Language Ideologies

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Multilingual education : the role of language ideologies and attitudes

Multilingual education : the role of language ideologies and attitudes

In sharp contrast, hostility to underprivileged and socially marginalised linguistic minorities can have very disruptive effects on integration. Eckert reflects on the failure of language planning for Romani in the Czech Republic where, unlike Basque in the BAC, Romani has no associations with positive social identity. In contrast to Basque, Romani suffers from low vitality and its communities are small and highly dispersed, generally living on or below the poverty line. Romani is a stigmatised language with very low prestige and the Roma people are under intense pressure to assimilate into Czech society. Eckert questions whether the European Union Charter for Regional and Minority Languages can protect minority cultures in a policy climate dominated by standard language ideology. She suggests that aversion to diversity and the dominant ideology of standard Czech serve to entrench the marginalisation of the Roma, a situation that is exacerbated by top-down language planning with which the Roma people have not engaged. The social divisions between the Czechs and the Roma are actively reinforced in the media and exclusionary practices are common. Standard language ideologies hostile to the teaching of Romani in schools provide continued justification for the exclusion of the Roma and obstructing their full participation in Czech society. Such attitudes, as Eckert points out, are directly opposed to the European ‘two plus one’ language policy (i.e., being able to use two languages in addition to a first language or mother tongue).
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Food fight: conflicting language ideologies in English and French news and social media

Food fight: conflicting language ideologies in English and French news and social media

In Canada, the coexistence of official language policies (i.e. the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Constitution Act 1982, s. 33) and the Official Languages Act (R.S.C. 1985, c. 31 (4 th Supp), which institute the official status of English and French) and multiculturalism policies (i.e. the Canadian Multiculturalism Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. 24 (4th Supp.)) explicitly denaturalises one-to-one relationships between languages and cultures. Nevertheless, the notion of ‘two solitudes’ has been used to describe a Canadian divide based not only on language, but also on culture (e.g. Heller 1999, 143). Thus, it is possible that Canada’s language policies are implemented within distinct ‘linguistic cultures’. Indeed, the distinction between English speakers and French speakers is arguably reinforced by the fact that the majority of Canada’s population claims to have English as a first language (57%), whereas only 21.2% claim to speak French as a first language and 87% of this population lives in the province of Quebec. In Quebec, the population is governed by an additional language policy, the Charter of the French Language (R.S.Q. c. C-11; henceforth, ‘Charter’), which is known in English as ‘Bill 101’; this is in place to protect and promote French in the province. Within these arguably distinct populations, beliefs and understandings about languages (i.e. ‘language ideologies’) may circulate through different mediums (i.e. English and French) and may affect the uptake of language policies.
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Exploring English Language Arts Pre-Service Teachers' Standard Language Ideologies: A Mixed Methods Study.

Exploring English Language Arts Pre-Service Teachers' Standard Language Ideologies: A Mixed Methods Study.

attention, due to its pervasiveness in influential institutions (e.g., schools, the government), is the SLI. As previously discussed in the distinction made between neutral and critical ideologies, some ideologies are used as tools to maintain power by dominant groups, and the SLI does just that. First coined by Milroy and Milroy (1991) and largely popularized by Lippi-Green (2012), the SLI is defined as “a bias toward an abstracted, idealized, homogenous spoken language which is imposed and maintained by dominant bloc institutions and which names as its model the written language, but which is drawn primarily from the spoken language of the upper middle class” (p. 67). Ignoring the fact that language is constantly changing, individuals who adhere to the SLI believe that standardized dialects are both superior and correct, whereas vernacular dialects are viewed as inadequate and illogical. To defend this idealized standard language, some have argued that it is better for mutual intelligibility within a society (Milroy, 1999), accessible to all people (Cameron, 1995), and easily attainable (Silverstein, 1996). These beliefs help to ratify a view of Standard English as “unaffiliated” with any particular group, which aids in hiding those in power who benefit from its perpetuation (Davila, 2016). Lippi-Green (2012) argues that these language ideologies are not innocent conceptualizations of linguistic use; instead, it is from these beliefs that hegemonic institutional practices, such as language discrimination and language subordination, are born.
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The Politics of Teaching English in South Korean Schools: Language Ideologies and Language Policy

The Politics of Teaching English in South Korean Schools: Language Ideologies and Language Policy

Around the world, English proficiency is perceived to bring about class mobility and better employment prospects. South Korea is no exception to this belief where English test scores and speaking ability often serve as gate-keeping criteria for university admission, white-collar employment, and promotion. Within the past 30 years, the proliferation of private English-language institutes, the record numbers of Koreans studying in English-speaking countries, and language policies regarding English-language study enacted by the Ministry of Education (MOE) collectively point to the increasing hegemony of English in the lives of Koreans. In this dissertation, I examine an aggressive effort launched by the Ministry of Education (MOE) to improve English instruction called the "Teaching English in English" (TEE) policy. In 2001, the MOE enacted the TEE policy to improve the English proficiency of Korean students mainly through English instruction, with the implicit acknowledgement that over 40 years of teaching English through Korean had not produced competent English users. To make sense of this policy's overt and covert agendas, I spent five months conducting ethnographic participant observations and interviews at a government-sponsored, residential training center where a cohort of 40 teachers participated in an intensive English course designed to improve language instruction. After the completion of the course, I continued observing and interviewing three focal English teachers at elementary schools in Seoul to understand how they interpreted and implemented the TEE policy on a daily basis. Approaching this research from a language ideological framework, I pay particular attention to how language ideologies interact with the current policy to account for the motivations behind the policy and the language choices and pedagogical practices by practitioners. Moreover, I focus on metalinguistic and written policy discourse to uncover how these ideologies contribute to the prominent role that English plays in Korean education. Analysis of the findings reveals that even though teachers supported the policy, their practices did not always lead to English-medium instruction due to contextual factors and teachers' beliefs. Moreover, teachers reproduced dominant language ideologies that prevented viewing themselves as legitimate English teachers. The findings of this dissertation illustrate the importance of paying attention to the social and language practices of the local community when designing a well-informed language policy that can effectively transform language education.
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Imagining Convivial Multilingualism: Practices, Ideologies and Strategies in  Diidxazá/ Isthmus Zapotec Indigenous Language Education

Imagining Convivial Multilingualism: Practices, Ideologies and Strategies in Diidxazá/ Isthmus Zapotec Indigenous Language Education

essentializing views of language promoted in formal education, politics and the media, whereby a language is seen as autonomous, fixed, and governed by rules to which users must adhere, and is often closely fused with a place and a national identity (Blommaert, 2010; Makoni & Pennycook, 2007). The political discourse that English is the authentic language of the United States, or that all Mexicans should speak standard Spanish in order to preserve national unity and because it is superior to Indigenous ways of communicating, are examples of essentialist language ideologies which overlook language variation over time and across populations. Some scholarly discourses also essentialize language, such as the theoretical linguistic notion of a universal, logical foundation for language derived from Saussures's langue/ parole dichotomy, by way of Chomsky's (1965) competence/performance dichotomy. The desire to standardize linguistic practices to conform to an essentialized "target" or "native" speaker has motivated much Applied Linguistics scholarship, and influenced many language classrooms. Although there are discussions about the need to go beyond simplistic notions of mother tongues and native speaker competence (Firth & Wagner, 1997; Larsen-Freeman & Cameron, 2008), these essentialist notions remain commonplace in much language education practice.
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Students’ perceptions of ‘Good English’ and the underlying ideologies behind their perceptions

Students’ perceptions of ‘Good English’ and the underlying ideologies behind their perceptions

Due to the ideological grounds of the notion of good English, it is worth discussing the theory of language ideologies as the larger frame on which students‟ perceptions are mapped. Language ideology is a concept that has been discussed and variously conceptualized by several researchers, mostly from the field of linguistic anthropology (e.g. Rumsey, 1990; Schieffelin, Woolard & Kroskrity, 1998; Silverstein, 1985; Woolard, 2004). Thus, there is a wide range of definitions of the concept, but they are relatively similar to one another. However, they differ in their approach to the concept. Most scholars have emphasized the cognitive underpinnings of the concept, describing it as beliefs, ideas and perceptions about languages, varieties and their forms and uses (Irvine, 1989; Irvine & Gal, 2000; Silverstein, 1979; Wolfram & Schilling-Estes, 2006). In this strand of work, the most widely-cited definition is that of Silverstein (1979) who described language ideology as “any sets of beliefs about language articulated by the users as a rationalization or justification of perceived language structure and use” (p. 193). This definition suggests that language ideologies are a means for language users to “frame their understanding of linguistic varieties [their structures and uses] and map those understandings onto people, events, and activities that are significant to them” (Irvine & Gal, 2000, p. 35). Therefore, one can conclude that individuals project their ideologies into their practices and position themselves relating to other languages/varieties. Although the researchers lack consensus on the defining characteristics of it, they still largely agree that ideologies are socially and culturally deep-seated, collectively shared and often unquestioned.
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Dictionaries and ideologies: some remarks of the EFL lexicography

Dictionaries and ideologies: some remarks of the EFL lexicography

According to Oxford English Dictionary (1989) ideology is regarded as „justify- ing actions, […] held implicitly or adopted as a whole, […] maintained regardless of the course of events”. As to the present-day understanding of the word, it is de Þ ned in CALD (2008) as „[...] a theory, or set of beliefs or principles, especially one on which a political system, part or organization is based: socialist/capitalist ideology”. Not surprisingly, the wording of CCAD (2009) accounts for the sense of ideology much along the similar lines as: „[...] set of beliefs, especially the poli- tical beliefs on which people, parties, or countries base their action”. But when we look further than the word itself, we immediately see that the concept also applies to language studies as indicated, among others, by Michel Pêcheux (1982), John B. Thompson (1984), Paul Friedrich (1989). From this particular perspective, as explained by Kathryn A. Woolard and Bambi B. Schieffelin (1994, p.55) „[...] ide- ologies of language are signi Þ cant for social as well as linguistic analysis because they are not only about language. Rather, such ideologies envision and enact links of language to group and personal identity, to aesthetics, to morality, and to epi- stemology”. In spite of many possible points of divergence, Michael Silverstain (1979, p. 193) seems to clarify the concept: „[…] linguistic/language ideologies are sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justi Þ ca- tion of perceived language structure and use”. As Shirley Heath (1977, p. 53) puts with a social stress: language ideologies are „[…] self-evident ideas and objectives a group holds, concerning roles of language in the social experiences of members as they contribute to the expression of the group”. Obviously, differences in the above de Þ nitions are rooted in the concept of ideology itself. From our point of view, of particular importance is standard language ideology 15 . Since the empha-
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THE RELEVANCE OF AFRICAN IDEOLOGIES OF DEVELOPMENT TO AFRICA IN A WORLD OF CHANGE

THE RELEVANCE OF AFRICAN IDEOLOGIES OF DEVELOPMENT TO AFRICA IN A WORLD OF CHANGE

Freedom is assured with African ideologies especially with African conscience and identity, man is liberated and this liberation is inseparable from development. African ideologies are relevant as they argue for integration of various cultures and their values to provide a more dynamic platform for African development. The communal spirit stressed in African ideologies is vital for development and these ideologies of development in Africa have much effect as far as viable democratic practice in contemporary Africa is concerned. No one can succeed as an island unto himself and this is a doctrine of African communalistic ideology. Is a relevant tenet, even Aristotle approves such as a way of life for man in the sense that he is a political animal by nature and forms a community that is progressive (that is, from family, town and a country springs up). African ideologies are necessary because their weapons are directly in the environment and living conditions of African people. Through intellectual activity, they aimed at the emancipation of the African continent which is also emancipation of an African people. This is possible owing to egalitarianism that is informed with political education totally routed in the emancipation of African peoples.
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Social change on Seram: A study of ideologies of development in eastern Indonesia

Social change on Seram: A study of ideologies of development in eastern Indonesia

00001t tif Social Change on Seram A Study of Ideologies of Development in Eastern Indonesia Benno R 0 Grzimek Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Pol[.]

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Social class and ideologies of inequality : How they uphold unequal societies

Social class and ideologies of inequality : How they uphold unequal societies

In Study 2, we found that SDO and ESJ ideologies were linked to opposition to redistribution. Moreover, they appear to create this opposition by influencing how people thought about the poor; these ideologies increased dispositional attributions of poverty, which in turn reduced desire and support for redistribution. Ideology can work to sustain inequality, in part by shifting people’s beliefs about its victims. Because most participants in Study 2 had below median income, these findings strongly align with system justification theory.

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Ideologies “ORDER – DISORDER” as an object of linguistic research

Ideologies “ORDER – DISORDER” as an object of linguistic research

For fuller exemplification of meanings evolution we shall provide data from the dictionary of synonyms of the Russian language by Z. E. Alexandrova which offers more detailed characteristic of synonyms and their derivatives. According to this dictionary, order means 1. system, co-ordination; 2. schedule; 3. sequence; 4. well.

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Greener governments : partisan ideologies, executive institutions and environmental policies

Greener governments : partisan ideologies, executive institutions and environmental policies

election campaigns is also relevant to many strands of democratic theory, which posit that citizens have indirect control over public policies through elections and parties (Dahl 1991; Mansbridge 2003). Election results give certain parties or combinations of parties the potential to form governments, which in turn should shape the ideological makeup of governments and the policies they pursue. Responsible parties that enter government have the ability and obligation to implement the principles they supported during the previous election campaign. This idea is a prominent feature of the mandate theory of democracy and the responsible party model (Downs 1957; Klingemann et al. 1994; Powell 2000), which set out a democratic chain of command and control through which voters influence public policies. Party ideologies are an important part of this chain, because voters rely on them as cognitive devices to simplify the complexity of politics (Van der Eijk et al. 2005). Consequently, democratic theorists expect there to be a correspondence between governing parties' ideological positions and governments’ policies.
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The Making of Audubon Park: Competing Ideologies for Public Space

The Making of Audubon Park: Competing Ideologies for Public Space

members may be considered only upon the death or resignation of current members, and in those circumstances only after an anonymous vote. Perhaps because of their privileged status, the commissioners took a very paternalistic view towards the citizens of New Orleans. In an attempt to compel the lower classes to behave “properly” while on the park grounds, they published a comprehensive list of prohibited acts. For example, park rules stipulate that “no person shall use any loud, threatening, abusive, or indecent language, nor throw stones or other missiles, or exhibit any show or play any games of chance, or do any obscene or indecent or unlawful act whatsoever upon the park grounds.” 45 Violators of the many rules risked $25 fines and up to thirty days in jail. 46
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On the Subject of Play: Digital Game-Play as Models of Ideologies

On the Subject of Play: Digital Game-Play as Models of Ideologies

Furthermore, law is explicit and therefore transparent. Ideology, rather, is implicit and consequently opaque: by virtue of their quasi-naturalness, ideological conventions erase their alternatives. Semiotician Umberto Eco uses a hypothetical signal-producing apparatus – which van Alphen also uses as an example – to argue for ideological uses of signs as fundamentally erasing alternative significations. In his hypothetical apparatus, two signals, /Z/ and /ZZZZ/ denote a minimum of heat and pressure and a maximum thereof (1976, 290). More pressure is dangerous, more heat might give comfort, both result in higher production. In the case of reception by a human being, who understands these signals, the signal is transformed into a meaningful sign: i.e. a “correlation between an expression [/Z/] and a content [a minimum of pressure in Eco’s example]” (292). Based on a previous bias (against risk, for example; or for production), one language user may interpret and communicate the sign /ZZZZ/ as beneficial, solely through its choice of “circumstantial selection that attributes a certain property” to /ZZZZ/ (i.e. more heat is more production), while “concealing or ignoring other contradictory properties” of /ZZZZ/ (i.e. more heat is also more pressure, hence risk) (293). By communicating the sign as such, the signal /ZZZZ/ is by convention understood as risk-free, productive and warming; erasing the “potential contradiction between, on the one hand, «production and pressure» and on the other «heating and pressure»” (294).
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The Ideologies of Lived Space in Literary Texts, Ancient and Modern

The Ideologies of Lived Space in Literary Texts, Ancient and Modern

Though this materialist reading brings out the story’s celebration of vitality and survival, while emphasising the multiplicity of one’s sensual interaction with the environment (and not merely one’s visual relation), I do not want to argue that the story is an exemplary cel- ebration of Lefebvre’s lived space. Cándani’s narrative represents a phenomenological evocation of lived space, not the social and political concept coined by Lefebvre. Besides, the story has its darker undertones that invite a psychoanalytical reading. The only char- acters that fully succeed in realising a return to nature, for example, are dead – a bitterly ironic resolution of the problem of alienation. Thus, the novella suggests that the desire for the real, that animated the anguished protagonist, is not merely the desire for recon- nection, but the desire to return to matter, and as such – as Freud proposed – it would be bound up with the death wish. The novel, then, foregrounds both the problems that are associated with the effort to reconnect with one’s native space as perceived/imagined space alone, and the difficulties of evoking lived space as the site of reconnection. A comparable critique of the visual imagination as the privileged space to heal alienation can be found in David Malouf’s wonderful novel about Ovid’s last years in exile, An Ima- ginary Life (1978). While at first Ovid deplores his exclusion from not so much the city itself, but rather his language, his meeting with an inarticulate wild boy brings him to be guided ever farther away from the symbolic order, into the imaginary and even beyond. Many of the essays that are devoted to the novel offer a psychoanalytical approach, and rightly so. For the wild boy is clearly Ovid’s imagined double. The first paragraphs of the novel tell about his first acquaintance with the wild boy:
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From Customs to Fashion: Ideologies, Trends, Social Hierarchies

From Customs to Fashion: Ideologies, Trends, Social Hierarchies

gold dresses lined with blue velvet - blue and gold express wisdom - the scepter, the crown, the shields are the sign of power and even the dress of the Pope is a golden surcoat lined with green to which is added the triple crown (triregnum) with the insignia of the Holy Roman Empire. The Papessa, instead, who holds a cross and wears a humble monastic dress, represents the feminine, spiritual side, in opposition to the masculine, material side. Both refer generally to the tripartition body, soul, spirit. The Moon and the Stars recall the celestial vault and are presented as young women richly dressed, the first wearing a blue dress with pink and gold overcoat, the second a blue dress and a two-colored mantle embroidered in gold. The Lovers are two young people wearing court dresses, the woman with a dress embroidered in gold, the man with a short blue, golden coat. The Hermit is an old man dressed in blue holding an hourglass as a metaphor of the time passing and leading to death. The clothes depicted in these cards, as in other cards, and worn by the characters and the colors chosen by the artists who painted them express the spiritual and secular life and present a review of subjects that refer to the composition of the society, still divided into classes - warriors, churchmen, workers, merchants - a series of figures in which the dress is an integral part of a language entrusted to the images and the symbolism that they contain. Similarly, in the French cards called of “Charles VI” (1368-1422), we find the representation of court life in which hierarchical subordination and social diversity persist. Many figures are similar to those of the tarots, others add their own elements of the history of France, with ladies and queens wearing extraordinary toilettes made of fine fabrics often fur lined [17]. Later, over time, the illustrations on the cards, while retaining some reference to the past, introduce new subjects and new symbols - national and local - adapting to the transformations of the societies that gradually contribute to describing even through those “paper clothes” that testify the change of the political thought and the aesthetic canons, at least until the French Revolution, when, as we have seen, more than ever, the symbolism of clothes will become evident.
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Beyond Werktreue: Ideologies of New Music Performance and Performers

Beyond Werktreue: Ideologies of New Music Performance and Performers

Abstract: New music culture continues to be dominated by the figure of the composer and the 'work', in line with aesthetic and ideological developments which were consolidated by the mid-nineteenth century. New music festivals are frequently publicised primarily in terms of the composers featured, and whilst there has been a small amount of more critical thought concerning the nature of the role of performers in the process and ideologies of performance, I argue that in a broader sense a conception of performance as Werktreue, basically realising either the text or the conception of a work, is more tacitly accepted than other creative or critical approaches. Starting from a consideration of the role of notation, I offer an alternative model in terms of the score as a means for channeling performers' creative faculties, and question the whole viability of the work-concept even in the context of the most detailed contemporary scores. I offer a critical reading of some work in the field of performance studies, and argue for a revised view of performance, not least in light of the disjunction between mainstream performance (dominated by scores by dead composers) and contemporary performance which has also been a feature of concert life since the mid-nineteenth century.
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Ideologies, policies, and the control of the university systems in England and Japan

Ideologies, policies, and the control of the university systems in England and Japan

How have the university sectors in England and Japan, since the 1980s, changed in the context of the balance between central authorities, the universities, and the market.. ii.[r]

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Presidents and Ideologies: A Transitivity Analysis of Bingu wa Mutharika’s Inaugural Address

Presidents and Ideologies: A Transitivity Analysis of Bingu wa Mutharika’s Inaugural Address

Language is a heavily loaded vehicle. Our words are never neutral, transparent or innocent. They always carry the power and ideologies that reflect the interests of those who speak or write them (Taiwo 2007). As language users, we have several words at our disposal to choose from when producing a text; the choice of certain words over others may reflect conscious and unconscious ideologies held by those who produce them. At the same time they may shape the meanings of a text towards certain preferred ideologies. Therefore, as observed by van Dijk (2006), the analysis of language is a critical component in discovering and understanding particular ideologies. Van Dijk (2006), uses the term ideology to refer to attitudes, set of beliefs, values and doctrines with reference to religious, political, social and economic life, which shape the individual's and group's perception and through which reality is constructed and interpreted.
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Bottom up perspectives on multilingual ideologies in the EU: the case of a transnational NGO

Bottom up perspectives on multilingual ideologies in the EU: the case of a transnational NGO

This paper investigates the discursive construction of multilingualism in citizens’ discourses, aiming  to  fill  a gap in the literature of  European  studies that  has scarcely been  concerned with  language  ideologies from bottom‐up perspectives. In particular, we focus on the discourses of a transnational  NGO  to  analyse how  its  members  position  themselves  in relation  to  linguistic  issues  and  to  what  extent  (if  so)  they  reproduce  the  EU’s multilingual  ideology.  Deriving  data  from  focus  groups  and  semi‐structured  interviews,  we  contextualise  our  analysis  against  the  backdrop  of  an  increasingly  ‘glocalised’  European  site  of  struggle  between  global  communication  and  linguistic  justice.  Using  critical discourse analysis we aim to show how discourses of multilingualism are being negotiated at  the grass‐roots level. Our findings suggest that whilst citizens’ discourses validate an ideal promotion  and  preservation  of  linguistic  diversity  in  the  EU,  they  also  endorse  a  diglossic  scenario  with  language  performing  separate  identity  and  communicative  functions.  We  thus  argue  for  an  understanding  of  European  multilingualism  that  takes  into  account  the  transnational  dynamics  of  the European sphere. 
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