Liberal Peacebuilding

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Liberal  peacebuilding in the democratic republic of Congo: An analysis of MONUSCO's secrurity sector reform strategy

Liberal peacebuilding in the democratic republic of Congo: An analysis of MONUSCO's secrurity sector reform strategy

Further research must be conducted to understand the effects of liberal peacebuilding in other contexts. As the DRC faces new challenges of Kabila’s regime, and the postponement of presidential elections within the country, MONUSCO is challenged to formulate new practices, operations, and strategies to creating a secure environment for the Congo’s citizens. Therefore, it is important to continue research on the tendencies of conflict- prone societies, and the intervention methods that are used by organizations to bring sustainable peace. Additionally, this paper unveils the need for more research into how and why the UN must change its approach to peacebuilding in countries that are in conflict, and not post-conflict states. The DRC is a unique case, but is one that can be learned from, and used as an example for developing better strategies. By doing this, the UN can restore peace to conflicted states and establish legitimate, sustainable security to the Congo and greater international community.
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Engendering peace or a gendered peace? The UN and liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone, 2002 2007

Engendering peace or a gendered peace? The UN and liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone, 2002 2007

Sierra Leone is an instructive case study for this topic for a number of reasons. First, during the height of UNAMSIL’s operations it was the largest peacekeeping operation ever, indicative of the major UN involvement in the country. Second, the timing of the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone dovetails with the period when the gender and peacebuilding agenda was beginning to take shape, and therefore it provides insight into the extent to which the headquarters-level rhetoric actually translated into concrete action on the ground. It also coincides with the timing of reforms of the UN’s peacebuilding responses and architecture, and the evolution of the liberal peacebuilding consensus. Third, high levels of gender inequality permeate all aspects of political, economic and social life in Sierra Leone, and the conflict itself had specific gender-related elements, dimensions, impact and consequences. At the same time, women played a critical role in bringing about the end of the conflict, although much of their actions took place at the community level and went unacknowledged by the international community. It therefore follows that the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone was characterized by gender differences, and the evidence shows that men and women did not benefit equally from the process of security, governance and economic reforms that were launched following the conflict. The case of Sierra Leone is thus an interesting one in which to explore how the UN’s peacebuilding efforts addressed and mediated these gender inequalities.
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The Limits of Liberal Peacebuilding and Pitfalls of Local Involvement: Cambodia, Kosovo, and Timor-Leste in retrospect

The Limits of Liberal Peacebuilding and Pitfalls of Local Involvement: Cambodia, Kosovo, and Timor-Leste in retrospect

Illegal logging remains rampant in Cambodia because of the industry’s connection with government agencies and officials. Some corrupt government officials turn a blind eye to the worsening situation of the Cambodian forests because of their involvement in illegal logging. Le Billon (2002) asserts that the initiative on environmental sustainability has not sustained as the political elite in Cambodia continues to manipulate public resources by circumventing the law. He also argues that the international community’s discourse on sustainable and accountable forest management legitimizes only foreign transnational companies while disenfranchising the petty illegal loggers in rural societies whose main source of income comes from the forest (p. 582). To survive amidst these restrictions illegal loggers feed on the political elite’s corrupt practices (p. 582). This implies that, instead of subduing the traditional patronage system in Cambodia, economic liberalization further encourages it (Springer, 2011). As a result, the legal institutionalization of the logging industry “barred Cambodians from their forests in order for the country to get on a false path of ‘environmentally sustainable development’” (Le Billon, 2002, p. 583). Without the political will of Hun Sen and his ruling party to abide by the logging regulations they initiated in the first place during the transition, Cambodia’s commitment to sustainable development will remain purely rhetorical. This undermines the benefits of liberal economy and the value of local involvement in economic empowerment.
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The Ghanaian Infrastructure for Peace: A Successful Grassroots Peacebuilding Process

The Ghanaian Infrastructure for Peace: A Successful Grassroots Peacebuilding Process

The ideological shift which followed the Cold War led the UN to reassess its role as the guardian of international peace and security, by reforming its approach to peacekeeping operations (UN General Assembly 2000). In 2001, then Ghanaian Secretary-General Kofi Annan wrote a report named No Exit Without Strategy which addressed the withdrawal prerequisites of peacekeeping forces and established the conditions which the agency must have addressed prior to its departure from the conflicted nation (Annan, No exit without strategy: security council decision-making and closer or transition of Uniteed Nations peacekeeping operations, 2001). The report emphasized upon building or strengthening governmental institutions in the countries of implementation (Paris 2010). This report would be seminal in the democratisation of the liberal peacebuilding rhetoric in post- conflict countries as it will set the organisation’s approach to the conservation of peace and security in the world for decades to come. This approach faced numerous challenges, mainly related to the universal framework established to resolve diverging conflicts rooted in a variety of indigenous causes and societies. Paris argued that the goal of transforming post-conflict states into stable and thriving market democracies is desirable; nonetheless, the methods used for this transition are often problematic as they fail to consider the destabilising effects of these reforms on societies which lack certain prerequisites (Paris 2010).
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Returning culture to peacebuilding : contesting the liberal peace in Sierra Leone

Returning culture to peacebuilding : contesting the liberal peace in Sierra Leone

The differences between the interpretational regime of patrimonialism, and that underlying the default approach of liberal peacebuilding (as well as a significant share of Western academia), point to a certain „culture clash‟ evident in our conventional dismissal of patrimonial politics as corrupt, with its reliance on personalised ties as vastly inferior, on the grounds of both mores and efficiency, to the impersonal and transparent bureaucratic institutions of Western political culture. The obvious ethical failings of a regime implicated in the violence of the 11-year long war (as well as structural, and on occasions overt, violence of the preceding and following years), are reinforced by the „objectionable‟ qualities of its interpretational economy, evident in what appears, to an outsider, as a shallow „tokenness‟ of roles, titles, and commitments, whose „soundness‟ is premised not on their correlation with an immutable realm of higher truth, but on their momentary relevance on the social plane and embeddedness in the current social situation. However, the very „matter- of-factness‟ of such ready judgements points to their origin in a Western culture as „common sense‟ (cf. Geertz 1973, Chabal and Daloz 2006), which can be taken as an invitation to question the cultural groundings of the default approach of peacebuilding and most conflict analysis, which sees itself as being outside, or „above,‟ culture (Richmond 2009b). The array of accepted remedies for the conflict – liberal reforms, disarmament, national reconciliation, etc. – also belie the understanding of conflict as an arbitrary „add-on‟ to the otherwise peaceful „norm‟ of social and political relations, which can just as arbitrarily be „removed‟ from the equation – and not something embedded in these relations and playing a role in their reproduction. The approach of the Special Court
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The liberal peace and post conflict peacebuilding in Africa : Sierra Leone

The liberal peace and post conflict peacebuilding in Africa : Sierra Leone

More recently, some critical scholars (also drawing from post-colonial scholarship) have developed an interest in the concepts of hybrid and hybridisation, and the range of local agencies that emerge in post-conflict societies in the light of liberal peacebuilding (Richmond 2010b; 2011a, 2011b; Mac Ginty 2010a). This suggests the need to start thinking about contemporary peacebuilding as a process of hybridisation – a “new thinking” that involves thinking or investigating ways of moving beyond the liberal peace and the state, that is “post-liberal peace” transformations that allow the excluded and those in the periphery to play an active role in peacebuilding, which also means a radical departure from a rigid and hegemonic liberal peace, the state-centric Westphalian system and a denial of the universality of the liberal peace (Richmond 2010b; see chapter 4). In addition, it means a move into the post-Westphalian system and an acceptance that other “peaces” are possible. Departing from the liberal peace to the “post-liberal peace”, not only allows for a locally-grounded analysis that enables us to bring out other forms of peace that are important in contributing to the establishment of self-sustaining peace in post-conflict environments, but also an understanding of how local social forces are shaping international peace initiatives, thus helping us to understand the dynamics of post-conflict societies. This in turn calls for the need to deconstruct or reform oppressive structures and institutions as well as behaviours, and then construct and place emphasis on those that are capable of promoting lasting peace.
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Liberal equality and ethics

Liberal equality and ethics

However, it is important to distinguish between two ways in which the political liberal’s concern for public acceptance of a conception of justice might be delivered. The first is Dworkin’s thought that she would describe a “made-for-politics morality,” which insists on the importance of citizens obtaining certain goods, even when the possession of such goods is regarded by some individuals as an impediment to the pursuit of their own ethical commitments. The second strategy is to fashion a standard of interpersonal comparison that accommodates, rather than disregards, the ethical convictions of different individuals by permitting each to express her claims for compensation by citing a lack of items that she regards as helpful in the realization of her own ambitions. The accommodation strategy objects to metrics that list a number of goods on the basis of which different lives can be compared, because any list will include goods whose value is questioned by some. Liberal equality fits the bill of the accommodation strategy well, since it does not pre- scribe any list of that kind. Indeed, by allowing individuals to bring their own convictions to the egalitarian table, it is better suited to the ideals that animate political liberalism than the made-for-politics metric. Thus, since political liberals might follow a strategy of accommodation to achieve public agreement on their principles of justice, they are free to adopt liberal equality as their conception of justice. 13
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Undergraduate Liberal Arts

Undergraduate Liberal Arts

The Faculty of Arts at Bristol is home to world- leading researchers who are also passionately committed to the ideals of liberal education. It is a place where an interdisciplinary outlook comes naturally and is practised on a daily basis. Our liberal arts courses aim to capture the best of Bristol’s education and research, and make it available in an innovative and intellectually adventurous environment.

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The Liberal Democrat proposals

The Liberal Democrat proposals

Notes: The FRS has been used here as it offers the best available data on incomes. By contrast, analysis of the other parties’ proposals has been based on Family Expenditure Survey data because, unlike the Liberal Democrats’, they affect the levels of indirect taxes, which means data on family expenditure are required, something the FRS does not contain. Income deciles are derived by dividing the population into 10 equally sized groups according to household income adjusted for family size. Decile 1 contains the poorest tenth of the population, decile 2 the second poorest and so on, up to decile 10, which contains the richest tenth.
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Liberal and Illiberal Islamophobias

Liberal and Illiberal Islamophobias

conceptual and analytical framework and tool to come to grips with the diversity, contradictions, transformation and slipperiness of Islamophobia(s), and racism itself, in order to combat it more effectively. Currently, the signifiers ‘Muslim’ and ‘Islam’ are constructed through different modes of articulations, from the most extreme to the seemingly progressive, but ultimately create an inchoate and yet clear Other used as a template to single out homogenised, suspect communities. We argue that it is only through the dual offer of what we define as illiberal and liberal Islamophobias that this racist discourse can become naturalised and common sense, since it allows for those espousing the liberal position to justify their racist discourse by opposing it to the illiberal articulation, even though both are part of the same exclusionary paradigm. It is worth noting that our distinction between the liberal and illiberal articulation here is not so much based on political and ideology theory, but rather on the perceived quality and level of acceptability of each concept in the mainstream discourse within modern liberal democracies. 52
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Women Political Participation in Peacebuilding in Southern Thailand

Women Political Participation in Peacebuilding in Southern Thailand

Situations like this, in which Muslim women set up a group and empower themselves as well as other people through religious knowledge and affirm their leadership role in modern politic[r]

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College of Liberal Arts and Sciences ( catalog.apu.edu/undergraduate/liberal-arts-sciences)

College of Liberal Arts and Sciences ( catalog.apu.edu/undergraduate/liberal-arts-sciences)

Major in Liberal Studies with concentrations in: (http://catalog.apu.edu/undergraduate/liberal-arts-sciences/liberal-studies-undergraduate- education-k-8/liberal-studies-major) i Art ii [r]

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South African land reform as peacebuilding: integrating perspectives from social identity theory and symbolic politics in a peacebuilding conceptual framework

South African land reform as peacebuilding: integrating perspectives from social identity theory and symbolic politics in a peacebuilding conceptual framework

recurrence” (Boutros Ghali 1992). Others have offered a broader definition of peacebuilding that allows them to categorize a number of peace activities as peacebuilding and therefore also to situate it differently in temporal terms (Mullenbach 2006). Fisher (1993), for example, has argued that peacebuilding efforts should de- escalate conflicts and should therefore be understood as an intermediary phase between peacekeeping and peacemaking. His description of peacebuilding allows for an understanding that locates peacebuilding both in the phases of conflict and post-conflict reconstruction. In Boutros Ghali’s (1995) Supplement to an agenda for peace he also seems to have allowed for a broader definition of peacebuilding, stating that peacebuilding can either be exercised in a context where a settlement has been negotiated or one where no settlement agreement has been reached. In the case of the latter he notes that peacebuilding can either be a preventative or a post-conflict process. In order to understand the temporal dimension of peacebuilding, this study adopts Lederach’s (1997) view that because conflict is by nature a process that can potentially vacillate between peace and the absence of peace, peacebuilding need also be thought of a process rather than a single or limited event at a point in time. As Richmond says (2002:96) says, “…peace is never made but always in the making”. Thus peacebuilding is thought of as a complex collection of different strategies for different contexts that has the ability to transform the conflict regardless of the stage of the conflict. The peacebuilding process ultimately moves the conflict to a stage of, in Lederach’s (1997:71) words, “restructured relationships”. It is thus not really a question of the “when” of peacebuilding as if stages of conflicts are mutually exclusive and clearly distinct from other stages, but rather what peacebuilding activities are required at which stages of the conflict process. Disregarding this process of peacebuilding leads to a lack of appreciation for the important roles that different activities play in the long term transformation of the conflict and the complex relationships between these different roles.
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The Liberal Party of Australia as seen by Liberal backbenchers of the House of Representatives

The Liberal Party of Australia as seen by Liberal backbenchers of the House of Representatives

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE SCHOOL OF GENERAL STUDIES AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY The Liberal rarty of Australia as seen by Liberal Backbenchers of the House of Representatives by JULIE COATES[.]

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Peacebuilding: The Challenges of and Prospects for a Steady-state Society

Peacebuilding: The Challenges of and Prospects for a Steady-state Society

problem of dioxin became highlighted when the U.S. Army dispersed defoliant containing large amounts of dioxin on the Viet Nam jungles, in order to prevent the activities of liberation front soldiers. This dioxin is a known human carcinogen. Many locations where dioxin was dispersed in Viet Nam are places where there are unusual numbers of children born with physical defects. Dioxin is implicated, but the relationship between these symptom and dioxin has not yet been completely proven. Among the victims, Viet and Doc lived and serve as examples of the bitter struggle these afflicted people must endure. (R. Katsura, 2013) The fact that even unborn infants can be so badly damaged by the presence of a chemical weapon like dioxin in their environment is one of the most important keys to educating people about peace. This danger must not be separated from peacebuilding by linking it only to issues of the environment and general human welfare. That is one reason that, in this paper, I would like to emphasize the importance of Satoyama studies as a discipline that links peace studies, human welfare and the steady-state society, as a new discipline aiming at conservation and environmental regeneration.
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College of Liberal Arts

College of Liberal Arts

In addition to NSHE and UNLV requirements, all majors in the College of Liberal Arts must fulfill the requirements of the three distribution areas of the Core Curriculum. In other words, Humanities majors must fulfill the humanities distribution requirement outside the major, and Social Science majors must fulfill the social science distribution requirement outside the major. In addition to NSHE and UNLV requirements, all majors in the College of Liberal Arts must complete at least 42 credits at the upper-division level (300–400 level courses). Also, at least 50 percent of courses in a Liberal Arts student’s major must be taken at UNLV. Students may not fulfill general education requirements with courses in their major field. Probation/Suspension: Students who maintain a UNLV cumulative grade point average of 2.00 or above are in good standing. Those falling below a 2.00 GPA will be subject to University Probation and/or University Suspension. See UNLV Academic Policies in this catalog for a description of the probation and suspension rules. Liberal Arts/Business Administration Track: The College of Business offers a specially constructed business administration minor. This program prepares Liberal Arts students for a potential business career or for the 30-semester-hour Master’s in Business Administration option at UNLV. Please consult the College of Business section of this catalog for details.
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Why and When. to Use the Media for. Conflict Prevention and. Peacebuilding

Why and When. to Use the Media for. Conflict Prevention and. Peacebuilding

Bringing about constructive change in a conflict is a challenge. Helping to change people’s beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors requires in-depth knowledge about the conditions that enable people to make these changes. The media’s role in contributing to cognitive, attitudinal and behavioral change on a large scale is unique. Conflict prevention and peacebuilding professionals can use the media in harmony with their other programs - if they know when, why, and how to use the media for the most strategic impact in lessoning the polarization between groups. On the other hand, media professionals still have much to learn about why and when their work can contribute to preventing violent conflict and building peace between groups. The media and peace professionals both have their limitations and share an interest in the dynamics of conflict.
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Wartime Sexual Violence: The Missing Link in Successful Peacebuilding?

Wartime Sexual Violence: The Missing Link in Successful Peacebuilding?

Arguably, peacebuilding efforts are more likely to be successful in the short-term rather than in the long-term (Quarantelli’s, 1988, p. 16). Indeed, in the immediate aftermath of a conflict there tends to be a strong desire for peace within society that has grown fatigued of war (Ward and Perrottet, 2013, p. 58; Voorhoeve, 2007, p. 53). Additionally, if a conflict has garnered international attention the campaign for peace is extended outside of the conflict borders – often evidenced through stickers, slogan t-shirts, and the modern day ‘hasthtags’ on Twitter – and pressure mounts on the belligerents to build and sustain peace, at least in the short-term (Lötter, 1997, p. 105). These conditions can help foster the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms that are necessary for peace and reconciliation to consolidate, particularly in conflicts that experienced war crimes (of which wartime sexual violence is a component) (Futamura, 2014, p. 23; United Nations, 2018). Against this backdrop victims of wartime sexual violence may find themselves encouraged to come forward and seek reparations that, especially when done early stages, will promote sustainable peace through the reinforcement of trust and accountability between the victims and the state (García- Godos, 2015, p. 341). Accordingly, the logic follows that if a conflict had high levels of wartime sexual violence, peacebuilding success would be more likely particularly in the initial post-conflict years.
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COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS

COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS

Sociology majors may choose the Bachelor of Arts, major in Sociology, which prepares them for professional or graduate study in the liberal arts tradition, or the Bachelor of Science in Applied Sociology, major in Applied Sociology, which provides practical research skills for students who wish to attend graduate school or to enter the work force upon graduation. The BA in sociology is a 33-hour traditional degree for students interested in entering the professions. As such, it is a pre-professional degree that includes courses designed to prepare students for professional or graduate study. Students who are interested in collecting, analyzing, interpreting, and presenting data on a variety of social phenomena may select the BA. The BSAS is a 36-hour major designed for students who intend to apply sociological principles and practices in governmental and business settings.
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Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Hannah Waller

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Hannah Waller

I will graduate from UNH in May 2015, and will then begin graduate school at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. I will be pursuing a two-year master’s degree in international affairs with a focus on conflict resolution. After this, I plan on working in either the nonprofit sector or in foreign policy, hopefully within the fields of human rights or post-conflict peacebuilding. All of my future goals were formed by or are based on the remarkable summer I spent in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

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