Mobilities Studies

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A Jensenian approach to mobilities

A Jensenian approach to mobilities

This framing, and the questions which underpin it, provide an incredibly rich source for transport geographers and mobility scholars alike. Not only does it enable intricate and comprehensive ways of grappling with mobilities but Staging Mobilities provides the opportunity to engage with a great diversity of thinkers, debates and disciplines as well. The book discusses the work of an impressive number of thinkers with diverging disciplinary backgrounds, from sociologist Georg Simmel, landscape architect Lawrence Halprin, and urban planner Kevin Lynch to the non-representational theories of Nigel Thrift and Actor Networks of Bruno Latour. As one may expect from the dramaturgical metaphors however, Erving Goffman is the conceptual figure whose influence is most greatly felt in Staging Mobilities. Here Jensen is seeking to extend and adapt Goffman’s ideas for contemporary society. Enrolling these thinkers together in discussions of mobility also allows readers to engage with a wider set of debates in human geography, including the more-than-human and materialist turns (Whatmore, 2006), the role of virtual matter (Kinsley, 2014) and theoretical ideas on relational approaches (Anderson et al, 2012). Jensen’s engaging and sympathetic writing style makes these multiple and often complex ideas extremely approachable, further facilitating the increasing interdisciplinary nature of transport geography (Schwanen, 2015) by offering contact points not just with mobilities studies (Shaw and Hesse, 2010) but design, urban planning, architecture, interaction design, and engineering to name but a few.
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The new mobilities paradigm and critical security studies: exploring common ground

The new mobilities paradigm and critical security studies: exploring common ground

As Cresswell (2012, 650) puts it from a mobilities studies perspective, ‘mobilities scholars, when thinking about the ways mobilities are resisted and regulated, need to be involved in the rethinking of borders.’ Borders are not static phenomena, but undergo constant change in response to the phenomena that they are supposed to regulate (e.g., Balibar 1998; Parizot et al. 2014; Walters 2006). At the same time, like any other hubs and bottlenecks in the global mobility system, borders operate under the boundary condition of security. In this issue, Leese (2018) and Glouftsios (2018) demonstrate how European borders are currently being re-structured, and highlight how the complex interplay of security rationales and novel technological tools produces distinct velocities with which borders can be crossed. Leese (2018) foregrounds how the standardization of biometric Automated Border Crossing (ABC) systems at the European Union’s (EU) external borders transforms the mobility infrastructure as much as it empowers new practices of security. For those entitled to enter the EU, the possession of an electronic passport with a biometric facial image stored on it enables seamless mobility, while freeing up resources to intensify controls for the rest. His diagnosis is thereby in line with Cresswell’s (2012, 649) observation that ‘one place where kinds of stillness happen, for some more than others, is at borders.’
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Multiple mobilities in Mexico’s fertility industry

Multiple mobilities in Mexico’s fertility industry

Bergmann ( 2011 , 2014 ) places the circumventive routes that fertility travelers and fertility experts alike employ to overcome national bans at the center of his work. Circumvention refers both to the geogra- phical rerouting of fertility journeys which include travels across borders, as well as regulatory maneuver- ing between and across legal grey zones. Bergmann ( 2011 , 283) favors the term ‘circumvention routes’ over the term reproductive tourism as it represents the complex constellation of ‘traveling users, mobile medics, sperm and egg donors, locally and globally operating clinics, international standards, laboratory instruments, pharmaceuticals, biocapital, conferences and journals, IVF Internet forums, and di ffering national laws ’. Like Nahman, Bergman points to the fact that not only reproductive consumers travel but also a whole range of other (non-)human actors ranging from biological substances to technologies, pharmaceuticals, and equipment. Nahman and Bergmann ’s conceptualizations of reproductive travel firstly pay attention not only to reproductive consumers but also laborers, and secondly take account of the circulation of technologies, socio-technical devices, and biological substances. Bergman is in e ffect calling attention to the multiple human and non-human mobilities involved in transnational reproduc- tion, a perspective which explicitly draws attention to the di fferential power relations at play with regard to the mobilities involved in reproductive travel – a central demand of critical mobilities studies. While the term ‘reverse traffic’ implies the reversal of a linear movement from A to B in search of services, the term ‘circumventive routes’ suggests the travels of reproductive agents are also framed by regulatory con- straints and avoidance, and include detours, blind alleys, and circular movements.
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Beyond Eurocentrism in tourism: A paradigm shift to mobilities

Beyond Eurocentrism in tourism: A paradigm shift to mobilities

governance of mobility (Baerenholdt, 2013; Coles & Hall, 2011; Cohen, 2012; see Richardson, 2013 for a special issue on borders and mobilities). This is illustrative of the growing emphasis in mobilities studies on the significance of power differentials for one’s ability to move (Cresswell, 2010, Glick Schiller and Salazar 2013). While the mobilities paradigm is at least partly “a result of a dissatisfaction with the valorization of forms of stillness – rooted and the sedentary” (Cresswell, 2012, p. 648) that has characterized earlier social science approaches, which tended to fix people and practices in bounded territories, mobilities theorists have yet to propose a theoretical framework accounting for the interconnectedness of stasis and movement in various kinds of mobilities. Glick, Schiller and Salazar’s (2013) recent introduction into mobilities studies of the concept of “regimes of mobility” which act to “normalize the movements of some travelers while criminalizing and entrapping the ventures of others” (ibid, p. 189) will help to develop an integrated approach to such issues.
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Rethinking visiting friends and relatives mobilities

Rethinking visiting friends and relatives mobilities

Sometimes such medical visits are not just linked to preference, but relate also to unsuccessful treatment or lack of access, as in the case of Bergmark et al.,’s (2010) study of Mexican immigrants in northern California who returned to their natal homes in central Mexico for health-related reasons, often combining that objective with a family visit. Despite there being considerable anecdotal evidence and a handful of studies evidencing that migrants tend to return to use such ‘home’ services (Lee et al., 2010; Osipovic 2013), these mobilities are largely unresearched in migration, tourism and mobilities studies. Bergmark et al.,’s (2010) work though is good example of complex migrant VFR mobilities that are less tied to privilege, as the availability of VFR travel, motivated in part by the consumption of goods and services far from ‘home’, depends on access to economic, socio-technical and cultural resources (Cresswell, 2010). Typically those who migrated voluntarily, rather than having been forced or coerced, have the power to engage in such practices. It can be speculated that gradually this strong need to consume homeland products and services will decline, although this needs to be empirically researched.
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The Mobilities of Ships and Shipped Mobilities

The Mobilities of Ships and Shipped Mobilities

In the burgeoning field of mobilities studies, the seas and all that moves in, on, across and through them, have not been embraced with the same enthusiasm as mobilities ashore. While trains (Verstraete 2002), planes (Adey 2010) and automobiles (Merriman 2007) have received sustained attention, alongside walking subjects (Middleton 2010), wired networks (Graham 2009), and mobile ideas (Law 1986); the ship (a prime figure in seaborne movement) has, for some time, been quietly bobbing in the background (Peters 2010, 1243). It is important to note that the work of the mobilities paradigm has not omitted the politics of sea-based movements entirely (see, for example, recent entries in this journal; Ashmore 2013; Straughan and Dixon 2013; Stanley 2008), but it remains true that mobilities ‘at sea’ are a vastly underexplored area, with more comprehensive incursions only just beginning to emerge (Anderson and Peters 2014, Vannini 2012, Birtchnell, Urry and Sativsky, forthcoming). This work has helped set in motion a shift towards the seas, following a more general oceanic reorientation with the humanities (see Blum 2010), bringing the rhythms and movements of people, objects, materials, ideas – all manner of things – into focus through the lens of mobilities thinking.
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Drifting: towards mobilities at sea

Drifting: towards mobilities at sea

This paper advocates a critical analysis of drifting as a particular typology of mobility. Drifting is a commonplace term used across geographical analysis; in physical, urban and psycho-geographic strands of the discipline. However, drifting has not been unpacked within a mobilities framework as a specific trope of moving, nor has it been taken ‘to sea’ by social scientists. This is surprising given the long standing relationship between drift, drifting and the ocean. Recent years have witnessed a ‘filling out’ and ‘deepening’ of mobilities studies in geography and the broader social sciences, wherein mobility is not taken as singular and undifferentiated, but rather can be broken down into more specific parts which constitute particular technologies, experiences, forms and conditions of moving. This study dissects drifting by investigating the intricacies of this mobile quality and quality of mobility. In particular, the paper draws on drifting in the context of the sea in order to demonstrate the new knowledges made possible by moving examinations from city spaces (where drifting has been most readily employed as conceptual tool and method). Indeed, drawing on case studies of drifting at sea, this paper argues that a focus on this distinctive form of mobility raises new insights into the politics of what it means to move in the maritime realm, a space often neglected in studies of mobilities.
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A mobilities approach to tourism from emerging world regions

A mobilities approach to tourism from emerging world regions

In the modern image of the world, borders were seen as the most important barriers (or sources of ‘friction’ in Cresswell’s [2010] terms) to the free movement of people and goods. That image was criticised by the early mobilities theorists, who offered a contrary image of a postmodern globalised future, which would be ‘characterized by “flows” and networks, [thus suggesting] that we are moving towards a “borderless world”’ (Paasi, 2009: 213). In such a world borders would become obsolete. But, contrary to that expectation, under the impact of such developments as ‘securitisation’ in the face of rising terrorism, protectionism and anti-migration sentiments (Johnson et al., 2011), as well as of their persisting symbolic role, the salience of ‘borders’ again increased. But the concept has been deterritorialised, losing its conventional connotation of a line between states, and acquiring the character of a ‘spatially stretched’ assemblage of surveillance apparatuses, which begin to examine the admissibility of prospective visitors long before they reach the physical border-crossing (ibid: 63-64).
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Microwave mobilities of holes in p type geranium

Microwave mobilities of holes in p type geranium

Hall mobilities of an n-type (GN l) and a p-type (GP 2) germanium single crystal were measured at a microwave frequency of 9 Gc/ sec from 80 °K to 300 °K. A bimodal rectangular cavity designed by Nishina was used in the present investigation. The microwave circuit was nearly the same as that described by Nishina except that the microwave signal was modulated by 1000 cycle per second square-wave signal. The microwave mobilities measured (with sample size correction factor of 0. 423 for n-type and 0. 687 for p-type germanium) were compared with the corresponding d. c. Hall mobilities. For n-type germanium, the discrepancy between the d. c. and microwave mobilities was believed to be predominatly due to the E: -1/2 dependence of the relaxation time (acoustical mode scattering). For p-type germanium, a large deviation occurred at low
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Unfolding the pushchair. Children's Mobilities and Everyday Technologies

Unfolding the pushchair. Children's Mobilities and Everyday Technologies

Within the social studies of children and children’s geographies a long-standing con- cern has been to study children’s everyday mobility, where mobility has been thought about as an individual independent capacity. In this paper we argue for a conception of mobility as an effect (or product) of multiple human, social, material including technological interdependent relationships and connections. We draw upon Actor-Network Theory, particularly in the way it has been developed in the so-called ‘new wave’ social studies of childhood and in relation to perspectives in wider studies of mobility. Bringing these frameworks to the study of children’s mo- bility suggests that everyday technologies, like the pushchair, can act as extensions of the self, having a key role in creating, changing and (de)stabilising the networks of interactions that compose the social life of children and families. In illustrating and discussing some of these ideas we focus on a simple ethnographic account: a family journey to a playgroup. We unfold the role of the pushchair in young chil- dren’s mobility as a non-human artefact performing a circulatory role in different directions and as an extension of different agencies.
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Potentials and Effective Ionic Mobilities in Frog Skin

Potentials and Effective Ionic Mobilities in Frog Skin

If H+ and HCO8~ are the respiratory ions and if they diffuse out of the skin through the outer surface, HCO3~ must have a high diffusion mobility relative to H+ to give the correct sign [r]

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The mobilities of hospitality work : an exploration of issues and debates

The mobilities of hospitality work : an exploration of issues and debates

As evidenced through the examples above, the focus of this paper is on voluntary forms of mobility in tourism and hospitality work, however it is important that we acknowledge that the tourism and hospitality industries is also a space and site for those involved or undergoing less voluntary forms of mobility. For instance, using Stephen Frears’ (2002) film ‘Dirty Pretty Things’, we can explore other ways in which hospitality is performed. The hotel in the film represents an interface between the glossy touristic spaces of London and those invisible hospitality workers who clean up and service the global mobile elites who stay in these establishments. In foregrounding these alternative (and perhaps hostile) mobilities, frontstage and backstage can take on different meanings where backstage becomes the underworld of illegal workers and immigrants – “the ghosts of Britain and its economy” (Gibson, 2006, p. 700). Gibson suggests that these ghost workers are offering a form of absolute, unconditional hospitality (Derrida, 2000; Derrida & Dufourmatelle, 2000); in that they give more than they take – not only to the hotel but to a nation. As she suggests;
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Conceptualising business mobilities: towards an analytical framework

Conceptualising business mobilities: towards an analytical framework

Secondly, in the transportation studies literature, there is evidence for increasing business mobility in a range of shorter distance modes of transport (Millard-Bell & Schipper 2011). In terms of both rail and automobile business travel, research in Europe demonstrates growing activity in recent decades (OECD Transport 2010). Finally, at the level of the firm, research within management studies, human resource management and economic geography has found increasing mobility amongst employees. Much of the work in this area has been concerned with business mobility as only one aspect of the study, but it is clear that not only transnational corporations but also an increasingly number of smaller or more nationally and regionally firms are making greater use of employee mobility as an operational practices (Andersen et al 1999) A notable example here is Millar and Salt’s study of how the working practices of business
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Urban tourism and population change: Gentrification in the age of mobilities

Urban tourism and population change: Gentrification in the age of mobilities

of long-term resident populations, a decline in the total number of households and the arrival of transnational and transient young gentrifiers deploying a wide range of dwelling practices, from the short stays of visitors in apartments rented on digital platforms to the longer sojourns of the hypermobile lifestyle migrants, students and young professionals. For an interpretation of this process that situates it against the extant tourism-led gentrification literature, we will refer to the conceptual body of the ‘ mobilities paradigm ’ . This ‘ set of questions, theories and methodologies ’ (Sheller & Urry, 2006, p. 210) emerged in the early 2000s to denote an epistemological shift from society as sedentary towards one in which it is conceived as inherently mobile (Urry, 2000). One first key insight of this literature for our research question is the need to move from a visitor versus resident dichotomy towards a tourism mobilities perspective, which considers the entanglements of a wide array of human and nonhuman mobilities, some more rooted in place than others (Hannam, Sheller, & Urry, 2006). In this sense, the category of ‘ gentrifier ’ in tourist cities includes a variety of mobile population profiles whose dwelling and life practices tend to match and converge spatially with those of the tourist population. Following authors such as Cresswell (2006), Cresswell and Merriman (2011) and Jensen (2010), a second fun- damental insight for our inquiry is that the transformation of tourist areas could be interpreted as the result of a negotiation played out in the economic as well as in the material and cultural dimensions of places, whereby more wealthy, footloose, physically able and digitally competent populations gain access and control of urban assets (such as housing and commercial facilities) and commons (such as public space and public life) over less mobile and more dependent populations. We therefore suggest that the population restructuring of tourist areas may well be the result of a process of neighbourhood change that caters to the practices and affordability of the flow of young gentrifiers on the move, leading to the out-migration of more permanent populations not only because the area may become unaffordable for them but also because the change becomes incom- patible with their dwelling practices. Hence, our approach to the analysis of tourism-led gentrification highlights the mobile character of gentrifiers — and by contrast, the ‘ immobility ’ of resident populations which are displaced in the process — and interprets our empirical results, characterising tourism-led gentrification as a shift from ‘ classical ’ gentrification, in the broader framework of a relational epistemology. We now explore these transformations in the city of Barcelona, starting in the next section with a presentation of our case study area and further advancing our conceptual contribution in the discussion section.
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On interfaces between cell populations with different mobilities

On interfaces between cell populations with different mobilities

Abstract. Partial differential equations describing the dynamics of cell pop- ulation densities from a fluid mechanical perspective can model the growth of avascular tumours. In this framework, we consider a system of equations that describes the interaction between a population of dividing cells and a pop- ulation of non-dividing cells. The two cell populations are characterised by different mobilities. We present the results of numerical simulations displaying two-dimensional spherical waves with sharp interfaces between dividing and non-dividing cells. Furthermore, we numerically observe how different ratios between the mobilities change the morphology of the interfaces, and lead to the emergence of finger-like patterns of invasion above a threshold. Motivated by these simulations, we study the existence of one-dimensional travelling wave solutions.
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Road races as transgressive event mobilities

Road races as transgressive event mobilities

the university, and so there was only a handful of spectators from the immediate  neighborhood. In 2012, I was stationed in a residential neighborhood at an intersection where  the runne[r]

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Trackless Mourning:The Mobilities of Love and Loss

Trackless Mourning:The Mobilities of Love and Loss

a roadside shrine: all these memorials combine attempts to insert the lost loved one back into the landscape through an installation of some kind and return journeys to the site, but whereas, for some, re-encountering (and maintaining) the monument will be the primary concern, for others the regular pilgrimage will become most important thing. Taken in the round, then, this research alerts us to the variable, but always intersecting, roles both place-marking and mobility play in our ex- pressions of love for those who are lost. This is widely evidenced in Maddrell’s many poignant case studies, such as the bench on the Port Erin coastal path ( Isle of Man) which has been continu- ously ‘dressed’ - throughout the seasons - in the fifteen years since the person honoured died. 30
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Higher education mobilities: a cross-national European comparison

Higher education mobilities: a cross-national European comparison

However, over recent years, the picture has become more complex, with nations that have traditionally sent large numbers of students abroad aggressively pursuing their own strategies for increasing inward mobility. China is perhaps the best example of this, with a declared ambition to receive 500,000 international students by 2020, and well- articulated plans at national, provincial and institutional level to achieve this goal ( Gao and de Wit, 2017 ). Indeed, it has already over- taken Australia, France and Germany to become the third most popular destination country for international students after the US and UK (ibid.). In addition, restrictive immigration policies have a ffected stu- dent flows in countries that have historically been popular with mobile students. In the UK, for example, the severe restrictions on international students ’ ability to work in the country post-graduation, in place from 2010 onwards, have had a signi ficant negative impact on the number of incoming Indian students. Within Europe, student mobility is also dif- ferentiated. In general terms, the majority of mobility has tended to be from east to west. As a consequence, Kenway and Fahey (2007) contend that, when students return home after their studies, knowledge is ‘transferred’ from central points of power in the European system to more marginal locations; mobility schemes can thus be understood as means of ‘effecting cultural de- and re-territorialisation’ (p.32). Similar differences have been noted in relation to the Erasmus programme. Western nations such as Spain, Germany, France, the UK and Italy ty- pically receive the most incoming students, while more geographically and politically peripheral countries, such as Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Slovenia receive relatively few (European Commission, 2015; Statistics for All, n.d. ). In explaining these patterns, King (2003) has suggested that national economic strength, perceived quality of the
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Whose Commons are Mobilities Spaces? – The Case of Copenhagen’s Cyclists

Whose Commons are Mobilities Spaces? – The Case of Copenhagen’s Cyclists

Establishing an understanding of the common good that transcends communities to incorporate relations among communities (i.e., a commonly- accepted common good) is inevitably a conflict-ridden process, not least in the realm of urban mobilities. Danish politicians avoid such discussions, because they inevitably lead to questions of which transportation modes should lose privileges to achieve the common good, and that stirs up antagonism among different mobility communities. The majority of Danish society accepts “neotechnological automobilization” (Nixon, 2012) as the appropriate dominant response to energy use issues. As Nixon says, “transport decision makers predominantly drive” (2012, 1673), and “the neotechnological approach allows capture of the consumers’ surplus and is less likely to disrupt capital accumulation” (2012, 1664). In this context, the lock-in of the myth of “prosperity through mobility” (Essebo, 2013) can make greater automobility an obvious common good that is dangerous for Copenhagen’s politicians to contradict. Of course cyclists – as cyclists – do not agree (although they might agree as car drivers, which many of them also are). Therefore, despite increasing traffic congestion and associated problems, the Copenhagen Municipality recently increased the number of parking spaces in the inner city, while also setting major goals for future cycling. This patchwork approach to sidestepping antagonism among mobility communities may actually have the effect of fueling them. I turn now to my interviews with people who cycle in Copenhagen as a way to tease out some of these antagonisms between mobility communities, and to show how they facilitate community cohesiveness among individuals using the same mobility mode. I will return to the issue of cycling’s relation to the common good in subsequent sections.
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Traces of a mobile field  Ten years of mobilities research

Traces of a mobile field Ten years of mobilities research

interdisciplinary nature of mobilities research, this intensity of interaction would be both difficult to assess, and potentially inappropriate to expect. Interdisciplinary exchange, after all, benefits from the incomplete overlapping of multiple academic communities, whose differences and debates inform new insights. The increasing acceptance of interdisciplinary work also means that it is now more common for researchers to be intermittently engaged within a range of different fields – some out of interest, and others out of obligation (as for instance in the case of research assessment exercises in the UK or departmental re-organizations where new fields are dictated by others). One might thus challenge the appropriateness of Scott’s criterion within an interdisciplinary context, and in a context in which careers are connected to university structures still often centred upon meta- disciplines (economics, geography, sociology etc.) and their fields. That is, when establishing a new field, interactions with actors outside it are incredibly fateful, and have significant consequences for recruiting new participants and establishing the field’s importance. Hence, as Fligstein and McAdam (2012) propose, we need to be sensitive to the relationships and interactions that span between fields given the networked nature of contemporary social life.
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