Religious leaders, as voices of authority on the uses and obligations related to sacred music, confirmed the importance of the act of singing and, of equal importance, the process of learning how to sing well. They argued that each believer owed God the best presentation of the voice as possible, according to his or her abilities. Therefore, all singers, from the best to the worst, were called to embrace their natural singing abilities or lack thereof, and work to improve them to a higher level. The emphasis on “all” echoed the hymnic psalms and their inclusive language. Psalm 98, for example, exhorts, “make a joyful noise unto the Lord, all the earth.” The Reverend Weld explained the theological basis for this requirement: “That he who formed the organs for praise, should be praised in the use of them in the best manner, and with the best design, is altogether reasonable, and therefore requisite.” 19 Oliver Noble similarly noted the divine origins of the voice, which demanded a response of diligent effort to develop one’s skills: “This excellent art, has been introduced into the worship of God by his own special institution, … which should animate all that are capable of it, to a sacred ambition to learn, in some good measure, this important art, and to get skill in music, especially in psalmody.” 20
business is well documented in Sven Hostrop Hansell’s The Solo Cantatas, Motets, and Antiphons of Johann Adolf Hasse 42 and Betty Matthew’s The Davies Sisters, J. C. Bach and the Glass Harmonica. 43 Matthews details the ascendency of Marianne and Cecelia Davies’ careers and Marianne’s edgy efforts to remain employed as a glass musician in later life, as she traded on her reputation as “The original player of the instrument of electrical music called the Armonica.” 44 Hyatt King states that the armonica was the “ONLY instrument to have been introduced to the continent of Europe by a native of England.” 45 He documents the fashion-ability of the instrument citing Thomas Gray’s Correspondence and Jackson’s Oxford Journal 1761, 46 and the public fascination with all things related to the United States, epitomized on July 31 st, 1762 when the public were invited to a remarkable melding of cultures:- “The Cherokee Kings and two chiefs will be at the Great Room in Spring Gdns to hear Miss Davies perform.” 47 Many letters found in
at the front and falling to a train at the back. His costumes for men followed the tradition of the style á la Romaine, with tight fitting body and skirted tunic. Bérain was also a designer of furniture, tapestries and other decorative arts, an aspect highlighted by the bands of decoration on the costumes that clearly echo patterns seen throughout all of his designs. He soon began to design the settings for the stage as well as the costumes. In contrast to the statuesque figures of the heroic characters his designs for the more fantastical characters, such as marine gods and goddesses with their scales and shell patterns, and winds with feathers and wings, display his inventiveness. The same could be said of the costume designs for symbolic figures such as music and architecture, which are heavily decorated with motifs that give a sculptural quality to the costume. Inhibiting movement they reflect the fact the choreography itself was statuesque and generally moved from one tableau to another. Bérain was succeeded by his son, also Jean Bérain (1678–1726), whose design style closely mirrored his father’s.
Although Miller’s non-teaching works are not numerous, it is possible to gauge that he had a competent hand at composition. At the outset of his career he had a firm grasp of the popular galant style of Thomas Arne; however he was reluctant to explore beyond its formal implications. By the turn of the nineteenth century, the influence of Haydn, particular that of his two sets of English Canzonets (1794 and 1795), can be felt on Miller’s Twelve Canzonets for the Voice and Piano Forte (c. 1799). 92 However, Miller does not award the keyboard as greater role of near-equal importance to the singer as Haydn. The piano often reinforces the vocal melody, although on occasion it is given an independent part (see Example 4.15). Here Miller was writing for the greater sustaining power of the piano, not the harpsichord. The appearance of a homogenous triplet accompaniment looks forward to the Romantic cavatinas composed by, for instance, Rossini and Bellini. 93 The majority of the canzonets are through-composed and Miller adopted a cantabile singing style. However, unlike Haydn, there are no thick textures or multiple-note chords. Figured bass is still present, but is not as frequently used as before – the pianist was expected to fill out the harmony whilst doubling the vocal melody. Miller followed Haydn’s example and adopted short, regular phrase structures of four or eight bars and syllabic word setting. Extended melismas of more than four or five notes are rare. Unlike Haydn, who conceived his sets of canzonets as a song cycle with a variety of affects and planned tonal structure, Miller’s collection of songs does not display any degree of planning. No tonal plan is apparent and it is clear that Miller bound individual songs together for publication. Nevertheless, despite his moderate composing ability, Miller successfully composed music suited for amateur performers and recognised the importance of keeping up-to-date with changing tastes, fashions and technical developments.
Both books struggle with the apparent contradiction between patriarchal legal and economic structures which attempted to control women's labour, property, and reputation to a much greater extent than they attempted to control men's labour, reputation and property, and evidence of women not merely entering the labour market and the public sphere, but not infrequently doing so successfully and on a long-term basis. The editors of The Invisible Woman offer as evidence of the invisibility of the professional woman that women were not represented as writers or painters or actors (p. 5). But the recent exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery, 'Brilliant Women: 18th-century Bluestockings', brought together a large number of rarely seen but significant pictures. Portraits of the artists Mary Moser and Angelica Kauffmann, the 'milkwoman' poet Ann Yearsley, the scholar Elizabeth Carter, historian Catherine Macaulay, and writers Hannah More and Mary Wollstonecraft, among others, all represented the tools of their professions. The mythologised but nonetheless real group portrait of the 'nine living muses' (painted in 1777, and subsequently etched and engraved for reproduction, so relatively widely seen) also represented these women as the possessors of artistic skills.(6 ) As Locklin might have pointed out, some women carved out a space to create and were both lauded and attacked for it. These were of course only the most prominent women, and only those in the bluestocking circle. But thousands of women took more mundane public roles. The matron of St
Cambridge History of Christianity volume could be said to have extended these considerations world-wide rather than reconceptualising the history of religion in the age per se. Thus in many ways Hempton can be said to have transformed both the subject matter and the genre of general histories of the Church in this period. Where conventional studies, focusing on Europe, and often under the shadow of the paradigm of the French Revolution, tended to write the history of the Church in the long 18th century as a narrative of decline and waning of influence, Hempton can conclude, with his world-wide focus, that ‘by the early nineteenth century the Christian west had emerged as the economic powerhouse of the world’, although it would take a different book to explain how far, and why, it was the West’s Christianity which could account for its dominant position globally at the end of the period covered by this volume. Nevertheless, at a time when publishers are trying to persuade newly minted PhDs to turn their theses into broader books, Hempton shows that the writing of overviews and syntheses, perhaps even the writing of text books, should be
When the criticism dealing with Gulliver*5' Travels is considered in retrospect, two approaches stand out as the most influential* The first, A Key Being Observations and Explanatory Notes Upon the Travels of Lemuel Gulliver, printed one month after the publication of the Travels, in troduced. its audience to the specific political allegory of the satire* Until the middle of the century, the emphasis on the political far outweighed any other critical approach, including that of the Scrlblerlans. When Orrery*s Bernarks on the Life and Writings of Dr. Jonathan Swift was introduced in 1752, the emphasis shifted from the political to the moral and the ethical* The effectiveness of the lesson which Swift Incorporated Into his Travels became the main criterion of criticism. This approach persisted to the end of the century*
The Peshwa state was very strict with regard to the functioning of caste system. It curbed the lower castes and forced religious discipline. The worships of Vitthala at Pandharpur, which was very popular in all the section of society, were taken under control of state and the ‘untouchables’ were stopped to enter the main temple and if they violated the state regulations, they were punished. 26 Similar things were done by Jaipur state of Rajasthan in the eighteenthcentury as well. Sawai Raja Jai Singh (1688-1743) of Amber, one of the most powerful kings in northern India during first half of eighteenthcentury, attempted to revive and support the Vedic system of worship in accordance with orthodox Brahmanical system. He banned practices of various non-conformist religious communities such as Vairagis, Sanyasis and Ramanadi. 27 Banned the Vairagis not to carry arms and ordered both the Vairagis and Nagas not to fight against each-other. 28 In this scenario Garibdas also condemned the hierarchy in the society. He says:
Although many sacred cantatas were set to music on Malta, one other form of secular music enjoyed a long tradition there, and these were cantatas presented as part of the Calendimaggio festival. These celebratory festive works were performed at dusk in the Palace Square on the 30 April each year, and forty-four printed librettos survive dated between 1720 and 1777. 170 There is one cantata libretto that survives in manuscript from the rule of Grand Master Perellós dated 1713. 171 Another is the text by Count Gian Antonio Ciantar of the cantata Dialogo da Cantarsi per la solenne festività del S Angelo Custode, set by Tommaso Prota. 172 The Order commissioned many authoritative composers to provide scores for these texts, whose printed libretti produced by the Order’s printing press, were placed in the Library of the Order. These include the Neapolitan Gianpaolo di Domenici (c1706-1740), who at the age of twenty wrote the cantata for 1726. 173 This was followed by works by Giovanni Antonio Giai (1727 and 1728), Matteo Capranica (1748) and Gianbattista Lampugnani (1753). 174 The Maltese, Frà Filippo Pizzuto and Don Michel’ Angelo Vella also composed works in this series, to texts by Grand Master de Rohan, but sadly their scores have not survived. 175 The maestro di cappella of St John’s, Melchior Sammartin, composed eight cantatas in the series - five of them to texts by the Maltese poet and historian, Ciantar. 176 Nicolò Isouard is cited as having composed eight cantatas, also to texts by Grand Master de Rohan. 177 It is regrettable that, like Isouard’s Maltese period operas, none of the music of these cantatas survives.
When economic conditions which could support the game’s development spread elsewhere in the country, however, they were built around a new set of social economic and cultural relations which began to transform the face of cricket. The changing structure of agriculture in rural south-east- ern England resulted in a signifi cant reduction in work and wages which began to undermine many of the region’s communities. Their decline was met by an increase in social unrest that exacerbated the general withdrawal from public life of the aristocracy following the French Revolution. The fusion of aristocratic enthusiasm and popular vitality, which characterised the eighteenth- century game, largely disappeared. Aristocratic involvement became centred on London, and especially the MCC, at the expense of the game’s rural heartland. At its highest level, cricket was increasingly domi- nated by social relations that were shaped by class divisions which prevailed until the end of the next century.
eighteenthcentury who worked under the rubric of enlightenment values of reason. But in the other mode of writings popularized by M.G. Lewis, Charlotte Dacre and others, no such attempts were made to rationalize the supernatural events represented in their novels. The central female characters in their novels are shown as blood thirsty, demonic, murderous and dangerous. They practise sorcery and witchcraft. They are almost equated with Devil. Charlotte Dacre’s Zofloya, Matilda in Mathew Gregory Lewis’s The Monk, Carathis in William Beckford’s Vathek, all violate the norms of the patriarchal order and are consequently punished for it. In this later group of novels, demonization of the women actually refers to their romantic transgressive spirit. Though the moralizing tone of the novels often tended to hide their subversive nature, their utter rejection of enlightenment values and sobriety aligned them with the alternative tradition that silently flowed alongside mainstream enlightenment culture and upheld the cult of irrational, anarchic but creative, fertile and organic principle of femininity that symbolized wholeness and connectedness with nature.
profession or his favourite study. Thus a prince's library should contain the best authors on politics; and that of a man of literature of the most celebrated critics.” Nonetheless, as Bielfeld was clearly aware, considerations of taste and fashion might well also need to be accommodated, a factor that he believed had if anything only become even more important in recent times. As he remarked, “a bibliotheque, which appeared very complete at the beginning of this century, is very far from being so now. Whoever would collect a judicious and useful library, should certainly consult the best journalists, and endeavour to select such works as appear the most excellent in the republic of letters, and consequently his library, will increase as long as he lives”. 36 Collecting books, in other
This paper serves a twofold purpose. The first is to provide a thorough reconstruction of the early diffusion of steam power technology (in the form of Watt and Newcomen engines) by providing estimates for the timing , the pace and the geographical extent of steam engine usage during the eighteenthcentury. The second goal is to assess the factors influencing the adoption of steam engine technology in this period. In particular, the paper will pay attention to the process of spatial spread of steam engine technology during the eighteenthcentury. The focus on the geographical aspects of the diffusion process is motivated by the fact that a growing number of contributions have argued (in our view rather compellingly) that a proper understanding of the processes of economic change occurring during the British industrial revolution needs to be based on a regional perspective (Pollard, 1981; Langton, 1984; Hudson, 1989; Berg and Hudson, 1992). These authors claim that industries exhibiting fast rates of output growth and extensive technical and organizational changes displayed a strong tendency towards regional
There has been a recent resurgence of interest in Portland, partly in relation to her place within the bluestocking circle and her proximity to Elizabeth Montagu (1718-1800), but largely because of the space she occupies within discussions of eighteenth-century material culture and Bulstrode’s relationship to scientific enquiry and advancement. Critical accounts emphasise the curious nature of Bulstrode, the productive atmosphere, and the prominent scientific and philosophical guests and visitors who often graced Bulstrode’s grounds and interiors. 3 Mark Laird and Alicia Weisberg-Roberts declare Bulstrode to be ‘a preeminent site for all facets of curiosity’ and that, due to the presence of renowned botanists such as Daniel Solander (1733-1782) and John Lightfoot (1735-1788), it ‘served as an incubator of Linnaean botany in England’. 4 Stacey Sloboda also points to Portland’s proximity to some of the most significant philosophical and scientific figures of her time, such as Joseph Banks (1743-1820) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), and declares her collection to be ‘an important resource for scientific and philosophical inquiry’. 5 Similarly, Maria Zytaruk suggests that ‘direct pathways and points of connection existed between Bulstrode and the major natural history and botanical institutions of the day’. 6 Likewise, Molly Peacock writes that ‘Bulstrode
phlets, the anonymous author explains that these publications are translated from English manuscripts and aim at alerting the Dutch public to the current state of affairs in England. Overall, these pamphlets insult both George iii and Great Britain as a whole. They present the British Isles as a furious and irreligious madhouse, mainly concerned with deceiving the Dutch. The King is described as completely incompetent, so much so that he has become insolvent and his estate is to be auctioned later in the year in London. Accord- ingly, the main part of this pamphlet series consists of an extensive list of the bankrupt King’s estate that is composed of luxurious goods, such as the crown jewels, and fine pieces of furniture that are listed next to ‘lumber’, such as 149,837 empty money bags and the royal close-stool. 56