure preference in the future. Among the sample as a whole, the largest proportion (34.8%) wanted to buy their own home, while a slightly smaller number (33.1%) wanted to rent from Bolton at Home. Around three-out of ten would choose to rent in the private rented sector. Renting from a housing association was the least popular choice (2.4%); however, this could relate to the lack of awareness about this option, as highlighted above. Tenure preferences were found to vary according to nationality (see Graph 28 below). The general preference among the Polish respondents was for home ownership, followed to a lesser extent by renting from Bolton at Home; only 17.0% wanted to live in private rented accommodation. Among the Hungarian respondents, renting privately was the overwhelming preference (66.2%) followed by living in a Bolton at Home property. The same proportion of Slovakian respondents indicated a preference for both home ownership and renting from Bolton at Home (36.8% in each case), while the majority of Lithuanian respondents wanted to rent from Bolton at Home. Opinion was similarly divided among the Czech respondents with equal numbers indicating a preference for a Bolton at Home property and buying their own home. Graph 28: Preferred future housing tenure (Table xxvii)
Since the adoption of the Immigration Act in 1998 (still largely unchanged), the general rule for labour admissions in Italy is the nominal hiring from abroad (i.e. recruitment conditional upon a specific request by individual employers) subject to quantitative caps set in annual quotas. Work permit applications are filed by employers once the annual quota decree is published in the official bulletin and the procedures are officially open. The use of labour market tests to check the availability of legally resident workers, though formally inscribed in the law, is de facto scarcely implemented (Salis, 2012). With the 2002 immigration reform the category of professional nurses was included in the list of those admitted beyond the numerical caps of the annual quotas, thereby easing their recruitment procedures. Extra-quota entries, regulated by article 27 of the Immigration Act, allow the recruitment of specific categories of workers in any moment of the year (i.e. not waiting for the opening of the work permit application procedures foreseen for all other categories subject to the official quotas). However, the admission of professional nurses remain conditional upon the work permit’s request by a specific employer. Before entering Italy and accomplishing hiring procedures with their Italian employers professional nurses must request the recognition of their educational titles. Once arrived in Italy they have to enrol in professional nurses registers (managed by the professional nurses association, IPASVI) after passing a mandatory Italian language test (See par. XXX above)
This thesis analyzed the Canadian immigration policy, regulations and processing instructions, which together are referred to as ‘Protecting Workers from Abuse and Exploitation’ (PWAE). It found that PWAE constructs the category of ‘Vulnerable Foreign Workers’ in order to securitize against undesirable women migrant bodies; legislate their illegality, prevent their access to the Canadian community and provide the state with the authority to monitor, police, profile, detain and deport undesirable migrants. Through constructing the category of ‘Vulnerable MigrantWorkers’, the state brings this subject into governability, and successfully disciplines migrant actions, ensuring that the migrant perform the category and self-govern themselves to avoid public and state attention, while also shifting responsibility for exploitation onto the migrant. Combined with Canadian prostitution legislation, PWAE pushes the entire sex industry further underground “create[ing] and maintain[ing] legal classifications that relegate people to structurally exploitable labour pools with little recourse to rights” (Maynard, 2016). The Canadian state has successfully advanced this anti-immigration and prostitution abolitionist agenda by framing PWAE in the discourses of trafficking and the language of protection. This framing, which portrays the state as a benevolent saviour of victims, allows the state to maintain a liberal and enlightened self-image, which maintains the support of the Canadian community.
Introduction- India, a collaboration of 29 states and 7 union territories is known for its great unity in diversity. But that unity bears certain loop holes in maintaining the same in reality. Each state in India has a uniqueness of its own whether it is in culture, geographic pattern, community settlements, economic or natural resources. There is indeed a wide disparity in development which makes rich more rich & poor becomes poorer. As such, people living in rural part (poor regions) of India often transit between places either for a social or an economic cause. Migration between states is an outcome of social, economic and cultural diversity in India. Migration is a “process of movement of an individual from his place of birth to a new place of residence”- S.K Das . The Inter- State Migrant Workmen Act, 1979 defines an inter-state migrant workman/ labour as “any person who is recruited by or through a contractor in any state under an agreement or other arrangement for employment in an establishment in another state, whether with or without the knowledge of the principal employer of such establishment.” With the advent of industrial revolution in Europe, in the 18th and 19th centuries, a new class of factory workers was emerged in the world economy. Capital and labour were main factors of production in the production processes of industrial revolution. Consequently, producers or owners and workers were emerged in the private economy. .So far as welfare of the society is concerned, it was necessary to maintain labour standards for workers and provide them welfare facilities as per labour standards. Therefore, the International Labour Organization was established in 1919, under the treaty of Versailles. After the second war period, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. India is a developing country. India adopted new economic policy in 1991, which is known as liberalization, Privatization and Globalizations (LPG).