Offending within a group where crime is acceptable

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Deindividuation effects on group offending : the effect of salient identity and being in a group on sexual offending

Deindividuation effects on group offending : the effect of salient identity and being in a group on sexual offending

Ethical considerations Given the nature of the subject, a few remarks regarding the ethics of such a study are in order. The “sexual offences” in this study were deliberately confined to non-punishable, but ethically questionable behaviours. While behaviours were chosen that arguably are overstepping boundaries, most of them are widely common and acceptable in society. While there is a risk of diminishing the validity of the findings, these behaviours can serve as an overall indicator for an overall problematic approach to women. By eliciting these rather harmless responses, insights can be gained into the underlying processes that play a role in sexual offending.
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GANGS AND GROUP OFFENDING GUIDANCE FOR SCHOOLS

GANGS AND GROUP OFFENDING GUIDANCE FOR SCHOOLS

Many young people go through a period when being in a group is a key part of forming their sense of identity, building social skills and support networks. Being part of a group is a powerful and positive part of the school experience. Sometimes however the group progresses to causing harm, even crime. The use of the term ‘gang ‘can be misleading, and unintentionally and unhelpfully glamourise or reinforce the group identity. This guidance focuses on the signs and behaviours that may be indicators of gangs. School staff, by listening to young people, parents and families, will be able to judge how significant the signs are as indicators of more serious gang activity.
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Minority ethnic groups and crime: findings from the Offending, Crime and Justice Survey 2003

Minority ethnic groups and crime: findings from the Offending, Crime and Justice Survey 2003

Gender and age differences As discussed in Chapter 1 age and sex are closely linked with offending, with young males being far more likely to offend than other groups. Figures for different age and gender groups are presented in tables A2.2 to A2.4. It should be noted, however, that examining lifetime offending by age group is problematic. Older respondents have a longer recall period in which to offend but at the same time may fail to report incidents that happened in their past either because they have forgotten or no longer want to be associated with their previous behaviour. The next section therefore focuses on last year offending and includes a discussion on the impact of age, gender and other socio-demographic factors on recent offending behaviour.
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Longitudinal analysis of the Offending, Crime and Justice Survey 2003–06

Longitudinal analysis of the Offending, Crime and Justice Survey 2003–06

The other two categories are groups which are not usually described as ‘offenders’. Over four years, some of these respondents committed a few offences, even among the ‘law abiders’. Others committed no crimes during the period of the research, but this is not to imply that they had never committed offences: typically, the people in this group were the older sample members whose offending was in their past. 14 Altogether, these sample members accounted for over four-fifths of the respondents in the OCJS sample. However, they were by no means immune from criminal activity. They accounted for 36 per cent of the offences reported over four years, most of which were relatively minor. The distinctive point with this large segment of the sample is that their offending was often a one-off exception to their normal behaviour.
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Does serious offending lead to homicide?:exploring the interrelationships and sequencing of serious crime

Does serious offending lead to homicide?:exploring the interrelationships and sequencing of serious crime

offence and the number of the distinct types of serious offences are the two significant risk factors (as well as age, gender and the number of previous convictions). The results are clear but what of the theoretical implications? In truth, the material in this paper tells nothing of the underlying motivations of the perpetrators and we can make no compelling case for any particular theoretical approach. However, there are still some signposts that are evident. First, though, one needs some caveats and warning notices. While approaching nine out of ten persons in the study were only convicted once for one of these serious offences, there could be convictions for other serious offences we have not considered; also this group could range from those being convicted of just this one offence to those whose serious offence resides among a vast range of lesser crime. Nevertheless, we can say with some confidence that nine of out ten are neither candidates for specialisation in the narrow sense 4 nor for overlap in terms of the four offences. Whatever explanation one might have for the remaining ten per cent or so, the majority convicted of just one focus offence seem different in their involvement in serious crime in terms of it seemingly being much more transient.
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Representations of sexual offending: the British press, public attitudes and desistance from crime

Representations of sexual offending: the British press, public attitudes and desistance from crime

politically-driven by a fusion of the rhetoric around the ‘rehabilitation revolution’ with individually held punitive attitudes about sexual crime. Public attitudes, ex-offender reintegration, and desistance from crime It is important to note the potential negative impact that punitive press reporting (and associated public attitudes) may have on the post-custody reintegration of people with sexual convictions. Willis, Levenson and Ward (2010) state that negative public attitudes toward this group hinders the reintegration process, meaning that opportunities for obtaining suitable housing and gaining employment are limited. These are prominent factors within the criminological literature associated with the process of desistance from crime, and it is therefore suggested that media content and public attitudes form part of a society-fulfilling prophecy (see Figure 3), where the ‘once a sex offender, always a sex offender’ stereotype is not only accepted, but indirectly promoted. Not only does this prophecy potentially contribute to the maintenance of an offending cycle, and to the continued curtailment of the civil liberties of ex-offenders (even after formal criminal sanctions have been completed), it also helps to reinforce the feelings that resolve the public’s feelings of cognitive dissonance between political rhetoric and personal attitudes toward offender rehabilitation.
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Youth crime: an investigation into the effectiveness of general re-offending risk assessment tools

Youth crime: an investigation into the effectiveness of general re-offending risk assessment tools

170 alongside research which is conducted outside of the USA and which considers girls as a discrete sub-group. Chapter three reviewed and critiqued the ‘Asset’ risk of repeat offending instrument for youths; the risk assessment measure which was used in chapter four of this thesis. The development of this risk assessment instrument was considered in relation to the political era in which it was commissioned. This critique highlighted a number of shortcomings of this measure, for example, weaknesses in the methodology applied to assess consistency in assessor’s ratings of ‘Asset’. The present study overcame these weaknesses by assessing two independent raters’ scores on a subset of the original assessment measures (n=14). There was also a lack of information available relating to the psychometric properties of the tool (e.g., test re-test validity, content validity); only three predictive validity studies with the use of ‘Asset’ data were identified; which is surprising given the widespread use of this tool across the UK. Findings indicated that ‘Asset’ is a poor to moderate predictor of reoffending with Area Under the Curve (AUC) statistics ranging from 0.68 to 0.71. However, the predictive power of this tool varied depending on which assessment (‘Asset’ dynamic, ‘Asset’ Static. OGRS-3 plus ‘Asset dynamic’) and outcome measures (offending versus convictions) were selected (Baker et al., 2003, 2005; Wilson & Hinks, 2011).
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Assessing racial differences in offending trajectories:  A life-course view of the race-crime relationship

Assessing racial differences in offending trajectories: A life-course view of the race-crime relationship

Black sample. The results of the full model multinomial logistic regressions for the black sample are presented in Table 22. Consistent with what was observed in the ANOVA and domain-specific regression models, far fewer risk and protective factors emerged as significant discriminators between offending trajectories for blacks relative to whites. Overall, seven of the thirteen risk factors distinguished between trajectories on some level, but there was very little consistency in the factors the emerged significantly across the three offending trajectories. Gender emerged as the strongest predictor of group membership across all trajectories. Relative to black females, black males were considerably more likely to be classified into one of the three offending trajectories relative to the non-offending trajectory. Impulsivity, cognitive functioning, and early arrest emerged as additional factors discriminating between the adolescent-escalator and non-offender trajectories. The significant effect of early contact with the criminal justice system is noteworthy for this group because it did not emerge as a significant predictor for either of the other two offending groups. After adjusting for prior delinquency, only gender and cognitive functioning significantly distinguish adolescent-escalators from non-offenders in the black sample.
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Targeting crime prevention to reduce offending: Identifying communities that generate chronic and costly offenders

Targeting crime prevention to reduce offending: Identifying communities that generate chronic and costly offenders

This study explored whether some communities generate chronic and costly offenders. It draws on methods and findings from criminal careers, and crime and place research. Criminal careers research is focused on the individual and is concerned with the different offending patterns developed over the life course. The research presented in this paper uses the Semi-Parametric Group-based Method (SPGM) to identify offenders on different trajectories, who differ in terms of their age of initiation and pattern of offending over the lifecourse (Kreuter & Muthén 2008). This research has found a small group of chronic offenders who began offending early in life and who account for a large proportion of offences (Allard et al. under review; Cohen, Piquero & Jennings 2010a, 2010b; Piquero 2008). While chronic offender groups can been retrospectively identified, there is difficulty identifying these groups prospectively. For example, no research has adequately differentiated chronic and low-rate trajectories based on risk and protective factors. As such, there is no established method that is useful for targeting interventions based on this approach. Early/developmental interventions aim to intervene early in a negative pathway by addressing the risk and protective factors operating in people’s lives (Homel et al. 1999). Although the approach acknowledges that offending pathways may commence at any age, intervening early in an at-risk child’s life is viewed favourably because of the importance of early developmental phases and the cumulative nature of risk and protective factors (Farrington 2002). Despite the difficulties of targeting these interventions, they are typically found to have strongest evidence-base and usually reduce offending by about 15 percent (Aos, Miller & Drake 2006; Farrington & Welsh 2003; Lipsey 2009).
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Acceptable Behaviour Contracts for Dorset, Poole and Bournemouth Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships

Acceptable Behaviour Contracts for Dorset, Poole and Bournemouth Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships

1. USE OF ACCEPTABLE BEHAVIOUR CONTRACTS (ABCs) ABCs are not a substitute for Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and should not be seen solely as a necessary precursor to an application for an Order. They should be considered as a first step in confronting a person or group of persons about their behaviour, highlighting that it is not acceptable and will not be tolerated.

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Theories of Offending

Theories of Offending

committing crimes. These are all learned within the family and peer group. The people that surround a developing child will demonstrate a range of attitudes towards the law and crime, some favourable and some unfavourable. Sutherland argued that if the child acquires more attitudes that are favourable to crime than unfavourable ones, the result will be that they regard criminal behaviour as acceptable. They may also learn specific methods for committing crimes from those around them. The types of crime the person then goes on to commit will depend heavily on the precise nature of the deviant attitudes they have learned. For example, they might regard it as unacceptable to rob someone, but acceptable to falsify one’s tax returns.
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Does employment contribute to desistance? Offending trajectories of crime-prone men around the time of job entry

Does employment contribute to desistance? Offending trajectories of crime-prone men around the time of job entry

We examine these topics in two complementary ways. First, we estimate the average criminal trajectory around the point of job entry. These results capture the general pattern observed in the sample as a whole. Second, we use group-based modeling techniques to decompose the average trend into a set of trajectories representing the more commonly occurring pathways. Allowing for heterogeneity in the relevant processes, the purpose of this approach is to tease out evidence that might correspond to the theoretically proposed patterns. For example, informed by the turning point hypothesis, we seek to determine how typical it is for active offenders to become employed before measurable signs of decline in their criminal trajectories. As to the consequences of employment, we examine if the impact of employment on desistance depends on its timing in the criminal trajectory. The hooks-for-change argument suggests that employment is unlikely to promote enduring desistance unless preceded by an identifiable reduction in offending – understood as a signal for readiness to change.
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Changing crime mix patterns of offending over the life course:a comparative study in England & Wales and the Netherlands

Changing crime mix patterns of offending over the life course:a comparative study in England & Wales and the Netherlands

Only a very small number of offenders begin in state 4, the ‘versatile and more serious offendinggroup. At the first transition 39% remain within this group and therefore continue with the serious and versatile offending. However 38% move to the ‘burglary and theft specialist’ group and 23% move to the ‘low rate with some violence, sex offences and criminal damage’ group, therefore continuing offending but less versatile and serious. During the 17-21 age period, offenders from other states move state 4, increasing its size significantly. In the second transition, even more remain in state 4 and 21% move into the ‘drugs and burglary/theft’ group which is a less versatile group but still more diverse than the other groups. Those offenders who do stay in state 4 tend to continue offending.
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What is the nature and extent of mate crime offending against disabled people and how effective are institutional responses?

What is the nature and extent of mate crime offending against disabled people and how effective are institutional responses?

transactions, individuals make use of these anticipations that have been created within society and transform them into normative expectations as to how individuals should be categorised. So, when presented with a stranger, people rely on these pre-formed expectations to establish if there is any evidence of the stranger possessing an attribute that makes him or her different from others in the category of persons available to be. Goffman observed that if the dominant group in society finds a person to be different and of a less desirable kind, then that individual is subsequently reduced in the minds of the majority from a whole and normal person to a tainted, discounted one. It is in such a way, especially when the discrediting effect of the attribute is very extensive, that a form of social construction occurs whereby a person is ascribed a stigma; or, as Goffman observed, sometimes it is also called “a failing, a shortcoming or a handicap” (ibid, p.12). Goffman claimed that once a person is stigmatised, this attributed stigma then allows other members of society to turn away or deal with that person in a certain way. Goffman also went on to postulate how individuals
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Examining offending behaviour following receipt of a Business Crime Reduction Partnership’s place-based exclusion sanction

Examining offending behaviour following receipt of a Business Crime Reduction Partnership’s place-based exclusion sanction

Q2: What can be observed about the offending behaviour of those who continue to offend after receiving (i) the warning or (ii) the exclusion sanction in terms of offence type, location, and time committed? Across the four year data collection period, there were 307 individuals who offended again after the receipt of a warning and 206 who offended again after the receipt of an exclusion. The importance of this research question is twofold; firstly, it is this group of offenders on which the sanctions were having little or no effect as a means of crime control, and, secondly, in line with other studies (Home Office, 2001, 2003, 2004), it was this small proportion of offenders in the sample who were responsible for a disproportionately large percentage of the total offences recorded by the partnership. Over the four-year period there were 4935 offences recorded by the BCRP committed by 2080 individuals at 115 locations. Although the mean number of offences committed by an offender was 2.4 (with the standard deviation at 5.4) the mode and median number of offences was one, illustrating the uneven distribution of offending across the offender group. The large majority of offenders (1553/2080, 75%) only committed one offence, but the highest number of offences committed by a single person was 70. A group of 34 individuals (2%
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Car crime and offending behaviour: Ex offender perspectives

Car crime and offending behaviour: Ex offender perspectives

The edition continues the discussion relating to identity, including gender identity, in further articles. The role of staff culture is particularly important, but often under-explored or misunderstood. In his article, David Scott discusses the notion of ‘working personality’, which attempts to capture the ways in which individual working practices and attitudes are shaped by the nature and experiences of the working lives as much as their personal characteristics. Scott proposes a typology of prison officers and contextualises this within a critical account of the prison system. His article is challenging in the sense that it confronts practitioners with some difficult issues but also challenging in the sense that it encourages those with humanitarian views to turn that into action. In complimentary but also contrasting piece, Neelama Kumari, Laura Caulfield and Michelle Newberry discuss their research on female staff working in the therapeutic communities at HMP Grendon. This work appears to suggest that the regime at the establishment has positive effects for staff and prisoners, including in breaking down entrenched gender barriers. Staff cultures are also discussed in the book review section, where Bethan Loftus’s excellent recent work on police culture is considered.
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Daily crime flows within a city

Daily crime flows within a city

We suggest that, on the one hand, emerging tech- nologies offer great promise for detailed measure- ment of rapidly shifting population for a whole urban system. On the other hand, more conventional sur- veys might prove more suitable for gathering crime- relevant details about where people go; for what purposes; how much alcohol they drink in different places; their group sizes; and their roles as offender, target, or guardian. Unstructured interviews may also prove useful for determining where offenders search for visitors and how they decide to choose their spe- cific targets. Metropolitan movements shift by hour of day in detailed ways not captured in the current study. These processes depend on local variations in transportation, road networks, and land use patterns.
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Wildlife Crime Penalties Review Group Report

Wildlife Crime Penalties Review Group Report

This is already clear-cut in relation to the withdrawal of General Licences issued by SNH under WCA 1981 but we consider that it should be clearer across the board in relation to the withdrawal of firearms and shotgun certificates. At present it is possible for the Chief Constable to withdraw the certificate for a firearm if the person is not deemed fit to be entrusted with a firearm. The commission of a wildlife crime with a rifle could thus already justify the withdrawal of such a certificate. However, in the case of shotguns, the certificate can only be withdrawn if there is a danger to the public safety or to the peace. This does not clearly encompass the scenario of a wildlife crime and we consider that it should also be possible for the Chief Constable to remove shotgun certificates in cases where they have been used in wildlife crimes and there is a threat to wildlife in addition to the existing grounds. Nonetheless we recognise that the legislation involved is reserved and that any amendment could not be made without the consent of the UK Parliament. This may therefore take time to achieve. We therefore consider that, where firearms including shotguns are used in the commission of any offence, the court should have the power to cancel the relevant certificates as is the case in the Deer (Scotland) Act 1996. This would be easier to achieve in the short term as it is within devolved competence.
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Wildlife Crime Penalties Review Group Report

Wildlife Crime Penalties Review Group Report

This is already clear-cut in relation to the withdrawal of General Licences issued by SNH under WCA 1981 but we consider that it should be clearer across the board in relation to the withdrawal of firearms and shotgun certificates. At present it is possible for the Chief Constable to withdraw the certificate for a firearm if the person is not deemed fit to be entrusted with a firearm. The commission of a wildlife crime with a rifle could thus already justify the withdrawal of such a certificate. However, in the case of shotguns, the certificate can only be withdrawn if there is a danger to the public safety or to the peace. This does not clearly encompass the scenario of a wildlife crime and we consider that it should also be possible for the Chief Constable to remove shotgun certificates in cases where they have been used in wildlife crimes and there is a threat to wildlife in addition to the existing grounds. Nonetheless we recognise that the legislation involved is reserved and that any amendment could not be made without the consent of the UK Parliament. This may therefore take time to achieve. We therefore consider that, where firearms including shotguns are used in the commission of any offence, the court should have the power to cancel the relevant certificates as is the case in the Deer (Scotland) Act 1996. This would be easier to achieve in the short term as it is within devolved competence.
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Young people and crime:

Young people and crime: findings from the 2006 Offending, Crime and Justice Survey

1 Introduction This bulletin presents the headline findings from the 2006 Offending, Crime and Justice Survey. It focuses on levels and trends in youth offending, anti-social behaviour and victimisation among young people aged from 10 to 25 living in private households in England and Wales. Comparisons are made, where relevant, with the results from previous waves of the OCJS. The survey was conducted between 2003 and 2006 and reports from previous surveys can be found on the Home Office RDS website at http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/offending_survey.html. These reports are restricted to cross-sectional analysis from each round of the survey. The Home Office have recently commissioned longitudinal analyses of cases included in the 2003 to 2006 OCJS and no fresh data collection is planned until the results of this work are available.
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