"Sex, Slavery and Politics" Representat~ons of Trafficked SLOBODANKA DEKlC Une ONG defemmes en Serbie, l'Action anti trafic du sexe (ASTRA) a effectut une recherche sur l a f a ~ o n dont le trafic du[.]
punishment. Less popular with campaigners, this strategy was advocated by a former civil servant and a journalist working for a left-leaning broadsheet. They believed that a judicious way forward was one that focused on economic considerations about the financial waste of imprisoning large numbers of non-violent women. The 2008 report from the new economics foundation (nef) was touted as a major influence for this strategy. One of various studies that included a cost-benefit analysis, ‘Unlocking Value’ aimed to provide a dispassionate, financial argument for the increased use of women’s community alternatives. While viewed critically by some for its un-transparent methodology, the report argued that for every pound invested in alternatives to prison, £14 worth of social value is generated to women and their children, victims and society over ten years, and that the long term value of these benefits is in excess of £100 million over a decade (2008: 4). Former Civil Servant D was exasperated that more had not been done to champion the conclusions of the research, as it hadn’t “even gathered dust on the shelves yet”. Managerial rhetoric was also supported by Journalist F who believed that campaigners would make more progress in the right-wing press if they “made the economic argument, because they’ll understand it… talk through their pockets”. In ‘playing the Treasury card’ (2010: 361), Loader argued that such a campaigning strategy ‘speaks to a language people understand’ (2010: 361). While this argument laudably aims to remove emotion from criminal justice discourse, Loader reminds us that its success depends on citizens coming to the conversation as taxpayers rather than victims, or potential victims (2010: 361). As highlighted above, in the current political climate this is an important claimsmaking consideration. Yet while it is clear that campaigners do rely on managerialist rhetoric (a simple review of their websites supports this), this strategy was not volunteered as a standalone campaigning method.
The starting point is to examine our understanding of stereotyping and framing in the media establishment. Stereotypes connote a means to describe individuals positively or negatively on the basis of characteristics which can be in terms of their personal traits (Norris, 1997). It must be noted that, it is imposed on us that women are soft, caring, weak and sensitive. That being a feminist is tantamount to anti-family (Ibid.) it is also believed that women must care, emotional and submissive. For men, the society assigns that they must be aggressive and domineering. Framing theory is a new research tool to analyze the study of media and gender (Fountaine & McGregor, 1999). Since its adoption, it has provided a useful conceptual tool to examine how women are covered. It is informative to ask what the concept of media framing is and how is it relevant to the contemporary study of women? Framing connotes how news media cover events and issues and how individuals make sense of these events (ibid.). Fountaine & McGregor provide us with two relevant commonsense understandings what it means to 'frame'. First, the media can be said to frame events and issues in the same way as a photographer frames a photograph, choosing what parts to leave out (Cappella & Jamieson).
Gender theories cut across four major spectrum – liberal feminist, Marxist/socialist, radical and cultural feminism. Although there are others like ecofeminism and black feminism, these four mentioned earlier are more common. Basically, liberal feminism argues for the equality of both men and women. It posits that equality can be achieved by incremental legal and social reforms. It sees politics from an individualistic perspective and seeks for social reform in the society instead of revolution. Radical feminism is opposed to this incremental change through social and legal reforms. They, like the socialist and Marxist feminists, believe in the revolutionary change of the patriarchal structure that breeds the operation in the male and female gender relations. They are more interested in the root cause of the oppression which to them is the gender relations occasioned by the patriarchal structure of the society. On the other hand, while as the Marxists/Socialists agree to some extent with the Radical feminists, they disagree on the cause of inequality between the male and female genders. They argue that the cause of inequality between both sexes will be located in the public and private spheres of a woman‟s life. They argued that women can only be liberated and inequality eliminated by working to end the economic and cultural sources of women oppression. They advanced the Marxist argument that women inequality is a function of capitalism. On the other hand cultural feminism propounds that the male and female genders are naturally and fundamentally different, especially by their psychological and physiological composition. They argue that the women are endowed with special attributes that make them more functional than the men including the duty of childbirth. They further argue that by nature they are a kinder, gentler, articulate and passionate beings than men. So, to this extent, they argue that they should be incorporated more into politics, governance and public life to use their God given nature to enhance the value of mankind.
From bank of records that exists in Centre of the Gender Alliance it results that out 110 NGO’s for women that are registered, 23 percent of them work as attorneys; 18 percent perform in mission of Woman and Family (children); 11percent work in field of economy; 10 percent in that of culture; 9 percent in information; 6 percent in counseling and direct services; 6 percent of them have rural women as their objective; 4 percent of these NGO’s belong to political forums of women; 2 percent are involved in decision making, health, religion, education, media, employment and trafficking. With all of the achievements of women movement in Albania, it still faces challenges and difficulties, moreover such as the rest of the Albanian community. What is noticed is the need for cooperation and coordination of activities, programs and projects with the purpose of increasing impact of these movements in social and political events of the country. Another difficulty noticed by the non-profit organizations is that international donators are leaving. In such terms chances for survival are only few and competition is growing. Continuance of these social services will be possible if only state locally or centrally or business will financially support their activities (Children’s Human Rights Centre of Albania, 2006).
Abstract Poor participation of women in politics and governance has been a major concern at global level. In Nigeria, women participation in politics is not proportionate to the 50% of the nation’s population which they represent and has not translated into equal representation in political leadership positions. The global issue of goal 3 (to promote gender equality and empower women) of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other international clarion calls for bridging the gap created by long-term discriminations against women and making women visible in politics made Nigeria to recognize women in the political sphere, and include them in both appointive and elective positions. Yet, there persists poor participation of women in politics and the number of women in political positions in Nigeria is growing at a slow rate despite efforts to change such trend. Based on secondary sources of information, this paper, examined the challenges Nigerian women still face in active participation in politics such as discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices; lack of finance; under-representation of women in governance; unhealthy political environment; political party discrimination; wrong perception of women in politics; lack of family, fellow women and media support; indigenization of women political aspirants; among others. This paper recommended measures to guarantee women active participation in politics in Nigeria such as review of discriminatory practices; economic empowerment; support from family, fellow women and media; equal representation in governance; healthy political environment; proper perception of women in politics, among others.
Today, new or social media enables environmental groups to circum navigate traditional media practices and create their own discourse through media stunts and spectacles. Media image events (Deluca, 1999) have become common throughout the last five decades of radical ecoActivism. Memorable media image events include women in the 1980-some women intentionally goaded police into arresting them, to generate an image event of a mature lady being carried from Greenham Common by police officers (1983). The late 1990s anti-roads activist Swampy emerging into the media spotlight (1980s) as a media event, and the Reclaim the Streets (RTS) parties (1980s) all gener ated image events for the waiting press. Around the world, Tar Sands protests in Canada (2006); Global Justice Movement protests (1990-2000), repeated with the Occupy and Arab Spring movements (2011) and the eponymous Battle for Seattle (1999) as masked-up protesters mingled with people dressed as turtles and a series of image events of the global justice movement. When Australia hosted the G20 meeting (Brisbane, 2014) a new form of artivism protest saw a 100 people all with their Heads in the Sands of Bondi Beach, near Sydney Australia (2014 ). At the UNESCO Conference of Parties (CoP) 21 in Paris, artivism saw giant inflatable cobblestones blocking roads. Also at CoP 21 South American and Pacific Island Nations indigenous peoples were marching against the developed worlds for justice (2015)-each event an image and snapshot of the environmental movement. Early environmen tal journalism studies shows a "clear and widespread media discovery of the 'environment' in 1969" and there was a clear indication that "international flows were clearly at work in the formation of the environment as a social problem and media issue" (Lester, 2010, p. 32). Today journalists and poli ticians tend to refer to these changes as climate change, global warming and the Anthropocene.
Both the suffrage press and mass-market women’s magazines had, in their different ways, a transformational effect on the histories of women, and, as a consequence, scholars of feminist and gender studies have made a major contribution to periodical studies. But this context, of course, is not the only one in which periodical form can be read politically. In Collier’s “Imperial/Modernist Forms in the Illustrated London News,” he concludes that “the image-collages of the Illustrated London News and the shaped and gathered fragments of The Waste Land ” are two versions of the same formal attempt to engage with the “centralized, comprehensive gaze” of Empire; while the former articulates imperialism’s ability to “keep a fragmented world in order,” modernist aesthetics, disillusioned by the failure of the imperial vision, turn the fragment into “a purely aesthetic form” (510). In Collier’s reading, the fragmented form of the periodical is saturated with both aesthetic and political meaning—an argument that runs through this special issue. The periodical’s fragmentation, like the rich juxtaposition of genres to which Green draws attention, are thus not neutral understandings of the periodical form but charged with political concerns—of gender, class, race, and empire.
In the past, when technology was rejected by student activists in the San Francisco Bay Area, it was done so as to make a political point. In the late 1960s, Free Speech activists at the University of California, Berkeley, protested against the computer- readable punch cards because they rendered “the embodied lives of individual stu- dents as bits of computer-processed information” (Turner 2006, 14). For many in the Free Speech Movement, “computers loomed as technologies of dehumanization, of centralized bureaucracy and the rationalization of social life” (Ibid., 2). At the same time, fifty miles south of Berkeley at Stanford University, an obsession with technol- ogy led down a different path. Douglas Engelbart, a participant in the counterculture and inventor of the personal computing windows interface, believed that computers “offered men and women the chance to enter a world of authentic identity and com- munal collaboration” (Ibid., 14). Today, the technology retreats of Silicon Valley are situated geographically and philosophically at the convergence of spiritual self- regulation, environmental consciousness, and technological utopianism. But today’s culture of technological rejection does not have the political resonance it had for Free Speech activists. It is more like a form of lifestyle consumerism, seeking not social regulation but personal regulation and balance (Portwood-Stacer 2013).
Any talk of the role of media cannot bypass a discussion on movies and TV serials which are an important source of entertainment. With increasing number of cases of violence against women, social scientists, and psychologists tried to understand if there is any relationship between representation of women in media and increasing violence on them. While there may not be any direct causal relationship, people who are exposed to a particular degrading portrayal of women are found to be more acceptable of the violence meted out to them. Most mainstream movies and TV serials portray women in two ways - as meek, docile and vulnerable, in constant need of protection of a male or as cunning and calculative. Family and politics at home seem to be central to these women’s existence. Very few TV serials or movies take up issues that a working woman faces in her life. How we see a woman and her relationships on the TV screen is crucial in Indian society. In a conservative social set up, families do not give the space to engage on issues of relationship. If movies like “Ranjhnaa”(2013)romanticize stalking to such an extent that male aggression comes to be justified as true love, women are denied agency even in such an intimate relationship. It is only when popular culture questions these deep rooted biases; women will be able to deal with society on an equal footing as men (Parvin Sultana: 2014).
This article draws on a larger study involving a series of semi‐structured interviews with Pirate Party members in Sweden, the UK, Germany, the USA, and Australia, conducted between 2011 and 2013. The interviews in the USA were conducted between December 2011 and May 2012, with follow‐up interviews in May 2013. The European interviews were conducted between 2012 and 2013, and the Australian interviews were conducted in 2013. Among the 31 people interviewed for the entire project, five were women. Most informants were between 20 and 40 years old. All participants play important roles in their local Pirate Party community, but these roles differ significantly due to the heterogeneity of the pirate parties. Although two of the interviewees were members of the European parliament at the time of the interviews, the vast majority were amateurs dedicating their spare time to party work. All the interviews were carried out in person, in most cases individually, with the exception of three interviews with groups of two to three participants. They were recorded, and all participants agreed to be quoted by name. The interviews were semi‐structured in that they broadly followed an interview guide based around four thematic clusters: the participant’s individual motivations, the organization of the party, the ideology of the party, and the national and international context of the party. The interviews also allowed for individual variations within those themes. The material was analyzed following a qualitative, inductive methodology.
Vajapai government presented 84th amendment bill for 33% reservation for women. The 12th Lok Sabha too failed to pass the bill. In the year 1999, December 23rd, the bill was again presented in the Lok Sabha. But due to lack of consensus amongst different political parties, bill was rejected. The present UPA government adopted a different strategy. It has presented the 85th amendment bill in the Rajya Sabha so that it does not lapse with the dissolution of Lok Sabha. The bill has been sent to Standing Committee of the Rajya Sabha for review. There is a long way to go for the enactment of the bill. Political parties are using this issue to woo women voters. No political party is seriously committed to the issue of reservation for women. No party opposes reservation provided for women in local governments and they want it to be restricted at that level. A critical mass of women is a prerequisite for the effective political participation of women. Women’s participation in political process is to strengthen democratic tradition.
experiences of media in their home countries) generated highly negative emotions and had led to a disengagement from it, with participants preferring to hear things ‘by word of mouth’. This illustrates the affective aspect of news, in this case emotional responses, shaping consumption and use (Madianou 2009). This group and other participants used the research as a forum to contest claims made in the media. Indeed, one could argue that the eagerness by some Muslims to participate in this type of research illustrates the need for a platform to voice these oppositional narratives, a platform that they have not found elsewhere.
rather, they are selective in choosing the frames that pass th- rough their selection filter. The 16 frames found are not equally represented in both media, but both international and national print media each stressed some of these frames. The national print media stressed on more motivational frames (i.e., the gra- veness and urgency of the issue), whereas the international print media stressed on prognostic frames (i.e., problem solving sug- gestions). In the national print media, motivational frames are dominant (see Figure 1), which depict the adverse impact of climate change on the forest, e.g., the loss of forest land due to sea level rise (34.62%), the forest’s difficulty in coping against climate change (17.31%) and climate change’s effect on biodi- versity (3.85%). In addition, prognostic frames, which talk about the forest’s role in adapting to climate change, are also present in the national media but in a smaller percentage, as the forest’s positive role as a carbon sink (11.54%) and the role of affore- station in the adaptation against climate change (13.46%). An- other share of frames (13.46%) are diagnostic frames that de- pict deforestation as a contributor to climate change, with 5.77% of the frames found in the national print media agreeing that REDD is the right instrument to handle the situation (see Figure 1). In the national print media, the frames are more inclined to support the crisis argument that the forests of Bang- ladesh are facing an imminent threat from the global environ- mental problem of climate change. This kind of framing in the national media may have resulted from the tendency to shift responsibility outside the national boundary in order to obtain more international assistance in solving the problem.
all metrics and candidates are realizing this and integrating this usage into their campaign strategy. New media usage is especially prevalent in competitive races and local campaigns. Williams and Gulati find that a competitive race means that candidates are more likely to be active on Facebook and other social networks because a small number of votes can make a difference in who wins and who losses. 193 This is also true in local races. As Randi Zuckerberg, the Facebook market development director, states, “In some ways Facebook can be even more influential to local campaigns and politicians. Because those are places where a few thousand votes really matter and a few thousand votes can really swing a race.” 194 For example, New Jersey Democratic congressional candidate Dennis Shulman used Facebook to rally support in his race against an incumbent opponent. Through Facebook he was able to raise $250,000, much of this coming from college students across the country. 195 Josh Rahn, Facebook’s director of sales, after explaining that 80% of the 45 million active users are of voting age stated, “our goal is to make you win.” 196 Rahn cited a 2006 House race in Connecticut in which Democrat Joe Courtney won over Republican incumbent Rob Simmons by 83 votes, “Considering the 720 percent increase in turnout among student voters at the University of Connecticut, Courtney’s reliance on Facebook didn’t hurt.” 197 Therefore, the use of Facebook as a campaign tool can add to a candidate’s final vote tally.
The approach of distinguishing good and bad migrants that we have discussed is something that reaches the core of the British publics’ sentiments. According to polls at the time, half of the British public – and 66% of Conservative voters – considered immigration to be one of the most significant issues facing the country (Ipsos MORI, 2015). The report explains how these anxieties have increased as the refugee crisis progressed, with the considerable news media coverage considered partly to blame. As May’s speeches and statements have demonstrated, the position of the government was defensive at the prospect of accepting any greater number of migrants. According to Gibney (2004), the economic benefits of immigration to the UK are often side-lined due to popular anxieties over immigration, anxieties typically formulated as a result of racial and cultural tensions. Teun van Dijk’s theory on elite racism (1987; 1991) tells us that the reproduction of prejudice is in the interests of the elites because of how it serves to preserve the status quo, and as such prejudice is preformulated by the ‘elite’ class. The ‘elite’ in this case referring to members of the political and media class, as well as influential business actors and individuals with access to key decision makers. What are seeing here is a build-up of anxiety among the public which is shown responding to the news media and is being addressed in a defensive way by the political elite. Considering United Nations figures found that 87.4% of press coverage during the refugee crisis made reference to the origins of the displaced people, it is possible to see how these tensions were being exploited (Berry, Garcia-Blanco and Moore, 2015). We are not in a position to say that the press or the politicians influenced the each other in a specific direction, but rather that parts of them are acting in concert to direct the issue and shape public perception.
cultural pattern, actual subjects translated through humour are connected with the cultural risk through an every day life perspective „exposed to society-performance and politics-performance”. At the same time, Ana Maria Munteanu mentions the risk of collapse and distrust of local media „markets”, when the meaning of the social and political actuality vanishes, with the effect of „breaking the cultural and spiritual dialogue”, and determining a type of communication „responsible for the ethical slippage at the level of common sense, with consequences in series”. (Ana Maria Munteanu, Aida Todi, 2012). In another study dedicated to the humorous discourse, in regards to Caragiale’s work and the theatre’s reflection in contemporary journalism, Ana Maria Munteanu references the reader’s awareness; the author warns users who seem to be naive in front of the traps in the media, having their own truth as subject of dispute: "Thus the mix and the caricature facilitates the comparison between various distorted results of splitting prospects and editorial frames, a decoding technique to empower an over confident citizen (reader) to become aware of the “disappearance of reality”. Thus a reader might compare, laugh at and learn a media literacy lesson, warning on truth and credibility.” 40 It refers to the same efficient logics connecting theatre
Mr Russ Hiebert, MP, noted the social media focus on celebrity gossip, so MPs can use their own celebrity status to focus attention on political policies and programmes, to answer questions and to respond to the needs of voters. Public expectations of participation, accountability and transparency are rising, as is social media use, so MPs can use them to improve their visibility and build support, as well as to raise funds, encourage voters to go to the polls and get responses on issues from stakeholders. Using Members’ celebrity status enables them to put politics at the forefront in the public eye, exchange information and enable constituents to see that politicians are active, real people who are working for them. He added that the traditional media also follow politicians on the social media so material Members post of the social media can get them news coverage as well.
As the above table indicates I was not able to secure interviews with all of those I sent requests to. I tried multiple people at the Sun and The Times, but was unsuccessful. To counter this short-coming I interviewed a journalist from the Telegraph who covers poverty and other social issues. I also interviewed a former journalist from the Daily Star in order to be able to interview a journalist who worked for a mainstream tabloid. This journalist regularly covered immigration issues. Initially, I was unable to find a reporter from the CBC who would agree to an interview. To make up for this I interviewed a journalist from the other major national broadcaster in Canada, CTV. I also interviewed an online journalist who works for a national news organization’s online publication. Accessing high-profile politicians proved difficult. In the UK I was unable to interview Secretaries or Shadow Secretaries. To address this I approached Members of Parliament who worked on select committees that dealt specifically with poverty or immigration. This approach was successful and I was able to interview representatives from each party. I was not able to interview any Conservative Members of Parliament in Canada or any Conservative members of Ontario’s provincial parliament. I addressed this at the federal level by interviewing Conservative Senator Hugh Segal who co-chaired a Senate Committee on poverty and also worked as a Conservative Party strategist. I was not able to interview a federal member of the NDP, but did interview two provincial NDP politicians. Finally, finding appropriate civil servants to approach who would also agree to interviews proved very difficult. I was able to secure an interview with a key poverty advisor in Ontario. I was also able to secure interviews in two cases by approaching former civil servants. To make up for the lack of sources in my British sample I interviewed a representative from the Better Government Initiative which is made up of high profile former civil servants and is also active in trying to improve the policy development process in the UK. The limited number of civil servants interviewed constrained my ability to gain extensive material about how news content, news processes and new media tools are influencing the work that civil servants do.
Applying Van Dyke‟s (1999) model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the data, it was found that selected campaign posters of female Nigerian politicians are replete with religious sentiments, promotion of family heritage and links, and gender-based emotion. It is noteworthy that Nigeria has been depleted and has suffered terribly from the hands of corrupt and inept leaders. With women participation in politics, the country can definitely grow into a viable, stable, secure and developed nation whose leaders are insightful, determined and functional, who can effectively fashion-out different variables towards addressing many of the attendant problems bedevilling the country‟s development. To achieve these, Nigerian women in politics need to embrace the reality that political and election victory is not won without proper planning, documentation of enduring policies and ideas, adopting and adapting unbeatable strategies, and also versatility that can stand the test of time. In this, religious sentiments, family heritage and gender-based emotion must be de-emphasised, but accentuate intellectual and technical competence, purposeful agenda, and experience which promotes the aspirant‟s suitability for the positions being sought.