In order to ensure that the implementation of programmes such as National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (NREGA), Sampoorna Gramin Rozgar Yojana (SGRY) Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY), Swarnjayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY), Provision of Urban Amenities in Rural Areas (PURA) reflect the needs and aspirations of the local people, the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) are considered as an important tool. Therefore, under most of the ruraldevelopment programmes, a crucial role has been assigned to the PRIs. They constitute the bedrock for the implementation of most of ruraldevelopment programmes. Accordingly, sustained efforts have been made to strengthen localgovernance, institutionalizing people's participation and empowering women through PRIs. The State governments are being pursued for delegation of adequate administrative and financial powers to panchayati raj.
India comprises of millions of people which are not able to fulfill even their basic needs. In such circumstances will it be rational to think about usage of ICT or adoption of electronic services with various objectives for such populace? However it seems peculiar but to think that ICT and e-governance can’t be beneficial for such a nation where a huge population is not having accessibility to basic needs for their livelihood is a paradox. But it leads towards their economic and social development. ICT involves the representation of any information in digital form along with its electronic processing, storage, retrieval and dissemination. The information may comprise of news, circulars, reports, educational material, entertainment material and application forms etc. and can be accessed by many people in either horizontal or in sequential manner . ICT has a capability to publicize any information to millions of people in minimal cost, time and efforts. The current era of globalization, marketization and increasing competitiveness requires that every citizen should be resourceful to run their livelihood enterprises. For seeking the solutions they have to be in contact with institutions irrespective of their location through electronic media. It can also expedite agricultural development and also beneficial in micro-finances administration. Internet facilitates people to interact with government, conduct businesses, communicate with peers, innovate, imbibe best practices into their lives and imitate their opinion . Further, the access of ICT helps in creating sustainable economic relationships and efficient markets. Moreover, it is also helpful in eradication of poverty and improving health .
The third DrukGyalpo, JigmeDorjiWangchuck began a campaign of modernization and expansion of Bhutan‟s government and society based on the accomplishments of his two predecessors in uniting the country under a strong central authority. Hence, the National Assembly consisting of representatives of the people, the Monastic order and civil administration was reestablished in 1953 (Gallenkamp, 2010; Kinga, 2009;NSB, 2012). Until then, Bhutan has observed numerous growth and development, aligned with the ill effects of modernization. The period of isolation was over that led to the inflow of modern education and technological development but the development has only touched the minority or if we may assume, benefitted immensely to the urban legends. This has left the rural people unaltered and the process of development left untouched to this group of population. This is the reason why traces of a Panchayat rule or the local autonomic leadership (Ardussi, 2001; Bhuyan, 2010) can still be seen prevalent in the rural areas. Bhutanese local leaders are called with these names: Gup, Mangmi, Chimmi, Drungye, Chhupoen, and Tshogpa.
The purpose of Local government the world over is to accelerate socio-econmic development at the grassroots. This can only be achieved under the right atmosphere with the right instrument of office and relationship between the state and federal governments, right structure, freedom of action and unhindered sources of revenue. In Nigeria, this institution of government has neither constituted a distinct level of government nor performed clearly stated functions. Although various reforms have been implemented by successive governments to visualize local government as a distinct level of government, the historical relationships between the local authorities and the higher levels of government as well as some confusion in the statutory and constitutional provisions have combined to blur the visions which were paramount in such reforms. The factors affecting the operations of local government include dependence on resources external to their boundaries for funds to carry out virtually every aspect of their constitutional roles and indiscriminate suspension of democratic local government councils by some Governors for partisan reasons. The paper recommended that in order to enhance the contribution of local government to ruraldevelopment. All local government Chairmen should be guaranteed free access to the Governors of their states for purposes of discussing the peculiar problem confronting them; the internal revenue base of the local governments should be strengthened through joint venture activities and intergovernmental collaboration. Also, local government structure and composition once constituted should be kept stable for as long as possible in order to allow long planning period and good governance.
My sketch of the ins and outs of communal land tenure arrangements is very sketchy indeed. Moreover, it is well known that in many such communities tendencies are at work towards individualisation of land tenure, 15 while in others traditional authority has degraded into a non- accountable despotic kind (see Ubink 2009, about Ghana). Notwith- standing these deficiencies taking communal land tenure arrange- ments seriously is a promising approach. For one, the moral bonds of reciprocity are an important brake on unfettered individual exploitation of nature and on mounting inequalities within the communities. Sec- ondly, an ethos of reciprocity has regained relevance in new construc- tions of community-based management institutions not only in devel- oping countries, but also outside. Alden Wily (this volume) describes such a newcomer in Tanzania. She illustrates vividly the failure of cen- tralised top-down state policies of forest management. She then shows how empowering the local communities and creating institutions that foster a partnership between the local stakeholders and public authori- ties lead to far more successful management. Secure tenure and re- source rights for local users are crucial to guarantee their position and motivate them to overcome partially deep distrust of state power. Such cooperation is not forthcoming unless people are motivated by a sense of reciprocity, the need to give in on one aspect of their direct interests and partly orient themselves on the well-being of the community at large. In this case one could build on still existing village communities and the reciprocity people are familiar with. But the new construction has a far wider scope. This Tanzanian experiment is not restricted to this specific situation. It is in tune with now widely applied develop- ment policies stressing participation of local stakeholders and civil so- ciety actors in designing and executing public policies. These new plat- forms are supposed to promote cooperation between former antagonis- tic groups and corporations and thereby bring more successful management of natural resources. 16
There have been no outstanding changes in the domestic political sphere during 2007 and the situation remains dominated by developments related to the border issue with Ethiopia and the implementation of the EEBC ruling. Domestically the situation remains comparable to recent years in institutional terms, and there has not been a move from the Government of the State of Eritrea (GSE) towards holding presidential or parliamentary elections. Parliament (National Assembly) has not convened since 2002, including during 2007. To date the GSE has not proposed a set of governance commitments within the framework of cooperation planning. Eritrea during the reporting period continued to play an active role in the region both in relation to Sudan and in relation to Somalia. Asmara hosted the founding conference of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), and an important section of the leadership of the ARS continues to reside in Asmara. The GSE also continued to be directly involved in the peace process in Darfur, as well as in the peace process in Eastern Sudan. The crisis in Somalia has led to a rise in tensions between the GSE and the US administration 1 Furthermore, Eritrea has suspended its membership of IGAD in protest over what it considered lack of response by the organisation to the Ethiopian military intervention in Somalia.
Table 4 shows the distribution of local dialect spoken according to community of residence. The results indicates that out of 200 respondents in Tamale Central, 181 of them speak Dagbani. Of all respondents who speak Dagbani (365) and 49.6% reside in Tamale central, 12.3% in Jena, 12.1% in Dungu. While 12.3% in Parishe and 13.7% in Yong. All respondents in Yong speak only Dagbani. Also aside one respondent who speaks Akan, all respondents in Dungu speak Dagbani. In Parishe, only two respondents speaking Akan and Mampruli, all respondents speak Dagbani. However, Tamale Central is the only place where other dialects besides Dagbani were most common than other places. It shows that 181 respondents in Tamale Central speak Dagbani, nine respondents speak Gonja, four respondents speaks Mampruli while six respondents speaks Akan. Hence, radio programmes in Dabgani have the highest patronage than all the other languages. Anyadik, Olemadi and Odoemelam (2015) argue that intervention broadcast policies for development should package radio programmes in local languages of the target group. This integration will enhance listenership, interest and positive behavioural change. From the table, it meant that, the remaining respondents who were not very good speakers of the local dialect lived in Tamale Central which can be attributed to its metropolitan setting and hence could be a place of residence for people who are not indigenes of the area.
The narrative of deindustrialization and urban decline has been well-documented in literature. Local governments in the United States have responded to structural inequities in the use and generation of capital with some degree of success, continued challenges, and/or worsening conditions. Promoting economic development after decades of decline is no easy feat and requires perseverance, compromise, and risk. This paper will define urban economic resilience as promoting a diversity of goods, services, and industries; managing and moderating market cycles; actively preventing stagnation and decline; and protecting vulnerable groups. The qualities of urban economic resilience should be promoted, especially in urban areas that have suffered from increasing political and economic constraints. This paper will examine the unique case study of Detroit, Michigan and the downtown Little Caesars Area development project. This example demonstrates how local governments have used traditional economic development tools in an attempt to achieve positive growth outcomes. However, the use of these tools merits sincere critique in the face of historical economic troubles and existing conditions of inequality and disinvestment. Ultimately, this paper critiques local economic development tools by highlighting the public and social costs of implementing them.
If we achieve a ranking of component counties , Argeş County ranks first with the highest number of registered traditional products - 649 (dairy - 63.5; meat products - 19.4%; drinks - 9.24 %), Giurgiu County falls last, recording a total of 13 traditional products (dairy products - 62 %, meat products - 23 %, vegetables and fruit - 15%). We note that in terms of traditional products made in the counties of the South Muntenia Region weights for dairy and meat products are similar, differentiation is registered for the categories of products on the third place as percentage, explained by different geographical characteristics of counties, favoring the development of different agricultural activities.
Given that the funds/taxes decentralized to local levels of government are less flexible and more regressive, there is some degree of concentration of economic activity in certain areas, which can create territorial inequalities. Local governments in poor areas face difficulty in raising fiscal revenues, and thus creating a pervasive fiscal imbalance. In India, Bardhan (2002) argues there is evidence that local democracy and states are more effective than central government, but then again, there are large differences across states; for example, West Bengal is a state with high trust and Bihar is one with low trust (Mitra and Singh 1999). Despite spending a small share of gross domestic product (GDP) on healthcare, a disproportionate share of the health budget is dedicated to inpatient care, as opposed to preventive care—the latter being more pro-poor (Peters et al. 2002). Hence, this paper focuses primarily on public, preventive, and outpatient care. In India, evidence suggests that while a higher voter turnout in a district increases the allocation of nurses to rural areas of the district, it has no effect on the allocation of doctors and has a negative effect on the allocation of teachers (Betancourt and Gleason 2000).
The Pattern and mechanism of the Government of the Sultanate of Buton, are not only describing the limits and scope of territory, but also showing the social stratification with its authority. These are explained comprehensively in the constitution which had always been applied during the Sultanate time, namely MartabatTujuh (the Constitution of Dignity Seven= Seven Values); State Ideology: Bhinci- Bhincikikuli; State Motto: Poramu Yindaasaangu Pogaa Yinda Akoolota; Principle of State: Man Arafa Arafa Nafzahu FaqadRabbahu. (What are the 7 values?? You need to put an English translation after each term). Territorially, Buton Sultanate territories were divided into three structures. First,Sara Wolio or the Palace was the governmental center and the Islamic development center. Members were from two noble groups, the Kaomugroup, descendents of the first king couple from the paternal line and the Walaka group, descendants of the founding fathers of Buton (miapatamiana). The groups were titled “La Ode” for men and “Wa Ode” for women. Second, the four small kingdoms and autonomous regions were called Barata: Kolisusu, Tiworo, Muna and Kalidupa. These four regions had their own government, but they remained subject to the authority of the central government in Wolio Palace, held by the Kaomu and Walaka groups. The Sultan, as the supreme ruler of the kingdom, was assisted by some top officials at the Palace and local officials (Barata). Third, Kadie areas were settlements outside the Palace (± 72 Kadies) resided in by commoners groups called Papara. But in Generally, the system and the bureaucratic process in the Sultanate of Buton were as follows:
The UN Millennium Goal (MDG) 7 aims to ensure environmental sustainability, with some of its targets being halving the proportion of people without access to safe water and reversing loss of environmental resources by 2015. Although challenges exist for developing countries like Kenya in this endeavor including climate change, financial scarcity and impropriety, impressive progress is feasible with workable checks in natural resource exploitation. For example, actively engaging all stakeholders in implementing UN Agenda 21 is important in this regard. Indeed, the need for its decisive implementation has become more urgent now than ever before owing to climate change that has seen once perennial rivers becoming seasonal. In turn, this has led to significant water scarcity and drought, taxing animal and crop husbandry, with adverse health and socio-economic consequences in most of Sub-Saharan Africa. In addition, human activities including wood and sand harvesting, quarrying, charcoal burning, forest cultivation, casual use of pesticides and other chemicals have not only increased water scarcity, but also appreciably polluted it. It is on the basis of this backdrop that a study was carried out to determine the level of stakeholder engagement, governance challenges and lessons learned in initiating a water dam project in Taita District, Kenya. The study employed qualitative methods of data collection including desk research, key informant interviews, focus group discussions, photography, direct observation and life history accounts. This paper presents the findings of the study which include marked stakeholder de-participation and missing governance plan and thereafter suggest their deliberate reversal through strategic decision-making, governance and sustainable use of water in rural Kenya.
Now Through Decentralisation of power Governance to LocalGovernance is a progressively common phenomenon in Latin America, Asia, and Eastern Europe. In theory, it can lead to significant improvements in efficiency and effectiveness by reducing overloading of central government functions and improving access to decision making and participation at lower levels of government, for example, by improved service design, user financing targeting, and delivery .If not carefully managed, however, decentralisation can lead to deterioration in the use and control of resources, especially in the short term. National goals can be seriously distorted by local governments, and scarce resources can be diverted to poor uses. Moreover, radical decentralisation can seriously weaken the capacity of the central government to manage the economy through fiscal and mon−soft. v
The government has liberalized its policy towards small business units to bring about better coordination between small , cottage and tiny industries. This give encouragement to the government to start new ministry i.e SME Ministry. The level of economic equality and independence are the real indicators for measuring the status of women in any society. In a complex and stratified society like ours the status of women naturally differs from time to time, region to region, class to class, caste to caste, religion to religion, and from occupation to occupation. In India, women-friendly development remains a myth. The indicators for women‟s development present a pathetic picture despite all the rhetoric. It is quite frustrating to see the clock turn back in our country. The glorious traditions of more than century and a half of the nineteenth century, the Gandhian ideology of women‟s emancipation, the guarantees provided by the constitution of India for gender equality, everything goes in vain widening the gap between rhetoric and reality. They tries to start SSI , cottage , village and tiny industries within the resources available from various corner to uplift the standard of living and contribute in the development of the economy.
Katz and Mair (1995) describe something similar with the rise of what they call the 'cartel party'. They look at the development of parties in the twentieth century. A general summary of their observation is that they see that parties are becoming increasingly more professional and are also becoming more part of the government. Politicians are becoming more and more like professionals and less like representatives. The culmination of this development is the cartel party (Katz & Mair, 1995: 17). Two of the characteristics of this kind of party are that competition is contained and that the limited competition that remains is increasingly more based on claims of efficient and effective management (Katz & Mair, 1995: 19). Accountability for policies will become less important in a system like this. The effect, according to them, is that none of the major parties are at risk of being excluded from a government position, that party programs are becoming more similar and that the distinction between parties in office (coalition) and parties out of office (opposition) are becoming blurred (Katz & Mair, 1995: 22). The blurring of distinctions between parties may eventually cause the rise of newcomers seeking to "break the mould" (Katz & Mair, 1995: 24). Andeweg comments on this, saying "the absence of true opposition within the system is likely to result in opposition against the system" (Andeweg, 2000: 533). This shows that it is necessary for the municipal council to hold the executive accountable for the policies that they implement. A lack of opposition or a lack of ability on the part of a municipality could potentially cause a lack of democratic legitimacy for the system and the politicians operating within it.
1. Application of ICT in narrow-focused and specific target projects. With many stakeholders currently involved in ruraldevelopment projects, the utilization of ICTs are often resulted in a form of segregation of local information and knowledge systems as to fulfil objectives of a different, sector-specific and target driven projects carried out by those agencies/parties. For instance, a programme on breast feeding may ‘reach’ the target audience of 50% of mothers within a certain age group or area, but the extent to which the programme is acted upon (as with recent evaluations of the impact of AIDS awareness raising programmes) may be limited by the institutional context in which the ICTs and the information is controlled . It is not a wrong strategy for any agencies to conduct a sector-specific project as mentioned above, however, it is also important for project initiators/stakeholders to look into wider
The most important organizational and economic factors for enhancing the investment attractiveness of enterprises are financial health; determination of efficiency of investments; timely and correct assessment of the financial condition of the enterprise; rational use of working time and labour potential of the enterprise; attracting foreign experience in assessing and enhancing investment attractiveness; the use of corporate governance mechanisms . The last major objective of the system is the selection and evaluation of alternative investment projects, which should not only be financially successful, but also increase the overall investment attractiveness of the company. Therefore, this task takes into account the results of all previous ones, as well as information about the environment. After a thorough examination of the main tasks of the system, it becomes clear that its integrative nature, which allows to successfully combine the results of work of different departments and provide their own recommendations to management . The positive dynamics of the indicators of investment attractiveness of the enterprise testifies to the high efficiency of the built system
policy since the publication of the European Spatial Development Perspective in 1999. Over the last 10 years, the European Spatial Policy Observation Network (ESPON) has made many efforts to define and measure the concept of “territorial cohesion”. Many such attempts assume that a policy concept must be defined in order to be “operationalized”. Or, in other words, that we must determine what the concept is before we can determine what it can or should do. This paper challenges this assumption in two parts. In the first, I review a number of ESPON projects to show how complex and uncertain these essentialist definitions have become. In the second, I analyse a number of national, regional and local government responses to the 2008 Green paper. I show that, whilst a clear and coherent definition has not been established, this concept is already operationalized in different policy frameworks. Bringing this together, I argue that users of such concepts ought to approach the issue differently, through a pragmatic line of enquiry: one that asks what territorial cohesion does, what it might do and how it might affect what other concepts, practices and materials do.
Both reconfigurations went through similar processes, including consultation, data analysis, model develop- ment, and specification and selection of services. How- ever, approaches to leadership and governance of these processes differed: the changes in Manchester were led by the Greater Manchester and Cheshire Cardiac and Stroke Network (which facilitates stakeholder collabor- ation to improve commissioning and provision of stroke and cardiac care across the Greater Manchester area), whereas in London they were led by Healthcare for London, a programme within the city’ s Strategic Health Authority (the organisation responsible for managing all NHS commissioning and provider organisations within London). Therefore, the London reconfiguration was led by a body with greater executive authority. The pro- posed changes in London and Manchester both met with a degree of resistance, for example, from local com- munities, service providers, and public representatives. The ways in which this was managed by reconfiguration leaders had a significant influence on how the models developed.