Mixed Race Identity

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Mixed Race Capital: Cultural Producers and Asian American Mixed Race Identity from the Late Nineteenth to Twentieth Century.

Mixed Race Capital: Cultural Producers and Asian American Mixed Race Identity from the Late Nineteenth to Twentieth Century.

The chapters that follow show how Asian American multiracial cultural producers have been depicted through Orientalist discourse but have also used it advantageously to promote their own careers. Their mixed race identity was based upon the audiences’ desires to consume the Orient. Eaton’s identity and fiction writing on Japan, for instance, made her extremely popular and enabled her to promote a positive Eurasian identity. Hartmann, like Eaton, also situated himself as an expert in Japan within the United States lecture circuit. Ali was exoticized and garnered newspaper attention in the early part of his career. And while Oberon’s self-declared public identity was white, she promoted a desirability for being and looking Eurasian. Taken collectively, I analyze them as active agents on the racial margins, and showcase the creative strategies they deployed as they attempted to stake a claim in American cultural life. While somewhat empowered by strategic racial identification, they were also constrained in their careers in many ways, most noticeably in how their career success became inextricably tied to essentialized notions of race. For Hartmann, Oberon, and Eaton, their careers became predicated upon a type of self-Orientalism which they were never quite able to leave behind.
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Secret agent insiders to whiteness : mixed race women negotiating structure and agency

Secret agent insiders to whiteness : mixed race women negotiating structure and agency

I definitely grew up identifying as a biracial person. And that identity was definitely being half white and half black. And it changed, I guess, as I realized I was never perceived as white even though I have cultural whiteness. But then when I got into college and gained a more radical liberal consciousness I dropped the biracial identity, and just identified with being a black person and being a black woman, and later being a black queer woman. And I think that more recently as I'm sort of thinking about like privilege and power in my position as I’m doing community work and social justice work or education, I'm thinking more about my mixed-race identity more so in terms of like cultural whiteness as a form of cultural capital 4 and how I have a lot of that privilege and sort of rethinking about my mixed race identity. Also in terms of queer spaces, it shows up because I never identify as sort of a rigid border construct of a queer identity, like gay lesbian, bisexual. I like everything; I like a lot of things. So I feel I could just kind of float around in the borderlands in a lot of different ways. For Alana, college became a space where she was able to name her identity in new ways; she shifted from a primary biracial identity to claiming an identity as a black woman. However upon later reflection she felt that in order to acknowledge the privilege she held from having access to cultural whiteness, through being raised by her white mom in white spaces, she began to reclaim a mixed race identity.
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American Orientalism and Cosmopolitan Mixed Race: Early Asian American Mixed Race in the American Literary Imagination

American Orientalism and Cosmopolitan Mixed Race: Early Asian American Mixed Race in the American Literary Imagination

These initial discourses around mixed race contrast with a new and prescient theorization of mixed race identity developed at the end of The Crippled Tree. Han describes her childhood as one that “from the start was duality, an other life, a saving otherness which was also self” (352). Such duality, representing her European and Chinese heritage, is revealed in The Crippled Tree through the two different voices of Han’s childhood persona, Rosalie. These voices communicate with one another, “Rosalie to Rosalie,” and Han records their conversations (370). This representation of duality is infused through the text formally as the story unfolds through Han’s father’s memoirs, her mother’s voice, an authorial “I,” and finally Rosalie’s split voice. The duality in the narrative is thus a multiplicity, which develops also within Rosalie as she thinks about “all the Rosalies, all the different Rosalies-to-be” (371). Han clarifies that where others “who chose not to accept this splitting, fragmentation of monolithic identity into several selves, found themselves later unable to face the contradictions latent in their own beings,” Rosalie learned that this is “the only way to live on, to live and to remain substantial” (369). Multiplicity, the text seems to argue, is the only way a complete and non-stereotyped mixed race identity can exist.
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Race and Role: The Mixed-race Asian Experience in American Drama

Race and Role: The Mixed-race Asian Experience in American Drama

shift. Chin characterizes Lee as a Eurasian or as an Asian American passing for white. While it may seem that Chin highlights the ambiguity of Lee’s social position, the parallel assumes that mixed-Asian subjects prefer to identify as white people or that this claim would, in fact, be false. This is particularly significant, since this example of the subdominant discourse in drama emerges, perhaps ironically, at the confluence of the equal rights movements in the late 1960s and early 1970s. While Tam recognizes Lee's "Asianness" and demonizes her for not identifying with her Chinese background, the play proceeds to mark her as white in the minds of other Asian American characters in the text and onstage physically in the original production. The result dismisses her mixed-race identity, which equally encompasses both ethnic backgrounds, and erases her multiracial body from view by casting a white actress to portray her. This is no different than the 1989 production of Miss Saigon in which producers cast white Welsh performer Jonathan Pryce to play the Eurasian character known simply as The Engineer. Cynthia L. Nakashima notes that The Engineer was originally a Vietnamese character that was later changed to Eurasian so that Pryce could embody the role. 81 In these examples of Lee and The Engineer, mixed-race bodies have been co-opted to serve a specific purpose in the larger narratives in which they appear. Monoracial artists and theater makers in Asian and white America failed to recognize the unique subjectivity of the multiracial
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Race, Identity and the Transference/Countertransference: A Mixed –Race Patient and a Mixed Race Therapist  A Single Case Study

Race, Identity and the Transference/Countertransference: A Mixed –Race Patient and a Mixed Race Therapist A Single Case Study

Clinical ‘matching’, the idea that a certain clinician would be better suited with a particular patient because of cultural, gender, age or colour considerations has parallels with the adoption policy in the UK. Several decades ago there was no racial profiling in trying to match black and minority children with same race foster or adoptive parents. White parents happily adopted children of colour and numbers of children seeking a home were low. Tizard and Phoenix’s research (2001) found that interracial adoptions fared ok. However a consequence of this was seen by some as damaging to the adopted child. There were questions of identity confusion and cultural dilution. This ultimately led to adoption agencies and social services only being allowed to place children of colour with parents of similar ethnic backgrounds. While this ticked the racial and cultural issues box it didn’t help the numbers of children waiting to be adopted. This is because there were far less foster and adoptive parents of ethnic origin backgrounds. These racial constrictions stopped thousands of children in state care from finding homes simply because of their ethnic background. In 2013, UK Education Secretary Michael Gove changed these guidelines and now finding ‘a perfect or partial ethnic match’ (Doughty, 2013) cannot become an obstacle to finding new parents for child. Councils are no longer legally bound to take the ethnic, religious or cultural background of a child in their care into account when they decide his/her future. This change has since seen adoptions reach a twenty year high as Government reform decided that a warm and loving family home, regardless of race, was better than a council run home. This 180 degree turn in adoption policy implies that race should be a lesser
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The school experiences of mixed race white and black Caribbean children in England

The school experiences of mixed race white and black Caribbean children in England

Most recent research suggests that many teachers hold low expectations of mixed white/ black Caribbean children and that conscious or unconscious stereotypes and assumptions about them can impact negatively on their achievement at school (Lewis 2016; Demie and Mclean 2017). This builds on an earlier study when Tikly et al. (2004) reported a variety of negative perceptions held by teachers who perceived this group to have ‘identity issues’ and like their black Caribbean counterparts to have behavioural problems at school. Similarly, Smith et al. (2011) highlight simplistic assumptions of connections between low social class, particular life styles and ways of living amongst mixed families which ignore the diversity of combinations of family structures. This includes an impression that mixed white/ black Caribbean children reside solely with white mothers who find it difficult to raise their racial self-esteem, and that the boys lack positive role models when fathers are ‘off site’ (Tikly et al. 2004). Not only do Smith et al. (2011) suggest that unemployment and low education are not a prominent feature of mixed families, the notion that fathers are simply ‘absent’ from their children’s lives if they are non-resident is no longer assumed as readily as it was in the past as there are a range of ways that fathers can, and do contribute to their children’s lives. Indeed, mothers seek, maintain and negotiate links with non-resident fathers and their families in order to provide a racial, cultural and familial awareness and belonging for their children (Caballero 2012).
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Black mixed race male experiences of the UK secondary school curriculum

Black mixed race male experiences of the UK secondary school curriculum

On this, mixed-race theorists, activists, and communities can work closely with the Black community to ensure that change happens. Participants frequently cited the history of the African diaspora, Black migration and Black political movements as areas pertaining to their “roots.” As mentioned earlier, Small (2002) has highlighted the presence of mixed-race populations throughout Black history; a more expansive understanding of Blackness is not only possible, but necessary. Importantly, one area cited was the history of interracial unions; it was felt that (supplementary) educators could use this to pay some attention to the unique aspects of mixedness. The Association of Teachers and Lecturers (2005) suggested that mainstream educators should make efforts to improve dialogue and engage with the works of supplementary schools. Supplementary schools represent a radical, subversive, and autonomous social movement (Mirza & Reay, 2000); a movement that must not suffer from the fragmentation of mixed and Black groups while simultaneously acknowledging mixedness. Important lessons for mainstream schooling may be gleaned by looking to supplementary schools for guidance (Andrews, 2013).
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The school experiences of mixed-race white and black Caribbean children in England.

The school experiences of mixed-race white and black Caribbean children in England.

Most recent research suggests that many teachers hold low expectations of mixed white/ black Caribbean children and that conscious or unconscious stereotypes and assumptions about them can impact negatively on their achievement at school (Lewis 2016; Demie and Mclean 2017). This builds on an earlier study when Tikly et al. (2004) reported a variety of negative perceptions held by teachers who perceived this group to have ‘identity issues’ and like their black Caribbean counterparts to have behavioural problems at school. Similarly, Smith et al. (2011) highlight simplistic assumptions of connections between low social class, particular life styles and ways of living amongst mixed families which ignore the diversity of combinations of family structures. This includes an impression that mixed white/ black Caribbean children reside solely with white mothers who find it difficult to raise their racial self-esteem, and that the boys lack positive role models when fathers are ‘off site’ (Tikly et al. 2004). Not only do Smith et al. (2011) suggest that unemployment and low education are not a prominent feature of mixed families, the notion that fathers are simply ‘absent’ from their children’s lives if they are non-resident is no longer assumed as readily as it was in the past as there are a range of ways that fathers can, and do contribute to their children’s lives. Indeed, mothers seek, maintain and negotiate links with non-resident fathers and their families in order to provide a racial, cultural and familial awareness and belonging for their children (Caballero 2012).
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Next Generation Civil Rights Lawyers: Race and Representation in the Age of Identity Performance

Next Generation Civil Rights Lawyers: Race and Representation in the Age of Identity Performance

The kinds of questions that Gruber had about her role on the civil rights side of the criminal justice system are not uncommon for lawyers who do not share the sa[r]

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Black Women Teacher Educators, Race Uplift, and the Academic Other-Mother Identity

Black Women Teacher Educators, Race Uplift, and the Academic Other-Mother Identity

Ladson-Billings notes that being "in the house" did not mean that one was "of the house". This notion connects to Collins' idea of "outsider-within locations" that faculty of color share in the academy. The participants in Ladson-Billing's study share this tension. "They are in the academy but not of the academy. Their roles are circumscribed by race and the social conditions of African Americans in the broader society" (Ladson-Billings, 2001, p. 7). For example, Ladson-Billings' participants have research agendas that address the education and culture of people of African descent, and most have been challenged about this focus. One participant noted several occasions when colleagues and/or administration commented that her work was too narrow and should be less "multicultural."
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Life After the EL Label: Conversations About Identity, Language, and Race

Life After the EL Label: Conversations About Identity, Language, and Race

As far as Ricky is concerned, his writing/language in a 12th grade ethnic studies class was racialized when the teacher said he “needed to sound more White” (personal communication, January 31, 2020). Rather than target his writing skills in a non- racialized manner (e.g. commenting on his syntax, vocabulary, grammar, organization, etc.), the teacher’s note is indicative that she read the paper as non-White or not White enough. Although the underlying intentions of this teacher’s comment is unknown, it is clear that the comment impacted Ricky’s linguistic identity. He expressed that when he heard the comment, he thought, “she could hear my EL; that she could hear I’m a first- generation Mexican” (personal communication, January 31, 2020). Therefore, needing to sound “more White” implies that he equated this racialized suggestion to his linguistic skill. Although he confirmed that he later understood what the teacher wanted from him, such as “correct grammar or more academic language,” it is disheartening to know that this is a moment that Ricky equated standardized grammar and vocabulary to sounding White; thus, forcibly leading him to believe that anything that sounds grammatically correct or uses academic language is a White voice and not his own.
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Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965

Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965

The themes of parental influence and first-hand experiences of racial discrimination against themselves or their families are the second principal tropes raised by nationalist leaders to explain their beliefs. In contrast to the colonisation stories of the 1890s which were distant and derivative accounts of how the racial situation in Rhodesia had arisen, personal encounters with discrimination acted as a more immediate stimulant. The affairs were exaggerated by the distinct lack of regular contact between rural black Africans and the white Rhodesian population, ensuring any interactions were keenly remembered. As Joshua Nkomo explained, 'in the reserves we very rarely saw a white man,' 26 and furthermore those interactions that the future leadership did see were viewed through the lens of their childhood. As children, they witnessed but were not necessarily part of the interactions with white Rhodesians and they therefore watched their familial authority figures bearing the brunt of the discrimination. In the highly-patriarchal Shona and Ndebele cultures in which the fathers particularly played a significant role, 27 seeing their male family members mistreated and discriminated against at the hands of white Rhodesians had a profound impact on the psyche of young black Africans and their understanding of how race tied into their place in the Rhodesian nation. Stanley Parirewa (a key figure in the early nationalist movements) revealed that 'it was an unpleasant experience at the hands of White authority which his father suffered in the late thirties, that made him [Parirewa] conscious of the deeply discriminatory laws affecting his people, and
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The Influence of Self-disclosure, Religion, and Race on the Art Therapy Intern’s Identity

The Influence of Self-disclosure, Religion, and Race on the Art Therapy Intern’s Identity

Race is another form of self-disclosure that can arise in non-verbal communication. There were “two types of disclosure: an implicit self-disclosure occasioned by the therapist’s being a person of color and a series of explicit answers in response to questions asked by the patient about the therapist’s racial experience” (Leary, 1997, p.178). The reveal of the therapist’s race was implied as the outer appearance was displayed. Studies have shown the importance of client-therapist racial similarities such as greater chance of seeking for treatment (Yeh, Eastman, & Cheung, 1994) and using the therapist’s race to understand and identify one’s identity (Tang & Gardner, 1999). Clients responded more positively to therapist of similar racial backgrounds, especially Asian- specific ethnicity groups (Cabral & Smith, 2011; Flaskerud & Lie, 1990, 1991; Fujino, Okazaki, & Young, 1994). However, the outcome of treatment was not considerably different when client-therapist ethnic matched (Cabral & Smith, 2011).
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Identity, race and faith: The role of faith in post Apartheid South Africa

Identity, race and faith: The role of faith in post Apartheid South Africa

In 1965, immigration legislation was based on race relations until the 1980’s when the Swann report promoted multiculturism. In the early 21st-century secure borders, Safe Haven promoted a ‘common sense of nationhood’. This implied that Britain should move away from a nation of communities to a nation of citizens with a shared value system (Schain 2010:213). The question of race and its relation with immigration in Britain could be seen parallel with South Africa, its former colony and a microcosm of the identity question in Europe although identity on the basis South Africa has experienced an unprecedented influx of migrants in the 21st century. Immigration and race have contributed to the raising of important questions of identity and social inclusion. Immigration and race are two crucial phenomena for the church in South Africa because the overwhelming majority of immigrants to South Africa are affiliated to Christianity and active participants in worshipping communities.
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Captives of the dark and bloody ground : identity, race, and power in the contested American South

Captives of the dark and bloody ground : identity, race, and power in the contested American South

In the early nineteenth century, Mikasuki chief Neamathla told the governor of Florida a far more elaborate story of race than did his early-eighteenth-century ancestors. According to Neamathla, the Creator had accidentally first made a white man, but felt sorry for him because he was “pale and weak.” The Creator tried again, “but in his endeavor to avoid making another white man, he went into the opposite extreme, and when the second being rose up . . . he was black!” According to Neamathla, the Creator “liked the black man less than the white, and he shoved him aside to make room for another trial.” Finally, the Creator succeeded in making his favorite—the red man. Initially, these first men found themselves upon the earth with nothing, but the Creator sent down three boxes of presents to help them. Because He pitied the white man, the Creator let him choose first. The white man picked a box filled with implements of learning including “pens, and ink, and paper, and compasses.” Then the Creator said, “Black man, I made you next, but I do not like you. You may stand aside. The red man is my favorite; he shall come forward and take the next choice: Red man, choose your portion of the things of this world.” The red man, the most masculine of the three, “stepped boldly up and chose a box filled with tomahawks, knives, war clubs, traps, and such things as are useful in war and hunting.” Neamathla recounted how the Creator applauded the decision of his red son. Finally, only one box remained for the black
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Nippo-Kanaks in Post-War New Caledonia: Race, Law, Politics and Identity

Nippo-Kanaks in Post-War New Caledonia: Race, Law, Politics and Identity

indows into Tomiki’s quotidian routines in post-War Japan. However, the necessary act of burning all letters out of fear of Maccam’s potential reprisals symbolically effaced the memory and affect imbued within each letter. Tomiki’s letters thus served as affective channels of paternalism that bound his Nippo-Kanak children and Andrée to Japan, and to a parental Japanese ethos. Through his letters, Tomiki was able to re-establish from afar the family unit that had been dismantled upon his deportation, despite being physically separated from his family. Jeannette’s personal and lasting memory of her father—a loving father-figure whom she would reconstruct and (re)imagine through each letter—resisted the physical act of erasure of the Japanese prompted by their deportation. Yokoyama’s memorialization of her father continues today, which she has proudly transmitted to her part-Japanese descendants. Jeannette has attributed the pluri-dimensional essence of her identity as Kanak and Japanese to her father’s letters—letters that imparted to her the cultural nuances and sensitivities of the Japanese that have uniquely enriched her mixed race heritage and the lives of her descendants (Jeannette Yokoyama 2018).
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The Changing Tides of Adoption: Why Marriage, Race, and Family Identity Still Matter

The Changing Tides of Adoption: Why Marriage, Race, and Family Identity Still Matter

informality with which African Americans still embrace kinship ties is rooted in the history of slavery, and extra-legal acceptance of children who were parentless came from West African traditions focused on the survival of the children as the future of the black community. While sur- vival in the 21st century is vastly different than during Reconstruction, race and marriage are still very salient issues for black families and chil- dren. From encounters with police to the ability to afford either a good public or private school education, race is a central factor in whether a child might live or die, or live in community that has more resources for children to advance to a higher socio-economic class. The fact that the U.S. remains fairly segregated in housing, education, and religious wor- ship informs how all children grow and learn, and this unfortunately iso- lates them from bridging the racial divide through development of relationships.
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Mixed Experiences: a study of the childhood narratives of
mixed race people related to risks to their mental health and
capacity for developing resilience

Mixed Experiences: a study of the childhood narratives of mixed race people related to risks to their mental health and capacity for developing resilience

The data show that there are some additional risks to the mental health of mixed race young people. As well as difficulties experienced in establishing personal identity, they show that there are specific difficulties in secondary school and that young people of mixed race experience racism and prejudice from both black and white peers. The data indicate a capacity for building resilience, necessitated by their mixedness, linked to supportive families.

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Black mixed race men, perceptions of the family, and the cultivation of ‘post racial’ resilience

Black mixed race men, perceptions of the family, and the cultivation of ‘post racial’ resilience

To understand post-racial resilience, it is necessary first to understand what is invoked by the ‘post-racial’ turn. The ‘post-racial’ turn describes the transition into an epoch in which, particularly among whites, race is no longer believed to be a determinant of life chances (Wise, 2013). In a large part, this is precipitated and perpetuated by what ‘post-racialists’ take to be the ultimate symbol of racism’s demise: the election of a Black mixed-race man to the presidency of the United States (Howard and Flennaugh, 2011). However, whilst racism is widely regarded as a thing of the past, ‘the enduring conditions made and marked by the racial continue to structure society. This is so regardless of the fact that its various explicit manifestations may now be rejected, rendered implicit, silenced or denied’ (Goldberg, 2015: 6). In the apparent absence of racism, ‘post-racialism’ lends itself to cultural deficit explanations. Under these conditions Black mixed-race male ‘underachievement’ is not seen as a consequence of structural racism, but as a consequence of the individual failures of Black mixed-race men and/or their culture and communities. Let us now consider resilience generally, and post-racial resilience specifically.
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Polymorphisms of the cytokine genes TGFB1 and IL10 in a mixed race population with Crohn’s disease

Polymorphisms of the cytokine genes TGFB1 and IL10 in a mixed race population with Crohn’s disease

Background: Most Crohn ’ s disease (CD) genes discovered in recent years are associated with biological systems critical to the development of this disease. TGFB1 and IL10 are cytokines with important roles in CD. The aim of this study was to evaluate the association between CD, its clinical features and TGFB1 and IL10 gene polymorphisms. Methods: This case – control study enrolled 91 patients and 91 controls from the state of Bahia, Brazil. Five single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) were studied in the TGFB1 gene (codon 10 T > C - rs1800470; codon 25 G > C - rs1800471) and IL10 gene ( − 1082 A > G - rs1800896; -819 T > C - rs1800871; -592 A > C - rs1800872). An analysis of the genetic polymorphisms was performed using a commercial kit. A comparison of allele frequencies and genotypes was estimated by calculating the odds ratio (OR) with a confidence interval adjusted via the Bonferroni test for a local alpha of 1%. A stratified analysis was applied for gender, race and smoking history. Patients with CD were characterized according to the Montreal classification.
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