This is because a plethora of studies that analyzed the effects of multilateral aid and bilateral aid on development outcomes do not provide clear answers. For instance, Rodrick (1995), Ratha (2001), Harms & Lutz (2006), Uneze (2012) and Quazi, Balentine, Bindu, & Blyden (2019) focused on the effect of bilateral aid and multilateral aid on FDI inflow to developing countries. Such studies best address the question of whether there is ‘vanguard effect’ in developing countries or not. That is, whether bilateral and multilateral donors are the ones who carry out foreign private investment. Findings based on such studies best explain whether or not public- private partnership (PPP) is the appropriate vehicle for driving capital formation in developing countries. Though Ojiambo (2013) tried to specify capital formation as a target variable, the aggregate foreign aid masked the effect of bilateral and multilateral aids. Massa, Mendez-Parra, & Willem te Velde (2016) improved on Ojiambo’s work by disaggregating foreign aid into bilateral aid and multilateral aid. But their findings based on Uganda’s and Ghana’s capital formation experience cannot be generalized for the rest of the developing countries due to structural and institutional differences.
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suggests that at least some aid – albeit, often a very small proportion – is driven by ethical considerations. Yet, the picture that emerges is highly complex, and indeed, many theorists suggest that motivations for aid are continuously changing, calling this the “pendulum of aid” (Riddell 2007, p. 92). Notably Pratt talks about a “continued battle between development, political and commercial interests with different interests gaining or losing ground in different time periods” (Pratt quoted in Riddell 2007, p. 97). Those that suggest that aid is largely motivated by ethical considerations do, in Akonor’s words, “when pushed, generally admit that their calls for intervention are self-serving and not purely altruistic” (Akonor 2007, p. 1073), while others insist that strategic interests similarly fail to explain all aid (Lumsdaine 1993). The most convincing accounts suggest that aid motivations vary from country to country and across time depending on the dominant perception, or “frames” of what the purpose of aid should be at any given time in any given country (Van der Veen 2011). In any case, the above suffices to show that the role of ethical considerations in aid is an important component of debates on aid, is highly contested, and very much on-going, making this issue area an interesting focus for the study of the role of ethical considerations in organisational decision-making.
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Inspired by the contradicting findings of studies on aid effectiveness and the recently emerging dissatisfaction of scholars with the methodologies of earlier works, this study took up the examination of the effectiveness of bilateral and multilateral aids on economic growth. To this end, the study applied the estimation technique of system-GMM (system - generalized method of moments) to panel data of 42 Sub- Saharan African countries collected from secondary sources for the years 1980 through 2007. For the data at hand, there was no evidence for the (conditional or unconditional) effectiveness of both kinds of aid. This result was robust to the use of alternative growth models. Bilateral aid on its own, or in an interaction with policy, is ineffective at enhancing economic growth, regardless of whether one measures it relative to the recipients' gross domestic product or in per capita terms. The same holds for multilateral aid. This conclusion confines itself to the data at hand and thus gives no evidence about the effectiveness of the recently emerging aid modalities, which are argued to possess elements of better government accountability, better transparency and better recipient-ownership.
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In Panel A, where multilateral aid from the aid institutions such as the World Bank, the IMF, and regional development banks are used, a reduction impact of multilateral aid is found to be larger than that of total foreign aid. This result may be attributed to the fact that the donor institutions normally require that recipient countries make corruption reduction commitments a condition to provide financial assistance. The aid from international institutions tends to focus on altruistic purposes, rather than strategic ones, compared to bilateral aid donors.
Licensed under Creative Common Page 6 development outcomes with the use of empirical evidence. The primary focus of this study was to determine whether providing aid to developing countries through bilateral or multilateral channels produces a significant influence on such development outcomes as governance and human development indicators, GDP growth, and non-aid investment inflows. The analysis shows that 13 of the 45 studies found multilateral aid to be more effective than bilateral aid; 9 studies found that bilateral aid is more effective than multilateral aid; 13 studies found that there is no statistical difference between the two, and the remaining 10 studies provided mixed conclusions. The findings of this study suggest that the effectiveness of aid is based on such variables as aid donors, recipients, objectives, and time periods. These results are of value not only to the scholarly community that can utilize them to perform further research on the topic, but also to the potential investors interested in maximizing the effectiveness of their investments in developing economies.
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This study employs interactive quantile regressions to assess the conditional role of foreign aid in reducing the potentially negative effect of terrorism on fuel exports in 78 developing countries for the period 1984-2008. Bilateral and multilateral aid indicators are used whereas terrorism includes: domestic, transnational, unclear and total terrorism dynamics. Interactive quantile regressions are used. The following findings are established. First, the effects of terrorism are both positive and negative across quantiles and specifications, with the impact most apparent in the highest and lowest quantiles. Second, while bilateral aid consistently decreases (increases) fuel exports at the top (bottom) quantiles, multilateral aid regularly decreases fuel exports in the top quantiles. Third, for negative thresholds in the 50 th quartile and 90 th decile, interaction effects between bilateral aid and terrorism dynamics are overwhelmingly not significant. Conversely, for transnational terrorism, the interaction effects between multilateral aid and terrorism dynamics significantly have negative thresholds. The hypothesis of a positive threshold is only confirmed for transnational terrorism and multilateral aid at the 90 th decile. Justifications for unexpected signs and implications for fuel export policy and the management of multinational companies are discussed. This study contributes to the literature on the role of external flows in reducing the negative externalities of terrorism on development outcomes.
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17 used positively or negatively to influence the underlying development outcome. (2) The greater significant influence of bilateral aid may be explained by the political economy of foreign aid. The strings attached to bilateral aid vis-à-vis multilateral aid are more likely to be greater because the negotiation process involves two parties and consensus is easily reached on the allocation of funds to fight terrorism purposes. Conversely, with respect to multilateral development assistance, multiple donors are involved with potentially conflicting interest at play. Whereas recent survey of the literature has established no apparent evidence on the effectiveness of one form of aid vis-à-vis another, when it comes to development outcomes in recipient countries (Biscaye et al., 2015), the political economy explanation provided sounds logical on two grounds: (i) it relates to differences in significance and not in terms of the signs of significance and (ii) from common sense bilateral aid may engender less bureaucracy and ineffectiveness (e.gfrom former colonial powers to former colonies with the prime ambition of preserving some colonial legacies and strategic interests).
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We extend classical force-on-force combat models to study the attrition dynamics of three-way and multilat- eral war. We introduce a new multilateral combat model—the multiduel—which generalizes the Lanchester models, and solve it under an objective function which values one’s own surviving force minus that of one’s enemies. The outcome is stark: either one side is strong enough to destroy all the others combined, or all sides are locked in a stalemate which results in collective mutual annihilation. The situation in Syria fits this paradigm.
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2018. The UN launched the GCM process in 2016 largely as a favour to European governments looking for ways to ‘internationalise’ the response to that year’s migration crisis. Two years later, the EU could not agree on the outcome of the process and some member states spread specious arguments against the legally non-binding document. European and UN officials fret in private that this process has dented the EU’s credibility as a negotiating bloc. Nonetheless, the turmoil in the multilateral system represents a strategic opening for the EU, as well as a strategic threat. Many non-European states are simultaneously: unnerved by the US attack on international institutions; worried about China’s emerging ambitions to rival or surpass the US in this sphere; and disgusted by Russia’s behaviour in Ukraine and Syria. Against this backdrop, the EU’s overall, if imperfect, commitment to international cooperation makes it an appealing alternative pole in multilateral affairs. As a major economic power, the EU also has the weight to act as a leader both in supporting existing trade and financial institutions, such as the WTO and the International Monetary Fund, and in helping craft rules around emerging industries such as cyber technology and AI.
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Abstract: Development assistance achieved remarkable success in diﬀerent periods. For example, Botswana and South Korea reached the great development in the 60s after very bad situation, Indonesia in the 70s, Bolivia and Ghana at the end of the 80s, Uganda and Vietnam in the 90s. In these countries development assistance played important role in economic transformation in formulation of the development of politics. The development assistance contributed educational pro- grams and ﬁnancially supported the development of public sector. The “Green Revolution” – by means of innovations in ag- riculture, investments and political changes – improved the live conditions of millions people thanks to the collaboration of many bilateral and multilateral donors. But there are some failures with the foreign aide. While the formed dictator of Zaire Mobutu Sese Seko became one of the richest people in the world (and invested his property in abroad), the development assistance did not stop for many years, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) is only one example of the situation, where the permanent ﬂows of assistance ignore or support the corruption and in suitable politics of governments. Tanzania received two milliards dollars for building the roads destiny the twenty years. But the roads were destroyed sooner, than the works could be ﬁnished because of insuﬃcient maintenance. The study of World Bank brings the conclusions of the new conception of the development assistance: ﬁnancial assistance works only in suitable political world; the lowering of pover- ty is possible only with working institutions – political and economic; eﬀective assistance complete the private investments; receiving country is obliged to have public sector in function; the function of public sector is developing on the activity of civil society; patience and good ideas, not only money, can help to reforms in very unfavorable conditions.
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Intense evaluation by the economics profession of the trade-growth nexus brought them to the inference that that in a liberal multilateral trade regime, countries that trade more grow faster. The liberalized multilateral trade regime and domestic policies are positively correlated with growth. While this was the leitmotif of numerous empirical studies conducted over a long period, there was no certainty regarding the direction of causality. In addition, this empirical evidence of a relationship was not without its controversies. There were fundamental problems that permeated them, casting a shadow of doubt over the validity of their estimates. For instance, endogeneity bias and omitted variables were among the most serious problems with these earlier studies. Due to these statistical flaws, Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression technique commonly used in the early empirical studies tended to yield biased estimates of the coefficient of interest, that is, impact of openness on the GDP growth. Also, mere examination of correlation coefficients could not identify the direction of causation between trade and growth.
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Of course, China’s aid is not disinterested. In fact, according to Beijing, aid must always be ‘mutually beneficial’. This can take the form of contracts for Chinese (state-owned) companies. Investments can also serve broader interests. It’s certainly true that China hopes that its money will buy influence. It is often said that China has no friends internationally, as illustrated by tensions with most of its neighbours. China has managed to antagonize many countries, but, on the other hand, it has also pursued very active diplomacy worldwide, with a view to broadening and deepening its global clout. In this regard, China’s booming economy is a clear asset. Through its development and investment policies, China hopes to deepen its influence in its neighbourhood and beyond.
The solution proposed by the secretariat departed in several ways from traditional notions of reciprocity as "payment", and appeared to reflect the lessons of several decades of the use of reciprocity in trade negotiations. To begin with, the secretariat sought to dissuade negotiators from focusing on the principal suppliers of a particular service, noting that establishing principal suppliers was not only difficult in light of the available data, but was also undesirable because it might neglect both "those countries that currently do not export (or import) significant amounts of a service but have the potential for doing so", and "small countries for which a specific activity might be of great importance" 356 – both of these effects of the principal supplier rule had been perennial concerns of developing countries throughout the history of multilateral trade lawmaking. Instead, the secretariat suggested measuring the value of an offer by "determining the total value of output in the offered sectors as a proportion of total service sector output or GDP". 357 Crucially, in evaluating offers on the basis of this "coverage ratio", "the size of a country's economy" or service sector would be "taken into account". 358 Moreover, in keeping with the GATT contracting parties' increasing embrace of equality of competitive opportunities as a yardstick for reciprocity, the approach would give "credit to countries that … do not impose any barriers in certain sectors" and would therefore not be "biased against countries with more liberal or open regimes". 359 The secretariat acknowledged that this conception was based on the premise that the participants would value "standstill" commitments, i.e., commitments not to impose new restrictions, as much as "rollback" commitments, i.e.,
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that prohibits making false declaration or presenting false documents or includes provisions for money laundering ... or general fraud against the government’ (UNEP 2006). These de facto norm-setting activities are then complemented with supporting materials, such as training materials (UNEP 2008b) and strategy papers (UNEP and INECE 2013) elaborated by UNEP in collaboration with the partners of the GCI that provide national customs and enforcement officers, as well as prosecutors and judges, guidance on how to deal with cases of illegal trade in ODSs and networks through which to obtain additional information. These de facto norms, in turn, are relevant criteria that are integrated in the technical and financial support that the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol and the implementing agencies (the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and UNEP‒DTIE) provide under the authority of the Implementation Committee to non-compliant parties under the NCP. At the time of writing, countries like Botswana, Dominica, Libya, Mauritania and South Sudan are under the scrutiny of the Implementation Committee for issues concerning their respective national licensing systems (UNEP 2014).
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Moving on to the European level, governments are committed to fiscal discipline under the SGP. Multilateral surveillance implies that they can decide to punish governments found to record excessive deficits. This affects the strategies of governments and of the watchdog. There is now an intergovernmental game on top of the domestic games. On the one hand, governments seeking re-election may still have an incentive to overspend and go into deficit under pressure from voters, but on the other hand, running a large deficit may lead to costly sanctions at the international level. As a result, there is a trade-off between seeking voter support and compliance with European commitments. Sanctions, however, are voted by governments. One observation that emerges from past developments is that the implementation of the corrective arm of the SGP depends on the number of governments that comply with the Pact. Therefore governments look for signals what the others will do when deciding whether to “sin” themselves.
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Then, the group-mean panel FMOLS and DOLS estimators developed by Pedroni (2001) were run; the out- puts are reported in the third and fourth column of Table 3. They also show similar results with the pooled FMOLS and pooled DOLS estimators regarding the sign and significance of the coefficients. Thus, these find- ings suggest that aggregate aid has a negative and insignificant effect on the economic growth in the WAEMU’s countries. Meanwhile, when aid is disaggregated into different sectors, there exists a positive long-run impact of the aid in agriculture, aid in trade policies and regulations and aid in education on the economic growth in the WAEMU’s countries whereas the effect of humanitarian aid is insignificant even though it is positive. They also
Musical chairs is a game in which the number of players is always more than the number of chairs. The players are successively eliminated and one player eventually wins the game. In elections, there are typically multiple candidates running for a given position. For most job postings, there are more applicants than there are openings. Other examples where there are more people competing for fewer items or positions abound. My thesis consists of three essays in which I study two such environments using microeconomic models to study optimal solutions in multilateral settings. In both environments that I study, there is a priori uncertainty over what a desirable outcome would be. In addition, the rules of the game and the details of the environment influence the extent to which this uncertainty can be resolved and the desirable outcomes can be achieved. The first two essays deal with the e↵ects of resale on allocation efficiency after simultaneous ascending auctions. The third essay studies the dynamics of group persuasion.
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Improvement of automated frameworks for detection of brain tumour is the real need of the clinical enhancement. A Moderate numbers of methods are introduced to analyse the biological symptoms and produce the report to be recognized by the trained professions. Conversely, the final analysis is prone to errors due because of human interpretations. Also the computer aided reports leave huge scope for multiple further diagnoses. Thus the need of a novel algorithm for predictive analysis of diseases for brain disorder is much expected. This paper presents a fully reliable brain disease detection mechanism based on an enhancement in accuracy of multilateral filter and EM
In summary, the above methods cannot accurately en- hance the noisy depth maps with unmatched color image and depth map to result in distortion of the syn- thesized 3D image. Therefore, in this paper, we propose an adaptive multilateral filter (AMF) for effective depth enhancement. The AMF approach considers the similar- ities of the spatial, range, depth, and credibility informa- tion can successfully suppress the noise, filling the holes, and sharpening the object edges simultaneously. The rest of this paper is present as follows. In Section 2 the background and motivations are explained. In Section 3, the proposed advanced multilateral filter is addressed in details. The comparisons of subjective SSIM and PSNR performances and the viewing quality are exhibited in Section 4. Finally, conclusions of this paper are exhibited in Section 5.
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The aid financing of IPGs is now recognized as one of the rationales behind development assistance, together with motivations of international solidarity and strategic, political, and economic self interest (Sagasti, 2005). However, the presence of lines of IPG financing inside aid funding have met both approval and criticism. On one hand, there is evidence of important relationships between cooperation for development and the provision of IPGs (Zedillo and Thiam, 2006) and each of them can be essential for the supply of the other. Limited development can hinder the provision of many IPGs that require sufficient capacity at national level as a pre-condition for an efficient delivery. IPG provision must sometimes ‘wait’ until this capacity has been built: for example, communicable disease control requires sufficiently developed national health sectors to deliver drugs, vaccines and the necessary health services in the whole countries, including the rural areas. Complementarity plays also in the opposite direction and some IPGs are critical for attracting private direct investment flows, for ensuring development financing and the effectiveness with which governments deliver national public goods.
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