The present study focused on parental reactions to children’s emotions and sought to discern the effect of these reactions on children’s ToM abilities related to both “affective” and “cognitive” mental states. Recent stu- dies have explored individual and family characteristics that could be related to the development of children’s understanding of emotions (ToM-emotions) (Fabes, Poulin, Eisenberg, & Madden-Derdich, 2002; Labounty, Wellman, Olson, Lagattuta, & Liu, 2008; McElwain, Halberstadt, & Volling, 2007). These studies have empha- sized the importance of understanding a) how parents react to their children’s emotions, b) how they talk about emotions, and c) how they express their emotions themselves, in order to explore how they contribute to their children’s emotional competences. The heuristic Parental Socialization of Emotions (PSE) model devised by Eisenberg, Cumberland and Spinrad (1998: pp. 241-243) suggests that emotion-related parental behaviors (reac- tions, discussions with their children, expression) may affect children’s social and emotional competences. This study focused specifically on mothers’ and fathers’ reactions to positive and negative emotions (PE and NE) ex- pressed by their children. As most authors differentiate between supportive reactions (SR) and non-supportive reactions (NSR) (e.g., Eisenberg, Fabes, & Murphy, 1996; Fabes et al., 2002; Jones, Eisenberg, Fabes, & MacKinnon, 2002; McElwain et al., 2007; Pears & Moses, 2003) (see Table 1), we investigated these two types of reactions in each parent to PE and NE felt by their child.
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Self-report measures of parental socialization appear to be most valid when parents are asked to respond to questions about their behavior in specific situations (Holden & Edwards, 1989). Thus, parental reactions to their children’s negative emotions were assessed with the Coping with Children’s Negative Emotions Scale (CCNES; Eisenberg & Fabes, 1994). Parents were presented with 9 typical situations in which children are described as experiencing distress and negative affect (e.g., being scared of injections, being nervous about embarrassment in public). 2 All situations involve relatively normative expressions of negative emotion for children aged 4 to 12; only one vignette pertains to anger. For each situation, a parent indicates how likely (on a 7-point scale from very unlikely to very likely) they would be to react in each of six different ways: Problem-focused (“tell my child that I'll help him/her practice so that he/she can do better next time”), emotion-focused (“comfort my
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Emotion socialization is the process through which children develop emotion- related beliefs, values, and expressive behaviours through their interactions with others (Saarni, 1999). Several parental behaviours have been shown to affect children’s emotion socialization, including the ways that parents react to their children’s displays of negative emotions (Denham & Grout, 1993). For example, children whose parents react to their negative emotions (e.g., fear, anger, sadness, disappointment) in a supportive manner (e.g., by comforting them or helping them problem-solve) tend to be better at coping with negative emotions (Cole, Dennis, Smith-Simon, & Cohen, 2009; Eisenberg, Fabes, & Murphy, 1996), whereas children whose parents react in an unsupportive way (e.g., by punishing them or minimizing the trigger of their distress) tend to have more difficulty regulating their emotions (Lunkenheimer et al., 2007). Research also has shown that children who have poor emotion regulation skills tend to have poorer social skills (McDowell, Kim, O’Neil, & Parke, 2002). The present study extends these previous research findings by examining the link between maternal reactions to children’s negative emotions and children’s emotion regulation and social skill development, while also examining the effect of the quality of the mother-child relationship on these links.
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The purpose of the present study was to explore the relations between maternal personality, emotion socialization (i.e., emotion coaching style), coping socialization, parental stress and children’s social skills. While other researchers (e.g., Belsky, 1984; Eisenberg, Cumberland, et al., 1998) have posited that other factors related to child characteristics (e.g., child temperament) also are associated with parenting behaviour, this study focused in on one direction of this relation, in order to specifically examine the role of parent characteristics, attitudes and behaviours on children’s social skills. To assess these variables, mothers of children between the ages of 3 and 12 completed self-report measures that assessed their Big Five personality dimensions, emotion-related parenting styles, reactions to children’s negative emotions, perceived parental stress and children’s social skills. In Belsky’s (1984) process model of parenting and Eisenberg, Cumberland, et al.’s (1998) heuristic model of emotion socialization, parent characteristics, such as personality, play an important role in general parenting and emotion socialization behaviours. These characteristics and parenting behaviours have implications for a variety of outcomes for children, including emotional regulation and understanding, coping skills and social skills (Eisenberg, Cumberland et al., 1998). Therefore, this study added to the current parenting and emotion socialization literature by examining the links between these constructs.
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At RCWMCH, we surveyed all patients admitted elec- tively and non-electively over a 30-day period in April and May 2015 to the general and specialist medical wards, to high-care beds in the medical wards, to the combined paediatric intensive care unit, and to the gen- eral section (but not the rehydration section) of the short-stay ward. We excluded admissions to surgical or oncology wards if the entire stay was spent in the surgi- cal and oncology wards, but included those portions of surgical and oncology patients’ admissions spent in the paediatric intensive care unit. The hospital provides lim- ited neonatal services. Admission trends to RCWMCH have previously been described . At RMMCH, we sur- veyed all patients admitted non-electively over a 30-day period in June and July 2015 to the medical wards and to the combined intensive care / high-care unit. Al- though RMMCH provides neonatology services, we only surveyed those neonates admitted to the intensive care / high-care unit, and not those admitted to the postnatal wards. Elective admissions to RMMCH, which were ex- cluded from our survey, consisted mostly of children ad- mitted as day patients for minor surgical procedures.
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parental rejection, and parental anxious rearing. Parental over-control represents behaviours which are intrusive and interfering to the child. Over-controlling parents attempt to regulate their child‟s activities and discourage their independence, particularly when problem-solving (Bögels & Brechman-Toussaint, 2006). Child self-report studies (von Brakel, Muris, Bögels, & Thomassen, 2006; Grüner, Muris, & Merckelbach 1999; Muris & Merchelbach, 1998; Muris, Meesters, Merchelbach, & Hulsenbeck, 2000), parent-report studies (Hudson & Rapee, 2005; Rubin, Nelson, Hastings, & Asendorpf, 1999) and observational studies (Greco & Morris, 2002; Hudson & Rapee, 2001, 2002; Moore et al., 2004; Siqueland, Kendall, & Steinberg, 1996) have all found that parents who excessively restricted their children‟s activities and granted less autonomy, a form of parent over-control, had children who exhibited anxious symptoms. For example, Hudson and Rapee (2001), using a stress-invoking interaction task with mother-child dyads, found that mothers of children with clinical anxiety were more involved and intrusive (e.g., assisting the child with a task even though the child did not request help) than mothers of nonclinical children. In a study that used a school sample of nonclinical youth, von Brakel and colleagues (2006) found self-reported anxiousness to be significantly associated with youths‟ reports of their parents‟ controlling behaviours. Although there seems to be a strong association between child anxiety and parental over-control,
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The new ELDS, if it has to be respected, must be African in nature. It does not matter even if the process is being guided by an international expert from the west. The proliferation of brand-name programs touted as “best practices” based on the authority of Euro-western science or simply on persuasive marketing of training, toys, tools and teaching techniques (Fleer, 2003; Kincheloe, 2000) must not be allowed. Most parents consistently have differing ideas from schools on what the curriculum should encompass (Freer, 2009). This is because ideals of the west that have been transferred to African schools are not necessarily African ideals. Parents, currently, are still willing to take some children to these schools as they argue that it is better to stand with two legs (Krätli, 2001). This may, however, not continue for long if these schools continue teaching meaningless content and make children fail national exams because the knowledge tested is school culture or middle class urban culture that is not culturally relevant to their ways of life (Ng’asike, 2011). This study established that there were some differences in focus between parental and school based standards. These difference may be attributed to the fact that child rearing practice in most communities including Uganda is more ‘controlling’ and ‘authoritarian’ as it is embedded in a cultural ‘tradition’ that European Americans in the west do not necessarily share (Sharma, Vaid, & Dhawan, 2004). Therefore, in order to help the process and go by the ‘normal’ trends, there is need to blend the two standards into one comprehensive hybrid that favours African diversity. This blend of indigenous knowledge in the standards will ensure endorsement and respect of the standards by all ECD service providers in most African communities. Use of this approach will also prevent early learning standards from becoming more specific to preschoolers, but rather aimed at young children more generally (Lara-Cinisomo, Fuligni, Daugherty, Howes, & Karoly, 2009). Otherwise, if DES goes a head and focuses on school based standards alone as it seems to now, schools implementing the school based standards alone may face larger societal, cultural, and ideological problems (Schubert, 1986).
Given the complex negative, damaging, yet motivational emotions of shame and guilt, they are potentially advantageous emotions to exploit. One of the best ways to eliminate either shame or guilt is a behavioral change. If a person can be made to feel ashamed, he or she may attempt to rectify the situation. However, it is equally important to note that shame and guilt can result in strong retaliation toward or seclusion from the messages that sparked the feelings thereby making them both temperamental emotions to attempt to manipulate. While SEF can explain how social constructs (i.e., emotions, relationships) can be utilized to gain compliance, the specific constructs an exploiter attempts to manipulate can garner incompliance or retaliation much in the same way that EPPM claims fear ploys to result in
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Biopsychological perspective also confirms literature on association between childhood poverty and emotion dysregulation. Kim et al. (2013) found negative physical and psychological associates of emotion with adult neuronal processes. Children who were born in poverty conditions, showed emotional dysregulation in adult life because of the reduced prefrontal cortex activity in brain and poor suppression ability of amygdala (Kim et al. 2013). Maladaptive functioning, vulnerability of depression and acts of delinquency are often observed in low SES adolescents (McLoyd, 1997). Disturbed social functioning and psychiatric symptoms are highly consistent in low SES children as compared to children from affluent circumstances (Bolger et al. 1995). There are also contradictory findings by Conger and colleagues (1997) as no significant relation was established between poverty and adolescent problems which is determined by the factor that adolescents themselves were the informants and not parents or teachers that might have affected the findings.
negative binomial (ZINB) regression models. For the logit part of the ZINB models, odds ratios indicate the odds of having excess zero dmft or dt, a nonrandom zero in the sense of being considered not at risk of caries. For the negative binomial parts, our response variable is the number of dmft or dt among children considered to be at risk of caries, interpreted as an incident rate ratio. We estimated marginal mean outcomes and 95% conﬁdence intervals (CIs) using 500 bootstrap replications, by averaging the predicted marginal means across all children (ie, combining ZINB regression coefﬁcients from model parts for not-at-risk and at-risk classes of children) ﬁxing the number of visits with POHS at 0, 1, 2, 3, and $4, in turn, while allowing other covariates to be adjusted at their observed values. 36 In addition, to
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Besides investigating the relationship between parental involvement and basic psychological needs, this study examined how basic psychological needs are linked to student engagement. Analysis results show that students’ basic psychological needs predict agentic, emotional, cognitive, and behavioral engagement statistically significantly and positively. This finding is important because as students’ basic psychological needs are fulfilled, they are more likely to engage in science. In other words, students who feel more autonomous, competent, and related in science class contribute to the course of class by asking questions and telling the teacher about likes and dislikes about the lesson, concentrate more in class, show more interest in class, like to learn new things in class, and associate new information with their experiences. Therefore, meeting students’ basic psychological needs appear to be a way to promote students’ science engagement. Supporting students’ autonomy helps students ask questions freely, become interested in activities and share their opinions readily (Reeve, 2012; Reeve & Lee, 2014). Pintrich and Schunk (2002) asserted in their study that individuals with a high level of competency, another dimension of basic psychological needs, show more effort in their work or otherwise they become sick and tired of their jobs. Furrer and Skinner (2003) found that the more the children’s sense of relatedness, the higher is the probability that children adopt and embrace their environment, as a result of which children’s engagement will increase significantly. The study also mentions that the sense of relatedness minimizes students’ feelings of being under pressure, anxious, sick, and tired about learning and having negative attitudes towards their educational life. Based on the findings of the previous studies and results obtained from the present study, meeting students’ basic psychological needs seem to be important for students’ engagement.
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caregivers included the belief that interventions currently approved for treatment, screening, and education were not working. While both the USPSTF and the CDC recommend the use of the Body Mass Index calculator for classifying children as overweight or obese, there is relatively little research which shows improved weight outcomes related to BMI measurement programs (Nihiser et al., 2009). No consensus exists on the use of BMI screening programs, and this may contribute to provider perceptions of inadequacy of assessment tools for childhood obesity. In 2007, Walker et al. found that providers felt there was a lack of evidence for the effectiveness of obesity interventions in pediatric patients. Furthermore, some healthcare providers were found to have a pessimistic view of treating obesity (Plourde, 2012; Story et al., 2002; Walker et al., 2007). In a study by Story et al. (2002), healthcare providers acknowledged they felt lower proficiency in behavioral management of childhood obesity as compared to registered dietitians. These feelings of lower proficiency of ability to manage childhood obesity may have contributed to a more pessimistic view of overall childhood obesity treatment (Story et al., 2002).
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The separation of children from family members because of migration is increasingly common in developing countries such as Moldova and Georgia. As migration unfolds, there are concerns that living in transnational care may result in negative consequences for children. Although the migration of household members may come at the cost of separation and loss, it can also bring advantages, such as the potential for development through remittances. The empirical evidence to date, however, is mixed, with no studies looking at the health of children in transnational care in Moldova and Georgia. In line with the emergent field of transnational family studies, this analysis adds four reflec- tions to the current scholarship. First, this study is among the first to distinguish between migration and marital discord as forms of separation when assessing children’s health. Second, the life of children in transnational care is complex and we acknow- ledge this complexity by investigating different transnational family forms in relation to children’s health. Third, our findings integrate a gender perspective by comparing boys and girls when measuring the outcome. Finally, this study adds evidence from two Eastern European contexts to a body of research that is scarcely represented in the region. We discuss these contributions below.
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comparison with other racial and ethnic populations. These results confirm previous studies that show disparities between ethnic groups with adiposity measures [22,23]. In addition, parental origins and length of residency did not have a significant influence on our adolescents’ nutrition behavior. Again this may be due to acculturation in early childhood. It has been shown that recent immigration to the United States results in rapid loss of the dietary pattern from parental country of origin . It is also known that younger immigrants tend to change their diets to assimilate to their host country more readily than older ones . As a result, there is a higher risk for obesity associated with length of residence in the United States due to adoption of suboptimal dietary behaviors and sedentary lifestyles, as seen in studies with the Hispanic population .
This argument fails because (1c) is false. To see this, it is necessary to distinguish two explananda which Enoch runs together: moral judgements (such as my judgement that eating meat is permissible) and moral truths (such as the truth that cruelty is wrong). According to expressivism, in order to explain the first, all that is required is a naturalistic view of the world as containing natural properties, agents and their responses. As Blackburn puts it: ‘The only things in this world are the attitudes of people and those, of course, are trivially and harmlessly mind-dependent’ (1993: 174). But expressivists explicitly deny that the second explananda – moral truths – are explained by (or dependent upon) our emotions or reactions in the same way. Blackburn again:
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The PSI/SF was re-administered at follow-up. The mean percentage scores and standard deviations for Total Stress and three sub-scales of the PSI/SF for each severity group and the control group are shown in table 6. Parents of severely injured children continued to score consistently higher than parents of children with mild or moderate TBI on all dimensions. Scores for Total Stress remained almost unchanged from the first interview. Parents in the severe group had a mean score of 78.3%, and in the mild group the mean score was 62.2%. Means were compared using an ANOVA of the ‘Group’ x ‘percentage score’, for Total Stress and each of the three sub-scales. There were no significant differences between the mild, moderate, and severe groups for Total Stress (TS), Parent-Child Dysfunctional Interaction (P- CDI), or Difficult Child (DC). There was a significant difference on the Parental Distress (PD) sub-scale (F = 3.37, df = 2, p = 0.04). Significant differences were observed between the mild, moderate, severe, and control groups on three dimensions: TS: F = 3.93, df = 3, p = 0.01; DC: F = 4.25, df = 3, p = 0.007; PD: F = 3.49, df = 3, p = 0.02; but failed to reach significance on the P-CDI : F = 2.47, df = 3, p = 0.066.
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emotional response to internal, physical attributes and children in the negative feedback condition were more likely to attribute their emotion to the stimulus. This difference in attributions suggests an interesting link to family socialization influences and the development of children’s emotion understanding. If children have, by the early elementary school years, largely acquired the basic tools of emotion understanding (labeling, perspective-taking, display rule knowledge, knowledge of emotions based on false beliefs), and if a general shift occurs where the extra-familial context (peers, for example) increases in relevance, then it is likely that family expressiveness of emotion has its most powerful influence on emotion understanding during the early school years when children may be more receptive to parental socialization practices. In later
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A significant obstacle to seeking and accepting support from formal services was fear of being stigmatised through contact with formal services, which some children viewed as being indicative of psychological disorder or a lack of capacity to cope. Allied to this was children’s expressed desire not to be distinguished from their peers because of parental separation. Notable in some children’s narratives was the feeling that their families were different from other families, a finding also noted by Fawcett (1998) in her study of adolescents in Belfast. Children’s sense of being apart was reflected in the reluctance of some children to talk to others outside their family about their parents’ separation or divorce. For these children parental separation was a private matter and this feeling may be attributable to the cultural context, given that parental separation is still a relatively recent phenomenon in Irish society and divorce even moreso. It may also arise from a sense among children that others may judge them or their families negatively, or simply fail to understand separation and its meaning for children, combined with a cultural value for privacy in matters relating to family relationships. As pointed out by Pryor & Rodgers (2001), social beliefs, stigma and the extent to which views are valued are aspects of time and place that impinge on children’s
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Mentally and physically healthy mothers and non- mother women have different patterns of brain activity when they recognize negative emotion of children. Such a difference between mothers and non-mother women is observed in brain regions including the amygdala, insu- lar cortex, anterior cingulate cortex, and ventral pre- frontal cortex, and these areas related to regulating cognitive and emotional processes . Other studies de- scribe that the brain activities of mothers including brain regions related to emotion regulation are enhanced by negative emotion of own children [5, 6]. The abovemen- tioned change in patterns of brain activity is considered to reflect the change in emotion regulation that results from becoming a mother. It has been also reported that
One perspective that would argue fur- ther against excluding such services for these children and their families is that they are one of the most vulnerable groups. As a political issue, it is con- ceivable that popular sentiment would allow for the exclusion of such children from these health care services. It will save some money, and these children cannot vote or make political con- tributions. However, society has morally progressed by protecting the rights and welfare of disenfranchised groups. There will be a societal cost to all of us if we were to collectively adopt a stance of not providing these interventions to children with profound disabilities. Al- though cost constraints and resource limitations are important considerations,