Castano, 2010) and diminished social presence (Saguy, Quinn, Dovidio, & Pratto, 2010). The current findings add an important interpersonal dimension to the sexually objectifying gaze, namely, increased aggression.
It is worth noting that our findings demonstrate that minimal conditions for objectification were enough to elicit heightened aggression. Participants were simply instructed to focus on the woman’s physical appearance; the woman wore no provocative clothing that would attract undue attention to her body without prompt. In real world situations in which objectification may be more strongly induced – even encouraged – aggression levels are likely to be more intense and have more serious implications. For instance, situations involving prostitution or sexual exploitation are likely to induce more extreme levels of aggression and violence, including torture and homicide.
Friends could be influential on young women’s sexual health via influences on sexual behaviours and as connections to sexual partners, but are understudied in sub-Saharan Africa. We cross-sectionally surveyed 2326 13-20 year-old young women eligible for grades 8-11 in rural South Africa about their sexual behaviour and up to three sexual partners. Participants each described five specific but unidentified friends and the relationships between them in an ‘egocentric’ network analysis design. We used logistic regression to investigate associations between friendship characteristics and participants’ reports of ever having had sex (n=2326) and recent condom use (n=457). We used linear regression with random effects by participant to investigate friendship characteristics and age differences with sexual partners (n=633 participants, 1051 partners). We found that it was common for friends to introduce young women to those who later became sexual partners, and having older friends was associated with having older sexual partners, (increase of 0.37 years per friend at least one year older, 95% CI 0.21-0.52, adjusted). Young women were more likely to report ever having had sex when more friends were perceived to be sexually active (adjusted OR 1.85, 95% CI 1.72-2.01 per friend) and when they discussed sex, condoms and HIV with friends. Perception of friends’ condom use was not associated with participants’ reported condom use. While this study is preliminary and unique in this population and further research should be conducted, social connections between friends and sexual partners and perceptions of friend sexual behaviours could be considered in the design of sexual health interventions for young women in South Africa.
Social norms within teams can influence the likelihood of sexualaggression. For example, peer groups may hold negative attitudes towards women (e.g., as objects of sexual conquest) that promote violence and implicitly or explicitly support sexually aggressive and coercive behaviour. Furthermore, engagement in sport is often associated with increased rates of hazardous drinking through socialising and team bonding and consumption of alcohol appears to contribute to incidence of sexualaggression. Such findings may indicate that the Confluence Model of SexualAggression may assist explanations of sexualaggression in sport. Although limited research has been conducted in this domain inferences can be made in relation to both paths of sexualaggression proposed by the Confluence Model from a sporting context. Inferences can be made on the grounds that the Hostile Masculinity path can relate to negative attitudes held by athletes towards women and the Promiscuous-Impersonal Sex path can relate to the socialising and team bonding aspect of sport (Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, & Acker, 1995).
The Acceptance of Modern Myths about SexualAggression scale (AMMSA; Gerger et al., 2007),
consists of 30 items measuring adherence to myths relating to sexualaggression. Participants indicated their
agreement with statements such as: “When a man urges his female partner to have sex, this cannot be called rape,” using a 7 point Likert scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally agree). High scores reflect adherence to myths relating to sexualaggression. The AMMSA has been shown to have a high internal
by conducting a clinical assessment of the perpetrator’s intention and motivation when intimate partner sexualaggression is found .
This study has several limitations. Sampling bias is one of the limitations. As the participants were recruited from organizations that provided services for abused women, they were essentially clinical samples. Thus, the high percentage of partner violence victimization re- ported would not be representative for the population of Chinese women in general. Furthermore, because self- reports were used to collect the information, recall er- rors may have led to important facts being unreported and social desirability may have introduced bias in favor of the prevailing social norms. Future research could consider using multiple data sources such as social re- ports, health records, and biophysiological measures to enhance the quality and accuracy of the data. The study design is another limitation. Because of the cross- sectional design of this study, even though an associ- ation was found between mental health problems and intimate partner sexualaggression, no causal inferences can be drawn. In future studies, a longitudinal design with data collected at different points over time would allow a better determination of the relationship between the presumed cause (i.e., sexualaggression) and the pre- sumed effect (i.e., mental health problems).
example, it is possible that the PRPS items result in lower levels of false negatives and/or higher levels of false positives than the SES-LFP items.
Another aim of this study was to examine spontaneously written sexual scripts for traditional and non-traditional sex roles. There was quite a bit of variation in the amount and quality of written response each person provided. Although almost all participants provided a response, a majority of individuals did not include either traditional or non- traditional sex roles in their script, and it is not clear whether this is because those sex roles were not salient for the individuals or because the individuals simply did not provide enough detail in their scripts to allow us to interpret their views about men’s and women’ sex roles. Notably, there were not enough non-traditional roles included to be able to conduct statistical analyses and examine their association with reports of coercion;
31 presents with some conceptual difficulties (Bishopp, 2003). As a result of the complexity of these themes, typologies tend to be based on an interpretation of the offender’s behaviours. For example, one may examine the amount of force used to control the victim (Keppel & Walter, 1999), or the use of physical restraints and mutilation (Beauregard & Proulx, 2002). Such interpretations can however be confounded/inflated by small sample sizes – for example only 6 participants (restraint, 38%) and 7 participants (mutilated, 44.4%) in Beauregard and Proulx’s profiles of non-serial sexual murderers. Early typologies such as Guttmacher and Weihofen (1952), Kopp (1962) and Gebhard et al. (1965) identified sadistic offenders as those aggressive towards women and indicating a lack of remorse. Although these point towards the later identified sadistic offender, these struggle to differentiate between the earlier theme of aggression, and the presence of power, control or sadism as a motivator. In comparison to earlier typologies, later typologies tend to emphasize the overlap between anger or aggression and power, control and sadism more directly. Several authors report that types are not mutually exclusive (e.g. Groth et al., 1977; Prentky & Knight, 1990) thus indicating the complex nature of typological
likelihood that men and women might not find each other attractive. Examining how the natural process of dating rejection unfolds may however provide important insights into what forms of rejection from a woman are most provocative.
In the current study, it is possible that participants perceived the confederate as not interested in them and preemptively rejected her as a way to protect themselves. Participants rated the confederate’s level of sexual attractiveness and their perceptions of the confederate’s sexual intent towards them at the same time (in the post-interaction survey); thus, it is difficult to determine the causal ordering of these variables. In the online survey portion of this study, participants completed a variety of measures that may shed some light on this hypothesis. For example, individuals who are high in avoidant attachment style or high in rejection sensitivity sometimes preemptively push away close others in an attempt to protect themselves from being hurt. Evaluating these potential mediators is beyond the scope of this dissertation.
with the other finding of intoxication effects on relationship maintenance could be a pathway that leads to sexualaggression. Men’s decreased goal of maintaining the relationship and focus on the internal cues of pursing sex combined with alcohols effect of being less able to attend to the situational cues, such as the women’s discomfort, could increase risk of engaging in a form of sexualaggression without the strong cues such as direct resistance from women. Lessened care for a continued relationship may suggest a cognitive mechanism for increased aggression in men with higher BAC levels. Though it does go with reason that a higher endorsed goal would lead higher response evaluation of the pursuit of that goal, the finding of the reduced endorsement of the goal to maintain the relationship needs to be added to the picture.
Those studies could also look at how those aging cohorts delineate friends and friendship and look into how they utilize friends and friendships.
Subsequent research could focus on recruiting a varied sample of individuals that
includes greater diversity in sex and gender, ethnicity and race, and sexual orientation. Including men in research on friendships would be beneficial as it may help decrease stigma around men having intimate friendships with other men (Shaw, Gullifer & Shaw, 2014), thus giving room for more exploratory research on aging men and friendships. Moreover, as discussed previously, future research could examine friendships among aging women across different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. This could further the body of research on cross-cultural friendships, their uniqueness and their advantages for older women.
norms of how to be and what to do based on gender: In this way, control, strength, and power have become the manifestation of masculinity while powerlessness, passivity, and vulnerability have become equated with femininity. Gender role socialisation extends to sexual behaviour and is central to the idea of sexual scripts (Wiederman, 2005) which operate on cultural, inter-, and intra-personal levels (Masters, Casey, Wells, & Morrison, 2013) and represent shared understanding of the “stages” of normative sexual activity. Consistent with the culturally produced gendered sexualities that liken masculine sexuality to dominance and female sexuality to submission (Sanchez, Fetterolf, & Rudman, 2012), the normative sexual encounter is, thus, constructed as a set of scripted behaviours that involve men’s persistence and coerciveness to obtain sex and women’s “token resistance” (saying yes but meaning no; Muehlenhard & Hollabaugh, 1988; Muehlenhard & Rodgers, 1998) and subsequent surrender (Frith, 2009). The social construction of men and women’s sexuality is therefore based on a power structure that places men in a dominant position where aggression is seen as an acceptable (an even appropriate) means to “conquer” his female sexual partner. Since socialisation is a continuous part of our lived experience, gender roles are often assumed as natural or innate which, arguably, serves to normalise male aggression toward women (Wood, 2006). A gender analysis, then, postulates that rape is an extension of gender role norms because they promote sexual stereotypes which position men in the role of the dominant and powerful sexual aggressor and women in the role of the passive and submissive sexual “gatekeeper” (Sanchez et al., 2012).
Context-specificity of alcohol-related beliefs is important to consider and, as such, future research could determine whether the unique findings of this study generalises to other
cultures or groups of individuals (e.g., young adults in other Western countries, older adults).
This study is part of a three stage research program which examines the role of alcohol expectancies in rape perceptions. This initial qualitative exploration will provide a theoretical basis for scale development to establish a reliable and valid alcohol expectancy measure that captures young adults’ beliefs about alcohol’s role in sexual coercion and victimisation. The categories developed through this study and the terminology used by the participants will guide item construction. Items will be phrased in terms of the targets self, men and women to capture the gendered nature of the alcohol-related beliefs that were
Consistent with previous research, homosexual males reported significantly lower levels of physical aggression (Ellis et al., 1990; Gladue & Bailey, 1995) and significantly higher levels of empathy (Salais & Fischer, 1995) than heterosexual males. These higher levels of empathy appear to have a stronger mitigating relationship with aggression among homosexual males. There were, however, no significant differences between heterosexual and homosexual males for other forms of direct or indirect aggression. While the proximate and ultimate mechanisms behind these differences are currently unclear, they are consistent with the prenatal androgen theory of homosexuality.
We examined the protective effects of several fac- tors, including self-esteem, emotional health, family interactions, community connectedness, and aca- demic performance, on involvement in sexual ag- gression. After controlling for other variables, emo- tional health and connectedness with friends and adults in the community, including school, church, and police personnel, emerged as significant protec- tive factors against sexually aggressive behavior among male adolescents. Female students with higher academic performance were less likely to re- port perpetration of sexual violence, even after ad- justing for other factors. Previous studies of resil- ience in youth consistently identify a caring relationship with a competent adult as a critical pro- tective factor for children and adolescents, especially for those young people living in dangerous or non- nurturing homes and neighborhoods. 32–35 In a study of 7th through 12th grade students, Resnick et al 33 found school and family connectedness to be the most salient protective factors against the quietly disturbed and acting out behaviors for both boys and girls. They underscored the dual role of schools to promote both academic performance and a sense of connectedness. Our findings also demonstrate these vital roles that schools can play, and indicate differ- ences in the most important protective factors for males and females against sexual violence.
National Institute of Mental Health / Ruth L. Kirschstein National Research Service Award (F31 MH078732)
Dissertation research articulating how macro-level gender norms that limit female sexual agency and choice in heterosexual negotiations are enacted or resisted at the micro-level of an individual woman or sexual interaction, using mixed methods to theorize female sexual agency and investigate its
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To facilitate clinical interpretation we conducted a complementary analysis assessing the probability of displaying a given behaviour based on another one having been reported. These results are detailed in Table 3. In short these observations further illustrate how strong is the differentiation in our sample between participants that show behavioural disturbance and those that do not. As soon as any aggressive or sexually inappropriate behaviour is recorded for a given patient, there is a probability of between .40 and .64 that any other aggressive or sexually inappropriate behaviour will be observed as well. Columns four to six of table 3 provide information on the predictive power of the individual behaviours. Participants showing physical aggression and inappropriate sexual behaviour are very likely to also show verbal
Final version of published article: Eatough, V., Smith, J.A. & Shaw, R.L. (2008). Women, anger and aggression: an interpretative phenomenological analysis. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23(12), 1767-1799.
it one way, that’s no good anymore, but I’m still in control because I’m doing it to them and they don’t know nothing about it. That’s why I think, yeah, I will get you. (Julie) This extract illustrates power dynamics at work as well as the complexity of covert and indirect aggressive behaviour. The goal is to inflict hurt and harm leaving the victim unaware that she is the perpetrator. This gives Julie a feeling of control over events, an experience which is probably absent when she is physically and verbally aggressive. Covert and indirect aggression is less impulsive and requires time and forethought if it is to be successful in achieving its goal of “doing nasty nasty things.” Such acts of indirect aggression are inevitably interrelational because they are designed specifically for one victim, in Julie’s case, her partner. Similarly, Debbie’s indirect aggression involves giving her husband the