problems of consumption (drug addiction, obesity) and in Twohig & Furnham (1998) for overcoming the problematic gratification of sexual activities in the paraphilias. In the study here, though self-reliance was not rated overall as such an important strategy as seeking help, it is evident that where the health complaint is specified as CFS, self-reliance is regarded as a more important strategy than if the condition is labelled as ME or PVFS. This may be because non-medical undergraduate participants are more likely than other types of students to perceive CFS as `idle malingering’, according to Jason et al (2001). Thereby, with CFS being regarded as a matter of personal agency, of self-induced inertia, the significance of self-reliance as a strategy becomes understandable. Indeed, it is must be noted that self-reliance is advocated by medical professionals in the context of overcoming conjoined CFS/ME. Burns et al (2012), for example, suggests that nurses should instil a sense of self-reliance in CFS/ME patients by encouraging them to keep a diary of their behaviour and set goals for themselves as a way of understanding their baseline activity and to focus on improvement without exacerbation of symptoms. Self-control of sleeping patterns as well as utilising self- help techniques for pain management are also encouraged as part of a self-management repertoire. However this self-reliant mode is accompanied by medical guidance, since Burns et al (2012) states it is imperative that increases in patient activity should be closely supervised by an experienced therapist. Along with Furnham & McDermott (1994) and the current study then, the presence of self-reliance in conjunction with seeking help emerge as interrelated, paired factors for overcoming CFS/ME/PVFS.
Leventhal's work raised the possibility that health information is processed in parallel, with the cognitive representations of the threat and the emotional representation (e.g., fear arousal) being processed independently. Research by others has led to the notion that illness representations contain five discrete attributes: disease identity (symptoms and label); cause; timeline (time to develop and duration); controllability; and consequences (Lau & Hartman, 1983; Penrod, 1980). For some people, or at certain times, these attributes are explicit and identified by self-report. Whereas, for other people, or at different times, these attributes are implicit and identified by inference only. In either case, they are believed to be part of an individual’s model of disease and a way to understand an individual’s behaviour in the face of disease threats. According to Leventhal’s theory, these cognitive, emotional, and behavioural responses are self-regulatory for an individual in that they both impinge upon, and are influenced by, the person’s self-concept. In addition, social and cultural factors shape both the appraisal processes and the behaviours chosen for controlling or dealing with the situation. The research attempts to understand the self- regulatory processes within the social and cultural contexts in which they occur. Therefore, representations of health threats are a product of an person’s semantic knowledge and certain contextual factors.
Few patients mentioned bacteria as a cause of TB. Some patients mentioned transmission from another person through breathing. Sharing eating and drinking objects was also reported by some as a mode of trans- mission of TB, and patients or their families had sepa- rated their eating utensils after the diagnosis of TB. Two patients said that TB could be sexually trans- mitted since health professionals were telling them not to have sex during treatment. Health professionals who were asked why they were prohibiting sex during TB treatment said that it was because of the fear that patients would lose too much energy. A clinical nurse explained:
Eliciting PLWH understanding about hypertension is crucial because it increases the awareness of cultural factors that often are not well understood by health professionals responsible for treatment and prevention of hypertension. To our knowledge, this is the first study to explore EMs of aetiology, course of illness and treatment of hypertension in this at-risk population. Respondents had limited information about hypertension; however, they believed strongly that it is a serious condition that could lead to fatal outcomes. They perceived it as a more serious illness than HIV. They also mention they had little information about hypertension prevention. Since the most effective way to control hypertension is preven- tion, this finding particularly troublesome. Moreover, the belief that there is little one can do to prevent hyperten- sion and that it leads to an early death makes it clear that much more hypertension information should be dissem- inated to PLWH. Similar research is needed in PLWH to compare these findings.
Frequent discussion related to the social influences do- main widely varied. Some participants believed that SCP use could not continue without support from influential people, such as leaders. Leadership is a construct that re- fers to processes related to leading others, such as or- ganizing, directing, coordinating, and motivating people toward achieving goals. Without explicit support from leaders, some health-care professionals were anxious about using SCPs. One participant described the anxiety she felt in the face of physician resistance to SCPs: “I hope I don’t get a call from that doctor telling me, ‘Why did you give my patient this information?’” Other partic- ipants indicated that they would be able to use SCPs even without support from influential people in their cancer program. In particular, we found that many par- ticipants relied on team working—collaborative effort to achieve a common goal—to use SCPs, with or without support from leaders. These health-care professionals in- dicated that SCP use primarily depended on buy-in from staff who could assist in using SCPs.
(e.g.   ;  ). The majority of work in automatic mapping has focused on the lexical approach, using techniques similar to those used for automatic mapping from free text clinical notes to concept codes (for example  and ). However, Fung et al  found that ‘Semantic mapping performed better than lexical mapping’. Cimino and Barnett  proposed a method of semantic mapping by which each concept in a terminology was characterised by a set of properties, with concepts being mapped across terminologies according to the closest similarity in properties. This method requires each concept to be characterised manually in a process described as ‘tedious [but] not complicated’. A similar approach was proposed by Rocha et al . Mappings exist between some of the major coding systems in current use, particularly between older and newer versions of coding systems, e.g. ICD-9-CM and ICD-10-CM; Read Codes Version 2 and CTV3, provided by several organisations and individuals, often those responsible for the maintenance of the coding systems. In the UK, the Department of Health Technology Reference-data Update Distribution service (TRUD)  provides mappings between a number of coding systems, in particular those systems in common use in the UK: SNOMED CT, Read 2, CTV3. In the US, mappings are provided between systems more common in that country by the Centers for
The evaluation under discussion in this case study used a theory of change framework (Connell and Kubisch 1988) to explore how health awareness was raised and how lifestyle change was then promoted amongst trainers, volunteers and community organisations, after individuals had completed the required training. The advantage of using a TOC approach is that it helps partners and stakeholders make explicit the links between activities delivered and programme goals (i.e. behaviour change). At the outset of the evaluation, partners and stakeholders were brought to develop and agree their ‘theories of change’. Facilitated by the evaluation team, a map was designed of the preconditions required to bring about the long- term goal of the Sustainable Sunderland Programme. This TOC was then ‘tested’ by the evaluation team.
We conducted 24 FGDs involving 175 men and women. Each FGD had 8 – 10 members, and the groups were further stratified by age and gender (Table 1) to encour- age unrestricted discussions among people of the same sex and similar age. We included community members who were born and lived in the study area, report they are Acholi, speak Acholi and were aged 18 - 59 years. We excluded from the FGDs people who self-reported and or had documented hospital diagnosis of cervical cancer, and those whose daughters or wives had a con- firmed cervical cancer diagnosis because of our expect- ation that the experiences of people who had had a direct interface with cervical cancer would probably be influenced by the health workers ’ explanatory models.
The categories of strong and weak food were not understood by many of those interviewed. The rate of Don‟t Know for these questions was much higher than for other questions, across all twelve foods, and in 16 cases, interviewers recorded that the interviewee did not understand the term. As already stated, these terms were taken from Greenhalgh et al‟s (1998) study of the folk beliefs of first generation Bangladeshis. The fact that our sample included many who were educated in the United Kingdom or had lived in high income countries for many years may be sufficient explanation of the difference between the two studies. Thus, a well- intentioned use of the literature to increase the validity of the study did not do so, largely because, as is well-known, BME communities are not necessarily homogeneous in their attachment to „folk beliefs‟.
Since dyslexia runs in families, another factor which may inﬂuence the referral process is whether a parent has personally experienced reading difficulties and whether they are aware that they might be dyslexic. For an adult who has never been formally assessed it will be diff icult to make a judgement about the level of their own literacy skills and to know how these compare to the average. Generally, in the absence of objective measures, people make judgements about themselves by making comparisons with others. For example, Melrose, Brown, and Wood (2013) showed that, when judging the severity of symptoms of anxiety and depression, people are more likely to rate themselves according to how they perceive their symptoms relative to others’ rather than according to objective levels. Similarly, judgements of the health benef its of exercise depend upon how much exercise the person believes that they are doing in relation to others (Maltby, Wood, Vlaev, Taylor, & Brown, 2012). In short, people find it easier to make relative than absolute judgements. Furthermore, errors of judgements are more likely to occur when the sample from which a person draws their conclusion is not representative of the whole population. Social background is one factor that could inﬂuence the way in which conclusions are drawn.
Hardly a week passes without encountering somewhere in the literature an article quot- ing detailed information on what has become a major health care burden to Western industrialized societies, ie, low back pain. It is of paramount significance that most of the source reviews come to a similar conclusion. Namely, that over the past 25 or so years (since we first became “enlightened”), 1 incidence and prevalence rates have
This study examined the association of oral healthbeliefs with the caries experience among children and also evaluated the validity and reliability of modified version of oral health belief scale. Out of the 16 items that were evaluated, seven items showed significantly higher scores in caries free children. Similarly 4 out of 5 constructs showed significantly higher mean score in caries free children. This suggested that oral health belief questionnaire discriminated the caries free from caries experienced children. Also, the study found that participants had acceptable knowledge about oral healthbeliefs irrespective of their caries status. Very few studies exist on the concept of oral healthbeliefs and only one studied used oral beliefs scale previously. 4 Hence, it was difficult to compare the
This study examined how well healthcare providers perceive and understand their patients’ healthbeliefs and values compared to patients’ actual beliefs, and to determine if communication relationships maybe improved as a result of healthcare providers’ understanding of their patients’ illness from their perspective. A total of 61 participants (7 healthcare providers and 54 patients) were enrolled in the study. Healthcare providers and patients individually completed survey instruments and each participated in a structured focus group. Healthcare provider and patient differences revealed that patients perceived greater meaning of their illness (p = 0.038), and a greater preference for partnership (p = 0.026) compared to providers. The three qualitative themes most important for understanding patients’ healthbeliefs and values as perceived by healthcare providers were education, trust, and culture. Educating patients was perceived as having the greatest impact and also the easiest method to implement to foster providers’ understanding, with at least one patient focus group in agreement of same. Likewise, three themes were derived from patients’ perspectives as relatively more important in understanding providers’ beliefs and values; bidirectional communication, comprehensive treatment, and discipline. Overwhelmingly, bidirectional communication was perceived as a critical factor as having the greatest impact and may also be easiest to implement according to these patients. When patients and healthcare providers listen and communicate with each other, they are likely to develop a shared understanding that may improve future decision making and quality of care patients receive.
Moreover, research on mood indicated that positive affect is related to different health practices including exercise, nutrition and self-care practices (Griffin, Friend, Eitel & Lobel, 1993). Research from Townshend & Duka (2005) mentioned that low mood states and loss of executive function are related to binge drinking. Further, it seems promising that mood can enhance self-efficacy in order to influence the compensatory behavior. Research from Kavanagh & Bower (1985) has shown that joy can influence self-efficacy and the perceived capabilities of the individual in a positive way, whereas sadness can inhibit self-efficacy. These findings are important in order to test the effects of mood in this research. Mood is integrated as a mediator variable in the research model, which is shown in Figure 2. The manipulation through positive and negative alcohol-specific commercials is the independent variable, whereas the compensatory health belief represents the dependent variable, which in turn will affect intention. Therefore mood might reveal information that can be used for a better understanding of the relationship between the independent and dependent variable and may explain how this can effect compensatory healthbeliefs and the intention to reduce alcohol consumption.
LHWs, when compared to usual care, have been effect- ive in bringing about a range of positive health or health behaviour changes in communities in many different countries; however, the underlying reasons for why layhealth workers may have been effective in these cases have not yet been explored . The task of understand- ing the essential mechanisms at work within LHW inter- ventions is complicated by the fact that the literature on such interventions provides only a partial account of the specific strategies that may be driving effectiveness. A systematic review of interventions to improve diabetes care found that the features associated with positive programme outcomes included delivery by a layhealth worker; cultural tailoring; individualised assessment; deliv- ering the intervention according to tailoring algorithms; and providing individualised feedback . This review is limited to the management of diabetes, however, and does not examine the features of tailoring implemented within LHW interventions for prevention of disease.
One of the authors extracted the following data independently and discussed it with the other researchers who were involved with study selection. Disagreements between reviewers were resolved by consensus. The following inclusion criteria were applied: adults as recipients; non-communicable and somatic diseases or their prevention; LHW-led self-management intervention; organized by primary health care, community health center or corresponding organization; RCTs and quantitative trials. The exclusion criteria were the following: studies that reported outcomes of LHWs’ own self-management; intervention was led by non-trained peer supporter; family interventions; cancer, HIV, asthma or mental health self-management interventions; review papers; study protocols; and papers presenting baseline results only (Figure 1).
Health Literacy and Food Beliefs among lbans, Sarawak Med J Malaysia Vol 40 No 41985 HEALTH LITERACY AND FOOD BELIEFS AMONG IBANS, SARAWAK YAP SIM BEE SUMMARY A morbidity survey was carried out on a s[.]
seeking help for a suspicious symptom . With regards to breast cancer screening, studies have indi- cated that after controlling for education and economic status, fatalism was prevalent among poorer and less ed- ucated populations . To understand breast cancer fa- talism and its impact on early diagnosis screening among AI women, it is vital to address the interrelation- ship between fatalism and the web of poverty. Within the AI community, historical issues of political and so- cial conflicts are often the root of social inequalities. The disparities existing within AI community members have affected the health care sector especially in the fight against chronic diseases such as cancer. Inadequate ac- cess to quality health care, medical mistrust of Western medicine, and a lack of understanding about cancer, screening, and treatment are some of the leading factors that affect cancer health experiences and views. Fatalism, along with fear, is a perception that is formed for a long time through one’s sociocultural context and it is too dif- ficult to uproot within the limitations of a 3-year project. On the other hand, fatalism in this study was marginally negatively associated with age (p = 0.08), but significantly negatively associated with knowledge about mammog- raphy screening (p = 0.008). Therefore, one possible way to counteract fatalism is by providing knowledge about mammography screening, specifically information on sur- vival rates, and by having AI women who are breast cancer survivors share their experiences with other women, espe- cially younger women whose beliefs and feelings are more amenable to change. By doing that, we will “plant the seeds” for future efforts taken by the broader AI commu- nity that will enable AI women to overcome their fatalistic attitudes about breast cancer and become less fearful in terms of getting regular mammograms.
Health(health in general, health behaviour, physical fitness, mental health), social re- sources(care-related aspects, have social, feeling of social embeddedness/belonging resources, Social engagement/participation), activities/interests(activity without further specification, cognitive activities, work/job-related activities, sports, hobbies travel, culture/creativity, volunteering/unpaid engagement) virtues/attitudes/beliefs(positive attitude about life, ac- ceptance, openness/curiosity, self-esteem, self-efficacy, be good to self, other psychological characteristics), well-being(well-being/satisfaction/happiness/fulfilment, enjoying life) life management/ coping(setting goals/having plans/planning for the future, realizing goals/working on tasks/starting new things, coping active or passive), financial re- sources(having money/wealth, financial security, retirement fund) aging/age as a top- ic(money/wealth not needed, acceptance of age/aging/death/dying, becoming old, thinking about/anticipating age/aging/ death/dying, remaining young, ignoring age/aging/death/dying) independence(independent without further, specification, autonomy, physical independ- ence/mobility), meaning in life(religion, a life worth living) growth/maturation, respect/status, respect/status, education/knowledge(education, knowledge about life in general) microenvi- ronment(environment (not further specified or Social, positive role models, family upbringing) society/macro environment (social policy (health/work/education retirement policy), poli- cy/society (not further specified), negative aging stereotypes, newspaper/TV
Another key debate described by the informants (EM, Res, DoH) focused on which model would best serve both government needs and address LHW working con- ditions. Informants collectively spoke of two key issues, firstly whether or not LHWs should be specialist or gen- eralist health workers and secondly whether or not they should be volunteers. One informant (EM) suggested that the government preferred generalist LHWs who dealt with a range of issues at a household level and that this preference is reflected in the draft policy con- tent. Another informant (DoH) argued that research contemporary to the policy redevelopment presented evidence supporting specialists but that in the infor- mant ’ s (DoH) experience LHWs in the field had to work as generalist. When discussing the different mod- els, one informant said: