Of the three indices the CPI is least adaptable at local scales within the UK. It is designed to provide a comparison of corruption at the level of the nation state, and as such utilises data from a number of nation state-based surveys. In effect the methodology captures the findings of those separate surveys and pools the results into a single value – the CPI. One could conceivably estimate corruption at local scales in the UK, perhaps by gauging people‟s perception of corruption, but probably not via the same approach as that taken for the CPI. There may be local differences in perception but these could be quite subtle when compared to the differences seen with the CPI at the scale of the nation-state. Thus while corruption is certainly an issue which receives a great deal of attention in the nationalpress, the CPI is not often reported as an illustration of this unless the article is exploring corruption at the scale of the nation state, and articles of that type will be far fewer in number. In that sense, the CPI is the most specialised of the three indices analysed here.
On a factual basis, the abrupt and tragic loss of not one or two, but seven young lives, let alone via the use of a violent suicide method such as hanging, constructs in itself a dramatic and emotionally-charged story. Nonetheless, it is the causal mystery over the numerous youth suicide incidents occurring in close geographical and temporal proximity to each other which distinguishes Bridgend from the average suicide story and becomes the axis around which the Bridgend narrative is built. That is because the Bridgend enigma does not just involve a one-off incident. In fact, it is not even limited to the seven cases that triggered the nationalpress’ attention in January 2008, but extends to several other similar suicides taking place in the area during the following months (see Table 4.D in Appendix IV). Consequently, moving beyond its initial coverage, Bridgend, to a great extent, owes its exceptionality and news value to the fact that it is a recurring story about a local suicide cluster, which comes back to the fore and is reconsidered with every new victim seemingly fitting the alleged ‘pattern’ in terms of his or her age, method and location of death. Of course, not all the subsequent cases are as significant nor do they receive the same amount of attention as the original seven, but, as Galtung and Ruge (1965) and Jewkes (2011) would argue, the former add continuity to the Bridgend story, which is why they do not need to meet as high a threshold of newsworthiness as the latter to make national news. According to Carole Cadwalladr of The Observer, it is precisely this ongoing nature of the Bridgend phenomenon, still unfolding while in the press’ spotlight, as well as the appeal to parental fears and originality of the ‘suicide cluster’ topic which primarily make the corresponding media story so powerful:
Furthermore, whereas comparisons with Britain provided an opportunity for each nation to evaluate their own societies, examples of anxiety and ambivalence were frequently exhibited within the Australian press. Cole (2001) has argued that colonial memories often draw upon the ‘tensions and contradictions’ within former colonial territories (2001: 281). While attempts to disassociate Australia from its ‘British’ past were evidently pursued (Carney, 2012; Tate, 2012), the inability to freely choose its own head of state (Southphommasane, 2012) as well as concerns relating to the fact that Britain had bested Australia in the Olympic medals table (Cooper and Butt, 2012) and its hosting of the games (Hinds, 2012), all served to underline a sense of inadequacy and anxiety within the Australian press. This stood in contrast to the Canadian and New Zealand coverage.
Journalists continued to face physical and legal threats. For example, the press rights defender NGO Adil Soz tallied fourteen charges against reporters for insult and libel and seventy-one lawsuits and claims for damage to “honour, dignity and business reputation” in the first ten months of 2013. Government pressure led to the closure of Stan.kz, an independent Internet-based broadcaster that frequently criticised public officials and had vigorously covered the government’s violent suppression of an oil workers’ strike. The newspaper Molodezhnaya Gazeta was closed in 2013 after reporting about union activism and protests against a mining company. Also, a new statute requires mass media to “assist” state bodies involved in counterterrorism.
We might mention two incompatible opinions regarding local press. The first claims that local press has come to be related to wider investment and thusly nationalpress chains within the scope of monopolization and that it became a part of this chain in local level. Second is related to the change in local press with regard to new tech- nologies (Franklin & Murphy, 1991: 21). Another problem with respect to local journalism practices unique to the USA is that laws change from one state to another. A situation regarded to violate “the confidentiality” of citizens in a state can be considered as legal in yet another state. It is the same with respect to categories as liars, gamblers etc. Hence, different decisions can be taken in similar cases. In that case, the case is appealed to a higher court. For instance, in a similar case in the USA, a decision was taken in a lawsuit claiming that newspa- pers do not violate private life as citizens are not public or official figures. In that case, questions as, “Who is a public figure,” “Who is an official figure,” “Is it possible to separate them from private life” come to mind (Berry, 1976: 21-22). Thus, such different applications affect local and national publishing policies of newspapers.
emergence of crony capitalism is often seen as the main channel (McCormick, 1981). Crony capitalism can be defined as an economy in which business thrive due to a connection between the business and political class. By using state power to crush competition through special permits, government grants and other forms of state intervention, one or a few actors can develop monopoly or oligopoly within a specific market (Kristof, 2014). In the media market, crony capitalism therefore in the end results in media conglomerates with journalists rarely reporting of issues not in favor of their clients – a consequence is that investigative journalists move to public relations and write “press releases” instead (Lewis, 2014). A study by Bagdikian (1990) strengthens this theory. He found that market dominant corporations in the mass media exert a dominant influence over public news, public ideas and political attitudes and also effect the audiences’ perception of public life and politicians.
In addition, the Center offers multiple skill development programs for young artists and professionals both locally and nationally, including the National Symphony Orchestra’s Youth Fellowship Program, Summer Music Institute, and High School Competition; Washington National Opera’s Domingo-Cafritz Young Artist Program, Opera Institute, and Kids Create Opera Partnership; the biennial New Visions/New Voices forum for development of new plays for young people; Exploring Ballet with Suzanne Farrell; Betty Carter’s Jazz Ahead; VSA’s Playwright Discovery Program, Young Soloists, and Visual Arts Programs; arts administration internships; and the Kennedy Center American College Theater Festival which impacts hundreds of thousands of college-aged theater students across the country and marks its 48th anniversary in 2016.
The Semantic Press (SP) tool was born as an evolution of a complex system, the so-called Linguistic Miner (LM, Picchi et al., 2004), set up in 2003 with the aim of developing a framework for the automatic extraction of linguistic knowledge from very large amounts of texts (from different sources and in different formats) to be exploited in didactic, editorial and cultural products. SP uses language resources extracted from LM, but adopts a lot of the distinguishing operating modalities and analysis tools of this system as well.
The numerous ancient pieces presented in the exhibition allow us to enjoy works currently missing from national collections, most notably some bronzes from Northeast India, medieval Kashmir and western Tibet. Of the 127 pieces displayed, in tiers from the 6th to the 19th centuries, pieces dating from prior to the 17th century are the best represented. Among the hundreds of Tibetan Buddhist divinities, often portrayed in complex guises, a significant variety permits a privileged glimpse of this field of religious iconography, with a choice place reserved for kindly divinities and for religious portraits.
The Dutch newspapers pay attention to the consequences of climate change in developing countries, such as children dying as a result of polluted water (kinderen sterven vuil water) and the link to developed countries efforts to protect biodiversity while the list of endangered species is increasing (lijst bedreigde dieren planten groeit). Both UK and Dutch papers cover CO 2 emissions as the main cause of global warming, but in the Netherlands, this is linked to national, already existing innovations, such as a CO 2 comparison tool for train passengers (middle, reizigers, CO 2 vergelijking).Similar to the UK papers, the Dutch papers describe the Rio+20 meeting as a disappointment and a failure. For example, de Volkskrant describes the meeting as “Natuurlijk: als top is de top bijvoorbaat mislukt” (Persson, de Volkskrant, 20 June, 2012) (Of course, as a top meeting, the top has already failed), and “Slappe afspraken in Rio” (Weak agreements in Rio) “Vooruitgang van afgelopen 20 jaar wellicht in gevaar” (Progress of the last 20 years in danger) (anonymous in Spits, 20 June, 2012). The Reformatisch Dagblad suggests that the meeting should be called Rio minus 20 instead of Rio plus 20 meeting (anonymous in Reformatisch Dagblad, 21 June 2012).
Lost high in the Parc d’Armorique in central Finis- tère, and then descend into the Argent Valley, is where you begin your passage into the Arthurian and Christian myths as you take the slippery paths down past the beautiful 18th century watermill and arrive in an amazingly secretive, green, rock-strewn world. One rung of steps leads to the so-called ‘de- vil’s grotto’ via an unnervingly narrow descent. In another spot, the indentations in the rock are said to have served as the Virgin Mary’s home, use your imagination to spot Jesus’s supposed cradle! If you press further into the forest of Huelgoat you will pass the Grotte d’Artus, this is where Arthur was intended to have had a bed in the woods where a hoard of treasure was hidden.
newspapers all had a tendency to “borrow” from each other— with or without citation—, forming important networks of both journalists and newspapers that brought about forma- tive circulations and transfers of texts and ideas on a transnational scale, even during the decades when the press helped crystallize conceptions of nations and nationalism. That is not to say, however, that Quebec, as France’s former colony, simply “translated” its me- diatic innovations to a North American context, by any means. For one thing, Quebec’s newspapers simply could not effect such a translation: France was a much more central- ized nation during the period in question. Additionally, French Canadians were dealing with the dual influences of both the French and the British empires, and the role of the Church was much more influential in the development of the French-Canadian press. Unlike in France, also, the North American francophone press was built on transnational networks, connecting Quebec not only with Europe, but with the rest of North America (especially New York and New Orleans), as well. It was only in the early nineteenth cen- tury that the Canadian press began to see a certain “canadianization” of its press, increas- ingly adapting it to the specifics needs, desires, and agendas of its Canadian editors, jour- nalists, publishers, and readers. 7