Bhangra was also part of a larger transnational youth culture of the South Asian diaspora with respective ‘nodes’ forming in New York, Toronto, Bombay and Delhi (Gopinath, 1995). Even though bhangra music has travelled across the span of the South Asian diaspora as a potent form of diasporic music, it is important to point out that its significance and meanings and the practices that develop around this form of cultural production were not all the same across the diasporic local contexts. Put another way, bhangra music developed distinctive meanings and characteristics as they were taken up by their respective youth cultures. For instance, Sunaina Maira (2002) characterizes the bhangra ‘remix’ culture in New York City as an affluent, predominantly Indian- American youth culture located in the elite spaces of Manhattan night clubs. Ashley Dawson (2002) goes so far as to point out how integral the university was in maintaining and further developing this scene through the university’s cultural organizations. This differs sharply from the UK’s bhangra history, which derived from first generation working class South Asian communities of the late 70s. Bhangra developed as a larger and more diverse practice involving weddings, daytimers as well as being celebrated in clubs in London (Dudrah, 2007) by university students. Moreover, within the context of a US based racialized hierarchy, Gopinath (1995) points out how bhangra remix culture posed a challenge to the black/white racialized binary that shapes American popular culture by providing an alternative site of identity for Asian Americans who were eclipsed by such strict binaries.
Lonán Ó Briain is an Assistant Professor of Music and the Director of Postgraduate Studies at the University of Nottingham, where he convenes modules in ethnomusicology, popular music studies and world music. Previously, he taught at the universities of Birmingham and Sheffield. He has published in academic journals such as Asian Music, Ethnomusicology Forum, Hmong Studies Journal and the Journal of American Folklore.
The AFT provides an opportunity for visitors to perform and engage in aesthetic embodied practices such as football and cultural activities. Although the matches take place in two sports halls used daily for all sorts of sport activities and population groups, during the two event days the halls are transformed into Somali cultural spaces. At the tournament, ‘ you only see Somali culture ’ , a female volunteer explains. The main language spoken is Somali, visitors and music performers wear traditional Somali clothing and physical appearances and sportswear of players, visitors and volun- teers showcase their Somali heritage. A poet and a band perform during the day. The London-based Somali poet brings dozens of different books and displays and sells Somali poetry and novels at his stand. Some of the books have been translated into foreign languages such as Italian and German, making the poems and stories accessible to those who are less acquainted with the Somali language. Nonetheless, the dominant language is Somali and Salah illustrates how this enables interaction and binding between visitors from all over Europe:
Diaspora is a post-colonial phenomenon. It means displacement or migration to an alien land. It historically referred to displaced communities who have been dislocated from their native land through the movements of indentured labour, voluntary movements of skilled workers, and intellectuals. The term in Jewish tradition emphasizes the circumstances of the origin of the migration and to those settlements inhabited by Jews in all parts of the world outside the state of Israel. The earlier versions of expatriate such as exile, refuse, emigrant, ethnic and racial minority community are today subsumed under this term of „diaspora.‟ The terms like alienation, exile, in-betweeness, uprootedness, homelessness, hyphenated identity, identity crisis, search for roots and belongingness all have been associated with „diaspora.‟ Writers such as V. S. Naipaul, Salman Rushdie, Bharti Mukherjee, Jhumpa Lahiri, Kiran Desai, Vikram Seth, Monica Ali, all have created waves in the West and made their impact on contemporary diasporic literary scene. Jhumpa Lahiri is an Indian English writer, whose origin is India, though she was born in London. She herself is a diaspora and her writings show different problems of expatriates like sense of alienation, loss, exile, guilt, racial discrimination, homesickness, quest for identity.
How would one determine when a score has been diluted or diminished in impact by pre-exisiting material without making a value judgment? In the case of There Will Be Blood there was more preexisting than newly-composed score, which made the decision relatively straightforward. However, this ignores the extraordinary impact of the music, including the reappropriated material from Greenwood’s earlier concert pieces, which is astonishing in its audiovisual visceral quality. Furthermore, the music for one of the most powerful scenes is based upon an existing Greenwood track “Convergence” (composed for the film Bodysong) but features extensive new material. I have argued elsewhere (Mera, forthcoming) about the hapticity of this music, which generates a unique connection between landscape and character, and drives the audience’s engagement with the film in a powerful embodied experience. In a legalistically narrow definition, it cannot be denied that the music is not ‘original’, but the way it is adapted, updated, and used within the film is breathtakingly fresh and prototypical. Interviews with numerous composers and filmmakers attest to the importance of the score, which they have considered a primary recent example of exemplary originality.
The focus of this article is on the role of two major historical events in the identity of Armenian diaspora youth in these dynamic contexts: the Armenian genocide of 1915 2 which is widely seen as the defining moment for the Armenian diasporas (particularly in the West), and the currently unresolved Karabakh conflict 3 , the regular escalations of which stimulate diasporic youth to (re)define their relationship with the homeland and their sense of identity. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of “postmemory” (Hirsch 2012) and “past presencing” (Macdonald 2013), we explore how the new generation negotiates their identity in relation to these critical events. We reveal the dilemmas that the diasporic youth are experiencing, particularly how their increasing desire to “move on” from the traumatic past and re-define diasporic Armenian-ness is held back by the often-implicit presence and weight of this past. This dilemma is deepened by the fact that young diasporic Armenians are negotiating their identity in an increasingly digital world, which offers new ways of re-connecting with the homeland and with diaspora members. The internet provides space for diasporic mobilization as it brings the distant homeland close and aids activism for genocide recognition; but presents space for contestation too, as it leads the diasporic youth to engage with the Karabakh conflict in a new and ambivalent way and facilitates alternative narratives of identity.
and images of their original homeland (House of Commons, 2004). They are not fully integrated with their host country and mostly harbour the desire to return to their homeland when the time is right (Manger & Assal, 2006). Ionescu (2007, p.8) defines diasporas as: “members of ethnic and national communities, who have left, but maintain links with, their homelands”. The links are forms of transnational networking essential to development of the homeland. Newland (2003) recognises five forms of transnational network: Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) by immigrants in their home countries, tourist visits by members of the Diaspora, charitable donations by individual immigrants, diaspora organisations providing resources for development, nostalgia for food and goods from the country of origin that generates local production, new markets and trade. Skinner (1982) looked at diasporas in terms of dispersion, networking and coordination. Within this framework is, among others, the political dimension which is dominated by feelings towards the ancestral land, affiliation with host community, the possibility of returning and reintegration back home. The notion of diaspora also symbolises efforts at examining the social and cultural dynamics of transnational movements. This is done through exploration of the enduring relations of the foreign communities established by immigrants with their homeland (Ember et al., 2004). The maintenance of strong sentimental and material links between immigrants and their countries of origin is then fundamental to the notion of diaspora. The form of transnational circulations of labour, goods, capital, knowledge, and information that characterise the diaspora set it apart from other racial or ethnic minorities that may have cease to sustain such significant emotional and economical ties with their home countries (Sheffer, 1986). Though diaspora-specific identities entail a particular level of boundedness and stability, it must be recognised as social and cultural process of movement and change. While seen as communities, diasporas are transnational in nature rather than being sheer ethnic or immigrant minority groups located in a particular country as they embody means of envisaging community, citizenship, and identity as ‘simultaneously here and elsewhere’ (Clifford, 1992).
German sound specialists chipping away at attractive tape created stereo account by 1941, despite the fact that a 2-track push- pull monaural method existed in 1939. Of 250 stereophonic chronicles made during WW2, just three endure: Beethoven's fifth Piano Concerto with Walter Gieseking and Arthur Rother, a Brahms Serenade, and the last development of Bruckner's eighth Symphony with Von Karajan. The Audio Engineering Society has given every one of these accounts on CD. (Varèse Sarabande had discharged the Beethoven Concerto on LP, and it has been reissued on CD a few times since). Other early German stereophonic tapes are accepted to have been obliterated in bombings. Not until Ampex presented the main business two-track recording devices in the late 1940s did stereo copying become industrially practical. In any case, in spite of the accessibility of multitrack tape, stereo didn't turn into the standard framework for business music recording for certain years, and stayed an authority advertise during the 1950s. EMI (UK) was the primary organization to discharge business stereophonic tapes. They gave their first Stereosonic tape in 1954. Others immediately pursued, under the His Master's Voice and Columbia marks. 161 Stereosonic tapes were discharged, generally old style music or verse chronicles. RCA brought these tapes into the USA 
Works on diasporic groups have also examined the discursive elements of their battling, including how they gain an identity, the ‘ethnic entrepreneurial labouring’ in which they engage (Demir, 2015) as well as their ‘becoming’, for example, the way in which Dersimi musicians Metin and Kemal Kahraman assume marginal identities ‘through performing and narrating multiple selves’ and thus challenging singular identities (Neyzi, 2002, p. 91). However, transnationalism literature has, on the whole, omitted an examination of the way in which diasporic groups engage in discursive battles in order to shed ethno- political identities brought from home. This article aims to fill this lacuna in the literature by examining what I call the de-Turkification struggles of diasporic Kurds in London. I aim to reveal how, in order to salvage and reconstruct Kurdishness in diaspora, Kurdish diasporic brokers have engaged in ‘correcting’ the intense Turkification and assimilation which Kurds have been recipients of in Turkey. I aim to go beyond a mere analysis of how Kurdish transnational actors make claims for Kurdish rights and express their desire for the recognition of their ethnic identity, and instead keep attention and focus on how they propagate de-Turkification at the discursive level. As such the main battle I summarized below is more about unlearning Turkification rather than learning Kurdishness per se. In so doing, the article aims to contribute to the burgeoning field of Kurdish studies as well as the literature on discursive ethno-political battling which diasporas undertake.
The Baroque period saw an explosion in music written for instruments. Had you lived in the Middle Ages or Renaissance, you would have likely heard instru- mental music but much of it would have been either dance music or vocal music played by instruments. Around 1600, composers started writing more music spe- cifically for musical instruments that might be played at a variety of occasions. One of the first composers to write for brass instruments was Giovanni Gabrieli (1554- 1612). His compositions were played by ensembles having trumpets and sackbuts (the trombones of their day) as well as violins and an instrument called the cornet (which was something like a recorder with a brass mouth piece). The early brass instruments, such as the trumpet and sackbut, as well as the early French horn, did not have any valves and were extremely difficult to play. Extreme mastery of the air column and embouchure (musculature around the mouth used to buzz the lips) were required to control the pitch of the instruments. Good Baroque trumpet- ers were highly sought after and in short supply. Often they were considered the aristocrats in the orchestra. Even in the wartime skirmishes of the Baroque era, trumpeters were treated as officers and given officer status when they became pris- oners of war. Composers such as Bach, Vivaldi, Handel, and others selectively and carefully chose their desired instrumentation in order to achieve the exact tone colors, blend, and effects for each piece.
Diaspora discourse has been adopted to move collective identity claims and community self--‐ascriptions beyond multiculturalism… The alternative agenda – now often associated with the notion of diaspora – advocates the recognition of hybridity, multiple identities and affiliations with people, causes and traditions outside the nation state of residence (Vertovec 05).
Key notions in common definitions of diaspora are the dispersal of a particular ethnonational group and the community’s retention of a transnational connection with its place of origin. The first references to a diaspora are in the Old Testament, recounting the life of Jewish communities in exile. The idea was later adopted metaphorically to de- scribe the role of Christians in the world. But probably no one would nowadays see the Christians living in United States (and here I am not speaking of the latest waves of refugees from the Middle East) as a diaspora community. So why juxtapose the words Islam and diaspora when talking about the Muslim citizens and inhabitants of Europe who could easily be native or settled inhabitants of this region, or might have at most tenuous connections with Muslim lands and ethnic groups?
The NRI and PIO population across the world is estimated at over 30 million. As per a UNDP's 2010 report, after China, India has the largest diaspora in the world, estimated at 25 million, besides being one of the largest "sending" nations in Asia, with an emigration rate of 0.8%. out of which, 72% work in other Asian countries. Also, as per UNESCO Institute for Statistics the number of Indian students abroad tripled from 51,000 in 1999 to over 153,000 in 2007, making India second after China among the world’s largest sending countries for tertiary students. Since 2003, the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (Non-resident India Day) sponsored by Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, is being celebrated on January 9 each year in India, to "mark the contribution of Overseas Indian community in the development of India". The day commemorate the arrival of Mahatama Gandhi in India from South Africa, and during three-day convention held around the day, a forum for issues concerning the Indian Diaspora is held and the annual Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards are given away. As of January 2006, The Indian government has introduced the "Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI)" scheme to allow a limited form of dual citizenship to Indians, NRIs and PIOs for the first time since independence in 1947. The PIO Card scheme is expected to be phased out in coming years in favour of OCI.
9 in various global Diasporas (Bandyopadhyay, 2008; Jacobson, 2002; Kwek, Wang & Weaver, 2014). McCain and Ray (2003) note ‘legacy’ tourists as those with a direct cultural or ancestral connections with particular destinations. Their motivation to visit is likened in heroic or quasi-religious terms to a ‘quest’ or ‘crusade’ by Basu (2005) who favours the term ‘roots tourism’. Other authors identify the transition from desk-based ancestral research to related tourist consumption as ‘genealogy tourism’ (Santos & Yan, 2010; Savolainen, 1995; Yakel, 2004). In this paper, ‘ancestral tourism’ is adhered to as a superordinate term, conceived of as an embodied outcome of subjectively felt nostalgia and longing for a ‘homeland’ spatially and temporally at remove from Diaspora communities (reference withheld).
Some support for the attentional aspect of music was cited in earlier sections (see “Cognitions” section in Music and Psychology, and “Attention-grabbing qualities of music” in Music and Marketing), and is further corroborated by work on cross-modal responses (Anand, Holbrook and Stephens 1988) and disfluency (Mehta, Zhu and Cheema 2012). For example, Anand et al. (1988) showed that affective responses to a visual stimulus are mediated by cognitions when both verbal and instrumental auditory stimuli are heard simultaneously. That is, appraisal of the visual stimuli is influenced by attention to the auditory cue. In a more recent example, Mehta et al. (2012) support the attentional aspect of music by showing that a moderate level of noise (70 dB) increases processing difficulty, which in turn induces greater abstract thinking and more creativity. They suggest that this processing disfluency is a result of increased difficulty in focusing on a focal task, as the ambient sound attracts attention and subsequently detracts from the capacity to think concretely. Most famously, Kellaris and Kent (1992) found that
During the past decade few scholars have been seeking to establish viable theoretical connections between diaspora politics and international relations theory. Reaching to classic IR paradigms, Shain and Barth argued that constructivism can account for the diasporic identities, motives and preferences, and liberalism – for their actions once preferences are settled (2003:451). Adamson and Demetriou challenged a widely accepted assumption in IR that there is a “fit” between a national and state identity. They proposed that IR treats the concept of “diaspora” as a useful tool to contrast the deterritorialized and network-based collective identities of diasporas with the territorially defined and institutionalized collective identities of states (2007:491). A third group focused on the autonomy of diasporas vis-a-vis their original homelands. Diasporas are seen as either autonomous agents in world politics (Shain 2002)), or more passively accepting pressures from their original homelands seeking to expand their governance over their identity-based populations abroad (Haegel and Peretz 2005, Ragazzi 2009), or acting as both depending on the location of the main mobilizing agents (Shain and Barth 2003, Koinova 2009, 2011, Lyons and Mandaville 2010). Most of these authors also acknowledge that diasporas should not be treated as monolithic entities, but the concept needs to be “unpacked” to account for the activities of diasporic individual actors, institutions and networks. The latter is easier said than done in theoretical terms, since major IR theories – and especially realism and liberalism – are not well equipped to account for international relations involving ethno-national diversity on levels different than the “group.” Hence, they essentialize diasporas.