These preaching mystics, all three of whom possessed contagious qualities of life, produced a profound effect upon their hearers and their confessants, and every glimpse we get into these sisterhoods of the period reveals a widespread and very intense mystical life in these groups, usually under the leadership of some signally devout woman mystic.” (Jones, 158) “Eckhart was well known and highly revered in two Swiss convents, Töss near Winterthur and Otenbach near Zurich. At Töss the Dominican nun Elsbeth Stagel, the friend and confidante of Suso, asked for guidance about the teachings of Eckhart, (note 3: Des Dieners Leben, cap.xxxiii) while at Otenbach Elsbeth von Begenhofen recorded the fact that she had consulted Eckhart about her own personal difficulties, (note 4: Die Stiftung des Klosters Otenback, p.263)” (James Clark, The Great German Mystics, 23)
53 / TRM, June 2014 Catherine’s own “wit or will” (Rattazzi Papka 133) have been viewed by feminist critics as inherently sexist. Students, however, should be made aware that in the Middle Ages knowledge claimed to have been acquired through revelation was considered superior to knowledge that was acquired through human reason. Therefore, even though many modern critics appreciate Catherine’s achievements in post-Renaissance terms (e.g. her self-affirmation, personal achievements, and individual merits), Catherine’s medieval biographers and hagiographers appreciated her according to medieval standards: her earthly glory is a reflection of God’s heavenly glory, and her powerful will a reflection of the will of God. To glorify her in terms of the Self would, in the eyes of medieval hagiographers, detract from her image as a saint, not enhance it. In short, it is essential that students be able to distinguish between their culture of appreciation and that by which female mystics were appreciated in the Middle Ages.
In contrast, Carolyn Walker Bynum examines feminine patterns of religious performance, analyzing choices medievalwomenmystics consciously made in their worship. In her work, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Women in the Middle Ages, Bynum states that scholars have ignored the deeply religious significance of food in feminine piety, claiming that the modern, twentieth century fascination with sexuality and the role of celibacy in Christian history overshadows the relationship religious women had with food and their bodies in the Middle Ages. 51 These women embraced chastity, certainly, but their contributions to female spirituality go beyond their sexuality. Women in the Middle Ages used fasting as a means to show reverence to God and to experience spiritual enlightenment. The giving up of daily nourishment came at a cost greater than giving up sex or money. The holy life required devout dedication to celibacy and poverty. Fasting met this requirement and caused many theologians to characterize abstemious fasters as truly devoted servants of God. For many medievalwomen and some men, extreme fasting and self-starvation became a basic form of worship. Bynum’s dedication to examining ascetic women, and elucidating the agency Brown minimizes, adds a decidedly feminist approach to her analysis.
Though women did not enjoy the honorable status, yet she enjoyed a high status in the society. The image of Kumara Devi on the coins of Chandargupta (I) hints at this fact. Women were well educated, skillful in music, dancing and singing. Works of kalidas tell us that women were beauty conscious and used various types of cosmetics. They were very obedient and sincere to their husbands. Child marriage was there. Women were not free to choose their life partners. Widow Remarriage was prevalent. Chandragupta (II) married Dhruv Devi widow of his brother Ramagupta. Widows led a simple and pious life and wore white clothes and lead a life of austerity. Generally monogamy was the rule but polygamy was prevalent in high families. Fahien does not mention Purdah system but it was there among women of high families. When Shakuntala visited royal court of King Dushyant, she covered her face with a veil. There is no sigh of Purdah on paintings of Ajanta and Ellora caves.
While the importance of preventing the rule of arbitrary will was most commonly articulated in commentaries on kingship, the criteria for good rule could be applied to government further down the political hierarchy. Good lordship involved care for one’s kin, affinity and region, and the taking of counsel; 43 correct urban government catered for the common good and common profit (in both an economic and non-material sense), rather than the interests of a narrow oligarchy. As Susan Reynolds posits, the values and principles of community and justice created a framework in which urban government naturally leaned in a consultative direction. 44 As Eliza Hartrich argues in her chapter, the politics of counsel can be used to shed light on the dialogue between royal and municipal government in late medieval England. Suggesting that counsel be added to earlier accounts of the similarities between royal and urban assemblies and fiscal practices, she notes how both municipal and king’s councils might exercise advisory, executive or representative functions depending on circumstance. When counsel malfunctioned and political relationships broke down, both central and local councils either reconstructed their membership and practices or reiterated earlier principles of good government (although the precise cause and exact response varied in each case). As Hartrich amply demonstrates, the 1420s offer a rich set of examples of urban and royal governments both contributing to and drawing on a ‘shared fund of
In the support quote, “No, change need not be violent. We can help these people by opening up a 24-hour legal office where they can come to when they are victimized by the police or military…” efforts towards human dignification and social justice amongst people were depicted to be sought by the characters. In another quote, “Minda organized the congress of women to unite the aims and goals of women in all sectors of society. Salvacion joined the congress as she realized that reforms would be at hand…” the birth of the new Filipino was shown to be like that of a bamboo pliant and submissive, but in retrospect, the Filipino character was a torrent of human anger and pain turned loose.
Only Thompson (and those around him in what some call the ‘Warwick School’) was able to bridge the divide during the 1970s. 9 Important additions to debates on civil law and society have been made since then by a number of early modern scholars, including Sara Birtles, Richard Hoyle, Peter King, Tim Stretton and Andy Wood. 10 Yet Chris Brooks reminds us that an imbalance remains, for ‘it is arguable that the civil law is even more important than the criminal law in maintaining the social and economic relationships of any society’. 11 The criminal law was allegedly an agency of ideological control, while the civil law worked at the heart of economic relationships to exert a direct influence on material life. This article seeks to revive and re-orientate interest in the interface between law and society by looking at what Victorian Henry Maine and his contemporaries termed ‘historical jurisprudence’, analyzing the history of a society living under a system of law. 12 Its more modern inspiration is Robert Brenner’s proposition that ‘social-property systems, once established, tend to set strict limits and impose certain overall patterns upon the course of economic evolution’ and social change. 13 It treats law as a social fact that shapes how people think and behave: what Clifford Geertz terms one of the ‘hard surfaces of life … the political, economic, stratificatory realities within which men are everywhere contained’. 14
Jeremy Goldberg’s analysis of the church courts of later medieval Canterbury, York and London similarly emphasises the composite nature of the sources and the difficulties associated with finding individual women’s voices. He enumerates the many influences on a given legal account, some of which, like the legal requirements for each plea, the problems of translation, and women’s attempts to cast themselves in certain favourable, stereotyped roles, are mentioned in other chapters. However, his very impressive analysis of the sources also takes into account the rhetorical flourishes that lawyers may have used to dramatise or improve their accounts and gives a detailed account of the process of preparing witnesses for specific questions. Ultimately, however, he argues that although witnesses were well-prepped by lawyers, they drew on their own experiences to create their testimony and were ‘at least an equal partner to the lawyer’.
Modern history of India normally refers to the period of colonial rule and domination on India. The advent of the British on the Indian soil at around 17th century can roughly be delineated as the beginning of the modern age in Indian history. For two centuries, the British exercised complete subordination over the Indian landmass till the blazing inferno of the freedom fighters forced their departure. Those two hundred A long time for their tenet not best required an effect in the circle from claiming governmental issues Furthermore economy, as well as might have been instrumental molding done bringing something like significant progressions in the domain of education, culture What's more society.The early period of Modern India witnessed the growth of Company Rule in India. The organization manage in the Indian sub-continent is Likewise alluded should as agency raj. It might have been those principle of the British east India organization that broadened on a number parts from claiming India. It is accepted to need started in the quite a while 1757 following those limit from claiming clash
viewing the literary innovations within the theatrical tradition in particular as “regrettable,” a “displacement” of popular tastes through which Robin has lost his “social bite” (Davenport 60; Skura 178). This tendency is nowhere more charged than in discussions of perhaps the most controversial Robin Hood texts: the two-part adaptation of the legend by Elizabethan playwright Anthony Munday: The Downfall of Robert, Earl of Huntington and The Death of Robert, Earl of Huntington, written between 1598 and 1599. Partly because they are among the first literary texts to refer to Robin Hood, not as a yeoman, but as an earl, modern commentators have tended to view the plays as exploitative, a poor attempt to appropriate popular culture for an elite audience and for commercial gain. In this article, I wish to suggest that this highly evaluative perspective on the relationship between early modern folk culture and the theatre is not particularly helpful, whereas an approach which uses the idea of performance to examine how the London theatres drew upon and recast popular culture can both tell us a lot more about the relationship between commercial and folk drama, and can also empower a reading of the former which need not be tied up in ideas of decline or appropriation.
Chapter three concerns itself with 'Liturgical devotion and visionary order in the fourteenth-century sisterbooks'. Jones asserts that 'The sisterbooks held the mirror of the past up to the future; they were a collaborative effort by women to memorialize their forebears and thereby to instruct and edify their future sisters' (p. 57). Jones discusses the two linked historiographical trends of viewing the mysticism of the sisterbooks as primarily bodily and affective, and as dangerous/opposed to the goals of Observant reform (pp. 58-64). Life under the Dominican order, as she argues, was 'not always treated as a foregone conclusion' or as the default, but rather as one option among many (pp. 64-5). Jones maintains that obedience (gehorsam ) 'represents a formal aspect of regular life, one which is critical for developing spiritual grace. Multiple anecdotes depict obedience to the order as the precondition of mystical union with Christ (pp. 65-9). Reading the sister-books in light of both liturgy and reform literature, Jones makes a convincing argument that education was necessary and observance of the liturgy was framed both as end in itself and as potential gateway to mysticism.
the subsoil to a depth of only 0.10m to 0.20m, with only one reaching 0.30m depth; some of the human remains lay on the subsoil surface (Fig.3). There were also fourteen shallow or surface-level contexts which contained unburnt, disarticulated human bones, some of which were stained by copper salts, implying contact with copper-alloy grave-goods. These groups of jumbled bone, usually containing multiple individuals, were more likely to be the result of metal-detectorists’ activity rather than a consequence of deep-ploughing. Most of the excavated graves were recovered from the southern (uphill) edge of the site. Their better survival here, and in some cases greater depth, was probably due to the protection afforded by the hedgerow which separated the ﬁeld from the adjacent main road. But this factor, and the generally shallow depth of the interments, meant that the graves had also suffered from animal and root disturbance. A second cluster of burial remains lay on the downslope to the north, in the area of three shallow linear features (F40, F41 and F43). These features were covered by a build-up of soil, and are interpreted as possible plough-furrows (F31 further north was a pit containing medieval pottery). Perhaps the parallel line formed by C1059, F36 and C1056 to the east also marks the line of a now obliterated furrow. F44 was a plough-furrow at right-angles to these, which travelled through graves 6 and 7.
The varying significance of the civil parish shows the diverse ways in which bonds between people, law, and space could be constituted in different parts of Britain and Ireland. Early modern England may have had as many as manors as parishes (often with manor courts), roughly 300 ecclesiastical courts, 180 (incorporated) borough courts, and so on. 76 In contrast, Scotland had fewer jurisdictional entities than England, perhaps one-tenth to one-eighth the English total in a country three-fifths the size and with one-fifth the population. For example, it had just over 900 parishes c.1300 and just over 1,000 in the early eighteenth century. 77 Edinburgh, the largest town in Scotland with about 15,000 inhabitants, remained a single parish until divided into four as late as 1583; most Scottish towns were single parishes until much later. 78 Prior to 1560 there were roughly 1,040 baronies (of which 54 were regalities, covering half of Scotland’s surface area). 79 Tenurial geography was simpler too, landholdings generally compact and consolidated, and there were fewer layers of property rights.
and has now been translated by Austin Harrington and Mary Shields in David Chalcraft and Austin Harrington, eds., The Protestant Ethic Debate: Max WeberÕs Replies to His Critics, 1907-1910 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2001), 61-88, quotations at 69 and 73-74. On the restitution of usury in medieval and Renaissance Italy, which remains a vibrant area of research, see the classic articles of Armando Sapori, ÒLÕinteresse del denaro a Firen- ze nel Trecento (dal un testamento di un usuraio)Ó, in Sapori, Studi di storia economica (secoli XIII, XIV, XV), 3rd edition, vol. 1 (Florence: Sansoni, 1955), 223-243, and Florence Edler De Roover, ÒRestitution in Renaissance Flo- renceÓ, in Studi in onore di Armando Sapori, vol. 1 (Milan: Istituto editoriale cisalpino, 1957), 773-90, which is based on material in the Selfridge Collection of Medici business records at Baker Library; and recently both Gio- vanna Petti Balbi, ÒFenomeni usurari e restituzioni: La situazione ligure (secoli XII-XIV)Ó, Archivio storico italiano 169 (2011): 199-220, and Sylvie Duval, ÒLÕargent des pauvres: LÕinstitution de lÕexecutor testamentorum et procura- tor pauperum ˆ Pise entre 1350 et 1424,Ó MŽlanges de l'ƒcole fran•aise de Rome - Moyen åge 125.1 (2013), online at https://journals.openedition.org/mefrm/1157 .
Community life in rural Europe during the medieval and early modern eras varied greatly in its degree of organization. The Icelandic example outlined here represents a relatively low level of institutionalization. The higher end of the scale was found else- where, in cities, and above all cities in Mediterranean Europe. It was there where the far from linear process of political and legal articulation of community advanced fur- thest. Urban inhabitants throughout Europe assembled their communities along two parallel lines. On a macro level they looked to the city itself as a communitas, and thus endowed citizenship with an aura of moral and religious as well as pragmatic obliga- tion. Hence the name commune for what emerged as the most developed expression of sub-monarchical political organization in the Middle Ages, the city-states of northern and central Italy. Yet within this self-defined pact for mutual association and defence there proliferated numerous smaller communities. The most influential among these were guilds, that is, collective organizations of producers united in their determina- tion to wield broad control over vital sectors of the urban economy. The city wound up serving as the venue that brought together these political and economic, macro and micro dimensions. As such it provided arguably the single most visible form of institu- tionalization of community in Europe prior to the rise of the imaginary community of the nation-state.
One of the factors of regional difference is the participation of female population in the labour force. For example, in South India, wet rice cultivation is more prevalent than in North India. In South India, women are more engaged in this cultivation than the wheat production of North India (Bardhan, 1974). Earning status of women is one of the key factors towards decision-making power of women. The paid workers has the natural advantage of taking decisions about how money should be spent along with taking decisions on other aspects of life compared to a non-earning women. The state policies regarding gender equality vary which lead to variations in autonomy in different states and regions of India (Jeffrey, 1993). Autonomy has a multi-dimensional aspects such as civil, political, social, economic, cultural participation and rights. So to measure the degree of autonomy, its associated various factors have to be measured. Family is the smallest area where women can share or control over the resources. But gender inequality in the family level is manifested by a weaker role of women in decision-making and less control over resources and restrictions in physical movements by women. According to Jejeebhoy (1998) “.....while women’s autonomy is indeed multidimensional, at least three dimensions - decision making, mobility and access to economic resources- are closely related in all settings, irrespective of region or religion”. In anthropological approaches, women’s autonomy is also dependent on social organization, kinship, marriage patterns etc. In India, after marriage the brides usually go to a completely unknown family which ultimately affects the position of women.
The plot of PC1 vs PC2 (Fig S7) shows that PC1 differentiates modern and ancient wild bezoar from modern and ancient domestics. Bezoar from Azerbaijan and Iranian Azerbaijan falling on the most extreme end of PC1. As these represent 10 of the 61 genomes used to compute the reference PCs, sampling bias may explain their plot location. Domesticates shows some small variation on PC1, with modern African and European samples falling somewhat apart from other samples. PC2 differentiates domestic east (Asian) and west (European) samples; bezoar from Hamedan, west Iran fall on one extreme of PC2, with modern Europeans falling on the other extreme. Within the domestic group, Neolithic West (western Anatolia and south east Europe) group apart from Neolithic East (Iran and Turkmenistan). A Bronze Age sample from Potterne, Britain, groups closely with a modern Irish Old Goat, and Neolithic samples from Blagotin, Serbia. Within the eastern group, a shift is observed following the Neolithic, with post-Neolithic ancients falling between modern sample from Iran. The reference individual from China, CHIR_1.0, clusters with this eastern group. Samples from Bronze Age Anatolia (Acemhöyük) and post-Neolithic Levant are found between Neolithic West/Levant and post-Neolithic/modern eastern samples. Modern samples from Morocco and Togo group between this post-Neolithic Levant/Bronze Age Anatolia cluster and the Neolithic West/Levant cluster. Other bezoar show some variation along this axis.
contribution to the history of widowhood in medieval and early modern Europe. Unfortunately, it does not quite live up to its title, and, in so doing, it has missed a number of opportunities to permit comparisons between different societies, religious confessions and social groups to be made. Its geographical range is less 'European' than might be expected. Instead, the book permits the reader to draw comparisons between the English experience from pre-conquest times to the nineteenth century (seven essays), and Italy, (three essays, mainly about Tuscany), France, Germany and Spain (one each). This is only partly compensated for by the bibliography. Readers would do well to look at the work of Diefendorf and Gager on France, Wyntjes and Marshall on the Netherlands, Robischeaux on Germany, and at Fiona Colclough's recent Northumbria PhD on early modern Venice.(3) There are substantial imbalances too in the book's chronological range and in the social groups considered. In retrospect, it would have been better to omit the essays by Julia Crick and Patricia Skinner, which, for all their individual merits, contribute little to the book's central themes, where the focus is on the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries. This might have permitted some further discussion of the extent to which widows' conditions improved over time. Amy Louise Erickson's study of property and widowhood in seventeenth-and eighteenth-century England argues that the increase in sentimentality and sensibility in English society during this period was matched by a tightening of the laws circumscribing widows' access to property. Calvi's evidence from eighteenth-century Tuscany, on the other hand, suggests that the opposite was taking place, and that the case of Maria Maddalena Landucci discussed above reflected a much more relaxed attitude about the disposal of property in Italy. The absence of more continental
detectives of the shows catch the terrorists and prevent another serious attack on American soil, but in the process, they opt for a depiction of Islam that is surprisingly similar to the medieval depiction of Islam and the Muslims. In this version, Islam is portrayed as a religion of fanatics, prone to holy war, and devoted to attacking Western civilisation in the form of the USA. This crusading approach is matched by the detectives’ Christian or Judaic affiliations, and whose own violent actions are justified by the need to protect the innocent. As in the medieval Crusades, the target of the attack - substituting the USA for Europe - has done nothing to deserve such violent attentions. There are, however, some serious problems with the popular continuation of this medievalist approach to Islam, the foremost being the unbalanced depiction of a global and largely peaceful religion, particularly as practiced by Muslims resident in Western countries. Greater awareness of the ideology carried by medievalist Islam in these crime shows is an important part of grasping how the modern West understands this Abrahamic religion.
A 1602 colophon by Kanō Tan’yū unhelpfully identifies the artist of Bakemono as Tosa Gyōbu Taifu, or “Tosa, Director of the Painting Bureau,” a post held by both Mitsunobu and Mitsumochi. Art historian Yoshida Yūji argues that Bakemono was most likely painted by Mitsunobu, citing stylistic commonalities with Mitsunobu’s earlier work. Moreover, Yoshida identifies possible references to Bakemono in two of Sanetaka’s diary entries from the year 1474. In the first entry, Sanetaka writes that he drafted the text of an unnamed ko-e for Emperor Go-Tsuchimikado; a month later, he records copying the text of a ko-e entitled Yumegatari (“Telling Dreams”), again for Go-Tsuchimikado. Yumegatari would seem to be a fitting title for Bakemono or Utatane , although neither identification goes beyond the level of mere speculation. (Yoshida, “ Bakemono no sōshi e ni tsuite ,” 41, 44-45; cf. also Toda Teisuke, Ebine Toshio, and Chino Kaori, Suibokuga to chūsei emaki . Nihon bijutsu zenshū vol. 12 (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1992), 230; however, cf. also McCormick, Tosa Mitsunobu and the Small Scroll in Medieval Japan, 113. McCormick, unlike Yoshida, believes that Sanetaka was reproducing an older work when he copied Yumegatari , rather than writing out a final version of the text he had drafted the previous month. Even presuming that Yumegatari does refer to Bakemono, Sanetaka’s authorship does not guarantee Mitsunobu’s artistry, although the two men did collaborate frequently.)