Networks , Civil Society In Development Strategies In Western Africa

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Appropriating the Roles of Civil Society Groups as Stakeholders in Civil Rule Administrtaion: A Panacea to Democracy, Good Governance and Sustainable Development Paradigm in Nigeria and Africa at Large

Appropriating the Roles of Civil Society Groups as Stakeholders in Civil Rule Administrtaion: A Panacea to Democracy, Good Governance and Sustainable Development Paradigm in Nigeria and Africa at Large

Transparency and Information: The need for accountability and informed society can also be the core duty of civil society groups. Civil Society groups make immense contribution effective civil rule administration in Africa by improving transparency and increasing the availability of information about the programmes, project, policy and funds. Activities from the civil society groups to promote this goal include the discovery, publication and dissemination of information about items of legislation, legal provisions, electoral process, public expenditure allocations, the implementation of policy and programmes, special enquires, government contracts, welfare packages, multilateral and bilateral relating with others countries. Such information may be directly published and circulated by groups within civil society, or distributed through new channels or existing media outlets or networks. Civil society groups may also seek to mobilize citizens to pressure government into implementary existing legislation and by taking action to induct public officials who are involved in malfeasance effort to enhance and improving transparency would contribute to voters apathy, passive and reluctance attitude of citizens. Rather citizens are ready to monitor the delivery of development resource and check the appropriation of resources by bureaucrat and local elites. This suggests a more activist role for civil society activities with mobilization and public advocacy.
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The impact of civil society and governance on poverty: Are there differences between the North and East Africa region?

The impact of civil society and governance on poverty: Are there differences between the North and East Africa region?

In addition, the wealth of these state-produced resources accentuates political competition, and the ruling party can thus be led to use resource rent to maintain its influence. Offering public sector contracts and employment is one of the key patronage mechanisms available in these states, and it is obvious that resource-rich countries with stagnant economies. For example, in Zambia's high copper, between 1966 and 1980, the average annual growth rate of public sector employment was 7.2%, while average private employment contracted by 6.2% each year (Gelb, Knight and Sabot (1991)). How does the government choose to invest and spend resource rents that are often influenced by the quality of their public institutions. Institutions that are competent, transparent and accountable are able to manage the resource rent in a manner that is separate from heritage practices, and are allocated according to rational and independent criteria. Even though poverty has increased. In particular, the path and accountability, government effectiveness, market-friendly policies and the regulatory framework and effective anti-corruption measures have had the greatest impact. In general, poor governance, human violence, corruption, clientelism and other "informal" practices combine with structural constraints to generate and sustain poverty. They also make it difficult for people to initiate and carry out reforms that would improve their livelihoods. It is for this reason that Western development practitioners are fighting poverty on two levels: one level trying to strengthen economic development and growth, and the other by improving local governance and empowerment national. Both strategies focus on setting up or reforming public and social institutions.
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Reframing the notion of regional integration in Sub-Saharan Africa: what role for civil society?

Reframing the notion of regional integration in Sub-Saharan Africa: what role for civil society?

Globally, regional integration as a development blueprint has over the years gained much prominence and indeed scholarly attention. It has offered participating states the opportunity of promoting their best area of specialization. By narrowing this down to an Afrocentric perspective, there has, particularly from the 1960s onwards been vast regional integration formations and blueprints. Such is a result that this has interestingly coincided with developments in the Western world in the sense that SSA countries have taken regional integration as an instrument for economic integration as the vehicle to socio-economic and political prosperity. Perhaps as Bala (2017) submits, after the demise of colonialism, the fragmentation of Africa into small nation-states with scant economic coherence drove most African heads of states to consider regional integration as vital for their development strategy. Drawing from similar sentiments as Bala, Jiboku (2015) asserts that from the 1960s, a historical period in the African political landscape as more Africa states were gaining or about to gain their independence from their respective European colonizers, regional integration became a pivotal doctrine for most continental leaders.
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The Role of Civil Society in the Promotion of Small and Medium Scale Entrepreneurial Development : A community level empirical study in the Western Region of Ghana

The Role of Civil Society in the Promotion of Small and Medium Scale Entrepreneurial Development : A community level empirical study in the Western Region of Ghana

coupled with a drought in the mid 1970’s further aggravated the economic situation, increasing the country’s already high foreign debts, with the resultant increase in corruption leading to the implementation of measures by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to undertake economic reforms to reduce the budget deficit. The wake of military regimes during the period did little to reverse the situation with increased inflation rates, a decline in per capita income as well as a stalemate in agricultural and industrial growth with a further devaluation of the cedi increasing setbacks in the main sectors of the economy. The timely introduction of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) in 1983 coordinated by the IMF and World Bank begun its exercise focused on export led growth towards rejuvenating the weakened sectors in agriculture and industry with the introduction of mechanisms such as increasing farmers share in cocoa prices in liberalizing the cocoa sector, supporting decentralized development as well as expanding and improving feeder road network and village market infrastructure towards encouraging production and exports as well as monetary regulations to reduce inflation rates. 64 . Initiatives following such as the Programme of Action to mitigate the Social cost of Adjustment (PAMSCAD) in 1987, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC) in 2002 and the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) in 2003 all formed part of the programme to reduce poverty, increase private investment towards the generation of employment and create adequate sectoral diversification towards an efficient distribution of growth benefits. 65 Towards bridging the rural urban economic growth gap, the components within these strategies attempted focus on small enterprise growth in rural areas in widening markets to increase competitive growth in industry.
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E-learning Development in the Western Cape of South Africa

E-learning Development in the Western Cape of South Africa

SchoolNet SA through partnerships with large international and national organizations, including the World Bank, Open Society Foundation, Telkom SA, Thintana Communications, Intel, Nortel Networks and Microsoft, has designed, managed and implemented projects in educational ICTs. This resulted in 22 000 Teachers being trained to use ICT in education by 2007. This process is still going and the vision is that all teachers will be trained by 2014.

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Grass roots civil society organizations networks and their strategies to affect climate change policies

Grass roots civil society organizations networks and their strategies to affect climate change policies

opportunities that come with for example renewable energy, the end result being a positive outcome on climate change policy is the same (Böhmelt, 2013). To support this, there is one result from the research by Baumgartner and Leech (2001) that shows the effect that Grass-roots, non-profit, or in general more open Interest groups sort is less than expected, while the more secretive negotiations of Business, Trade unions or other professional groups do bring results on the topic they are lobbying for. The lack of results by CSOs at UNFCCC COP conferences may be explained by Bernauer, Böhmelt and Koubi (2013) who claim that the marginal effects that may occur when CSOs participate do fade away due to collective action problems that these groups stemming from democratic origin face. This means that if it is not possible to actually measure impact, because the input of CSOs has already been put into the governments point of view because they want to portrait it as environmental friendly, is this a win? One of the participants in the British research by Craig Taylor and Parkes (2004) found that until there is any measure of equality between policy makers and the CSO in the process there cannot be a partnership to build upon and the policy formulation an development will remain a long struggle with just very incremental change as a result.
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KAZAKHSTAN. Civil Society: An Overview CIVIL SOCIETY BRIEFS. Country and Government Context

KAZAKHSTAN. Civil Society: An Overview CIVIL SOCIETY BRIEFS. Country and Government Context

As part of the CPS preparations, ADB and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) together carried out a poverty assessment of Kazakhstan in early 2012. The findings were presented to the government in June 2012 at a panel discussion that brought together more than 50 representatives of Kazakh government agencies, United Nations (UN) agencies, other development institutions, and local CSOs. The recommendations that emerged from the panel discussion will be taken into account by government officials as they seek to improve their current policies and poverty-assessment techniques.
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UZBEKISTAN. Civil Society: An Overview. Country and Government Context CIVIL SOCIETY BRIEFS

UZBEKISTAN. Civil Society: An Overview. Country and Government Context CIVIL SOCIETY BRIEFS

NGO participation is deeply ingrained in JFPR operations—the JFPR is widely recognized as one of the primary grant facilities available to NGOs. NGOs and community groups are routinely involved in project cycles’ different stages. They take part as an executing agency; implementing agency; resource NGO providing information, community organizing, or some other specialized service; or a consultant to ADB during the course of the project’s supervision. Under JFPR 9054: Affordable Services and Water Conservation for the Urban Poor, $1.5 million assistance was provided to local housing associations in the cities of Gulistan, Djizzak, and Karshi for improving water delivery services through better plumbing and fitting works, water conservation awareness campaigns, and promoting better participation of communities in water management. This also included establishment of a community-based revolving fund to address urgent needs for repair and training of housing associations in the three cities. Under JFPR 9010: Support to Innovative Poverty Reduction, a $2.54 million grant was provided for implementation of nonconventional welfare improvement activities in the ecologically affected Karakalpakstan Republic in Western Uzbekistan. The project helped provide livelihood opportunities for low-income groups through vocational training, establishment of small-scale private businesses, creation of microcredit organizations, improvement of rural water supply and sanitation, as well as small community- based infrastructure improvement.
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Conceptualizing Civil Society: The New Left’s Reorganization of Civil Society in Latin America

Conceptualizing Civil Society: The New Left’s Reorganization of Civil Society in Latin America

Similarly to interviewee #1, the second representative’s organization has been investigated by the government in terms of its financial backing; however, this organization has also been investigated for its promotion of special investigative journalism curricula. “Se nos investiga por el desarrollo de un programa de promoción del periodismo de investigación en universidades venezolanos, que el propio presidente Chávez ‘denunció’ durante una alocución publica.” Of the 22 universities that offer degrees in journalism, only one has a specialization in investigative journalism, suggesting the importance of the promotion of such a curriculum. After the investigation into the nature of their educational mission, the NGO was investigated financially for receiving international funding and support. “Se nos investiga bajo la presunción de haber cometido crímenes penales como ‘traición a la patria’ e ‘ilícitos cambiarios’…” In addition to the investigations of this NGO, the organization has been greatly restricted based on the recent passage of 20 laws in December, including the Ley de Autodeterminación. These laws have created for this organization, and “la mayoría de las ONGs que conocemos y los donantes, un clima de incertidumbre y por lo tanto, paralización.” The arbitrariness of the Ley de Autodeterminación, allows the government to interpret the parameters of the law as it sees fit; essentially providing it with the grounds to investigate and shut down any NGO or CSO it feels threatened by. “Esta ley sólo puso en manifiesto la voluntad del estado Venezolano por controlar y extinguir a las ONGs.” Within this new law, it is stated that NGOs are obligated to register with the government “ante un registro especial de la presidencia de la republica, con la potestad de ratificar (o no) e carácter de ONGs del registrante.” This process restricts organizations from the outset as to their missions and receipt of support; without the governments approval they are essentially paralyzed. The information provided by the testimony of interviewee #2 not only corroborates the concerns and observations of interviewee #1, but as a representative organization for other actors within civil society (particularly journalists and the media), the trends mentioned by interviewee #2 are well founded. The space for civil society in Venezuela as perceived by these individuals and the organizations where they work, is collapsing under the new lefts stringent regulations.
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The Role of Professional and Business Associations in Development of Civil Society in Russia

The Role of Professional and Business Associations in Development of Civil Society in Russia

A similar approach to underlining the multi-functional character of NPOs could be found in Edwards and Foley’s (2001) conceptual framework. They argue for this multi-functional character despite the fact that the contemporary notion of civil society suffers from definitional fuzziness that results in its multiple co-existing interpretations in different contexts. Scholars recognize three largely distinctive roles that civil society plays: the socialization function, aimed at building citizenship skills and attitudes; the public and quasi-public function, associated with providing many of the needs of modern society; and the representative or contestatory function of NPOs outside the state (Edwards and Foley 2001). Also, Zimmer and Freise (2008) point at multi- tasking as NPOs’ distinctive feature since NPOs participate simultaneously in no fewer than three societal fields: As service providers, NPOs are involved in the market economy; as advocates, they are active in the political sphere; as community builders, NPOs contribute to the processes of self-actualization by fostering the feelings of belongingness. The triangle presented in Figure 2.1 builds on earlier triangular representations of the third sector, such as the founding “welfare triangle” (Pestoff 1998), its modified version in “the welfare mix” (Evers and Laville 2004), Neumayr’s triangle on NPOs’ functions (2007; 2009; 2010), and the triangle on social, cultural, political, and economic functions of civil society (Then and Kehl 2011, 2012). However, the conceptualization used in the present work not only uses the categorization of different types of civil society organizations located between the market, state, and community found in the previous triangles; it also integrates the categorization on the grounds of systems theory with the specific communications, actions, and activities executed by these organizations in each of three functional environments, as defined in Neumayr’s works (2007; 2009; 2010). Such an approach points out the hybrid nature of organizations constituting the nonprofit sector, showing that they lie at the intersection of three different logics that underpin the economic, political, and
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Civil society: the catalyst for ensuring health in the age of sustainable development

Civil society: the catalyst for ensuring health in the age of sustainable development

The ‘ follow-up and review ’ framework in the 2030 Agenda has been described as “ astonishingly vague and timid, ” embodying the narrowest conception of state accountability, and neglecting the role of private actors [24]. The perception of weak accountability can only feed pessimistic arguments that bold goals are meaningless when high income countries can renege on commitments, low income countries can claim lack of resources, and private interests can act independently. However, there are also opportunities within the SDGs to develop inclusive accountability frameworks that capitalise on the watchdog functions of CSOs. As Paul Hunt notes, “ Because the SDGs are a colossal challenge of extraordinary complexity, they need to be supported by diverse accountability arrangements … It is essential the ‘ web of accountability ’ includes independent review of stakeholders ’ progress, promises and commitments ” [25]. CSOs, with their global networks and relative independence, are well positioned to fulfill such review
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Introduction to the Special Issue Beyond Civil Society : Advancing a Post-sectoral Conception of Civil Society Moving Beyond Civil Society?

Introduction to the Special Issue Beyond Civil Society : Advancing a Post-sectoral Conception of Civil Society Moving Beyond Civil Society?

confines all actions within the civil society as civil and supportive of critical and democratic values, but also a priori defines action taking place outside the civil society arenas as not civil (Alexander 2006; Alexander et al. 2019a; Alexander, Stack, et al., 2019; Alexander and Tognato 2018; Egholm and Kaspersen 2020a, 2020b). The sectoral division has mainly been studied from a political philosophical, organizational, and/or sociological angle. Accordingly, it has separated politics of the state from politics of civil society, civil society organizations from other types of organizations, and the economy of the market from the economy of civil society — thus discarding cultural and moral components. Consequently, a distorted conception of civil society as an unquestioned locus of the “ common good ” and/or a space for critical voices of emancipation has triumphed. In this landscape, it has been downplayed that civil societies also consist of harmful components that can create dissociation instead of social cohesion and trust (Chambers and Kopstein 2001; Kopecky and Mudde 2003; Lipset and Lakin 2004; Pérez-Díaz 2002, 2014). This has left little room for a discussion of what kind of “good” and “critique” civil society represents—not to mention for and by whom. By likening the normative dignity of a civil action with the empirical realities of a not-for-profit sector, the sector model tends to both equate civil society with that sector and portray it/them as the essence of public spirit and the public good. In this view, it is easily overlooked how the state, economy, and civil society are mutually dependent, and how each of them has been produced and informed via interconnected practices in multiple and intricate ways. These productions cannot just be accounted for or explained away as mere expressions of “hybridity” (as, e.g., Anheier and Archambault 2014; Austin et al. 2012; Austin 2006; Dees and Anderson 2006). As a result, the explanatory force and fruitfulness of civil society as a predefined and mainly organized institutional arena — as well as a privileged space of critique and good values — must be questioned theoretically, methodologically, and empirically.
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The impact of civil society networks on the global politics of sustainable development

The impact of civil society networks on the global politics of sustainable development

IPPF IR 'Sc ItJCN IIJLA MAT MSC NGLS NGO NRA NTA PrepCom RIOD SIDS TNC TWN UN TJNCED UNCHE UNcrc UNDP UNEP UNESCO tJNGASS UNICEF UNIFEM UNPAAERD UNRISD WBcSD WCED WEDO WFUNA WMO WSSD WTO[r]

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Strengthening civil society organizations:

Strengthening civil society organizations:

The issue of civil society has acquired in recent years an enormous importance not only in academic and intellectual circles, but also political and social. Its resurgence, far from being free, responds to different political phenomena of obvious relevance, such as: a) the crisis of political parties in modern democracies, which have difficulties in representing and adding social interests to their agendas since they respond to each again to the utilities of its internal elites; b) the imperative to redefine the scope and limits of the spheres of the State and of society in the light of the emergence of new actors and social movements; c) the loss of effectiveness of the traditional formulas of economic and social management of corporate and clientele order; and d) public questioning of the universe of politicians on grounds of corruption and nepotism [1].
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Foucault, Ferguson and civil society

Foucault, Ferguson and civil society

the context of his thinking through precisely these transformations of the late eighteenth cen- tury. Foucault’s Birth of Biopolitics is a reflection on this moment, an account of this shift that gives us a valuable way of analysing contemporary power relations, but his conceptualisation leaves out several features of late eighteenth century discourse that, when incorporated into his account, can help to develop and refine it. In particular, Foucault presents the newly form- ing ethical subject of civil society in terms of an antinomy between the subject of right and the subject of interest. This enables him to capture certain salient features of our political land- scapes, but closer attention to the literature of the period suggests much more ambiguity than is captured by this bivalent model. Burchell points out that in the eighteenth century individu- al self-interest becomes a problem in a newly forming ethico-political model of the subject: “this individual living being, the subject of particular interests, represents a new figure of so- cial and political subjectivity, the prototype of ‘economic man’ who will become the correlate and instrument of a new art of government.” 32 This section explores this, in the hope of restor-
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Financial Crises and Civil Society

Financial Crises and Civil Society

Whichever institution or institutions take part in regulating to prevent, contain, or resolve a financial crisis, they will need to balance the costs and benefits [r]

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Civil society and IMF accountability

Civil society and IMF accountability

This paper examines in what ways and to what extent civil society activities have made the International Monetary Fund answerable to those whom it affects. It is argued that various types of civil society associations have used multiple kinds of tactics to advance IMF accountability on a number of occasions, particularly in relation to certain matters such as transparency, debt relief and social concerns. However, the overall scale of these contributions has remained modest to date, so that civil society has only partly closed the significant accountability gaps that are found at the Fund. Moreover, civil society relations with the IMF have often been rather hegemonic, in the sense that the accountability secured through these citizen channels has, on the whole, flowed disproportionately to dominant countries and social circles, rather than to subordinate countries and social strata who generally experience the greatest accountability deficits vis-à-vis the Fund. The need for future improvements in IMF accountability is therefore not only to nurture more civil society activities in respect of the institution, but also more civil society initiatives that directly engage, and are themselves more accountable to, marginalised countries and social groups.
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CIVIL SOCIETY LEADERSHIP AWARDS

CIVIL SOCIETY LEADERSHIP AWARDS

Competition for the Civil Society Leadership Awards is open and merit-based. Selection is based on an applicant’s fit with the program’s objectives as well the graduate admissions criteria of the participating universities. Academic excellence, professional aptitude, leadership potential in the field of specialization, proven commitment to open society values, and appropriate language proficiency are all important factors in evaluation.

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American Society of Civil Engineers

American Society of Civil Engineers

Just as important as the material stiffness is the need to characterize the imperfections of each individual renovation technique and material. This is new. Initial annular gaps can be estimated from the material thermal expansion properties, but to the extent that they are process dependent should also be backed up by measurements. In all cases, but especially where non-measurable imperfection effects such as residual stresses may be involved, there is no substitute for external pressure testing of lined pipe samples to fully characterize both material and geometry. In this regard significant advance has been made since the early days of testing using perfectly circular casings which produced a large amount of scatter. By testing in casings with 5% ovality (Boot et al., 2001), the scatter band can be appreciably reduced. This is apparent already from the data plotted in Figure 4, and has been confirmed by more extensive recent tests (Seeman et al., 2001). 20.0 Next steps in method development and implementation
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LAWYERS MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY

LAWYERS MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY

As a whole, lawyers, media, press and civil society have one common feature, i.e. they are the champion and sentinel of fundamental and other civil rights of people. Lawyers advance this cause through judicial methods, media through newspapers and television programmes, holding debates through television and the civil society through peaceful and democratic movements. Our national history bears ample testimony to the fact that members of legal profession, media and civil society have played significant role not only in the nation building process but also in securing good governance for the country.
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