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Party organization in the digital age

Party organization in the digital age

Turning the last page of The digital party, I could not help feeling that an immersive research strategy would have benefitted Gerbaudo's otherwise excellent work in at least two ways. First, had he embedded himself more completely in the practical reality of digital parties, he might have been able to correct the few factual inaccuracies that have snuck into the text 1 . Secondly, had he employed the same ethnographic approach that made Tweets and the streets such an interesting read, instead of relying so heavily on interviews with party elites (see the book’s appendix), he might have been able to challenge the typology-saturated generalizations that characterize more orthodox studies of party organization and provide a much needed insider perspective. Hence, instead of the somewhat far-fetched attempt to compare Netflix and Podemos, on the grounds that both organizations rely on a ‘logic of platforms’, we might have gotten even more in-depth accounts of technology’s role in organizing the inner life of the party 2 . This would have allowed Gerbaudo to ask questions like: What kind of organizational culture does digital platforms afford, and how does ordinary party members relate to and make sense of the technology? Crucially, this is not to suggest that The digital party does not contain many insightful and detailed observations. It clearly does, and I would strongly recommend it to anyone interested in contemporary party politics. My point is rather that if we want to fully understand the new wave of parties that currently sweeps across Europe, we also need new modes of explanation. Developing yet another typology (whether technology-centered or not) and comparing it with older ones will only get us so far.
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Contemporary trends in party organization : revisiting intra-party democracy

Contemporary trends in party organization : revisiting intra-party democracy

Significant inroads have been made by party scholars interested mainly in one specific part of party organization such as membership (Scarrow, 2005; van Haute and Gauja, 2015) or candidate selection (Rahat , 2009; Rahat and Hazan, 2001). Perhaps one of the most developed contributions to the field came from the area of party organizational change. Katz and Mair (1992) made an important contribution by presenting various descriptive indicators of party change from 1960 to 1990 across 12 Western Democracies. Party rules, party membership, party finance were among the indicators used in their "data handbook." It however provided only a qualitative description of the data which made it user-unfriendly for comparative quantitative format for further analysis. Generalist theories on party organizational change made significant advances with the work of Harmel and Janda (1994), Harmel (2002), Harmel et al (1995) and Gauja (2017). Gauja specified that reform of party organization made publicly is different from party change seen as an evolutionary or incremental processes. In the six countries examined (United Kingdom, Germany, France, Australia and New Zeeland) Gauja (2017: 4) showed that “parties' perceptions of the social trends in which they operate shape reform agendas”. Among the reform initiatives observed by the author were the introduction of primaries, the changing meaning of party membership, issues-based online policy development, and community organizing campaigns. Her cases however were old established democracies which also happen to have the highest level of plebiscitary intra-party democracy (Pogunke et al 2016).
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Explaining Change in Communist Successor Parties: Political Environment versus Party Organization?

Explaining Change in Communist Successor Parties: Political Environment versus Party Organization?

On the other hand, some scholars have suggested that the greater ex- ternal challenges a political organization faces, the more likely the followers of that organization will seek to reaffirm its ideological purity (Stewart 1991). As the party faces greater external challenges there is greater pressure to reaffirm the movement’s identity, because as Richard Gregg (1971, 74) argues there is a need for followers for “psychological refurbishing and affirmation.” This usually involves a greater attempt to identify the members of the movement as being different from others. This is a way, as Gregg (1971, 76) notes, to establish selfhood by “identifying against another” establishing one’s identity through contrast. Thus the greater the external competition, the more likely the party will seek to maintain its ideological roots (see also Breuning and Ishiyama 1998; Stewart 1991). Kitschelt (1995, 455) suggests that repressive communist regimes were “able to entrench” themselves, and thus effectively preclude the emergence of the challenge of “an independent structure of intellectuals or middle-class professionals.” This implies that a communist successor party is successful not because of the party’s organizational characteristics, but because its opponents are only weak and disorganized (Kitschelt 1995, 455).
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Are the Exceptions Really the Rule? Questioning the Application of 'Electoral-Professional' Type Models of Party Organization in East Central Europe

Are the Exceptions Really the Rule? Questioning the Application of 'Electoral-Professional' Type Models of Party Organization in East Central Europe

There had also been broad consensus among scholars in deducing the type of party organisation that such a set of ‘opportunity structures’ should logically imply: small, low-membership organisations dominated by office-holders, political professionals and party elites, which neither have (nor seek) any real presence in civil society, but instead rely on the state, the media and the electoral nexus to link with voters. Kitschelt, for example, in an early and influential article, anticipated ‘loose associations of professionals with little local entrenchment and no transmission belts into target constituencies’. 2 Mair, writing in the mid-1990s, spoke of ‘the maintenance of’ elitist party organisations, even in the medium to long term’ 3 . Kopecký’s more detailed study hypothesised ‘formations with loose electoral constituencies, in which a relatively unimportant role is played by party membership, and the dominant role of party leaders’. 4 Similarly, Szczerbiak in his recent research on Poland postulates ‘[parties] characterised by a weak grounding in civil society arising from a low membership base and the low priority assigned to building up local structures and a high level of dependence on the state for financial and material resources ... a centralised pattern of decision-making alongside a high level of autonomy given to basic and intermediary structures on local decisions’. 5
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Patronage and party organization in Argentina : the emergence of the patronage-based network party

Patronage and party organization in Argentina : the emergence of the patronage-based network party

Nicolle Bolleyer has acutely described this equation: “… while as a consequence of vote-maximizing strategies party-voter linkages become less, party-member linkages become more particularistic.” Insofar as the party must respond to the queries and demands of the public opinion at large, it can hardly be attractive to ideologically-driven activists, who in turn find “… available to themselves a range of more specific channels outside party which are considered more adequate to articulate political positions” (2006:1-10). All in all, identity or ideologically motivated activists turn out to be a nuisance for current party leaders, who require autonomy and flexibility to be electorally competitive (Katz, 1990; Roberts, 2002a). Hence parties would prefer patronage-driven memberships, which adapt much better to the shifting conditions of audience democracy. 17 A rank and file recruited and mobilized by the supply of jobs does not make its loyalty contingent on the leadership’s stances. In this way, patronage provides pragmatic leaders with a faithful membership, conserving at the same time the necessary leeway to define and modify goals and strategies in a pragmatic way (Schlesinger, 1984; Müller, 2006). All this suggests that the classic activist has not only been replaced by the mass media as the channel of transmission from the party to the electorate, as it is usually argued. In reality, the mere presence of the ideological activist turns discordant, almost incompatible, with the weakly representative nature of current parties. In sum, if the leadership needs autonomy to communicate with the audience but it still requires the existence of a supporting organization, parties are likely to have greater need for patronage than when they were organizations of mass integration. Thus patronage should be expected to be a necessary resource in order to sustain parties´
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Brexit and the Conservative Party

Brexit and the Conservative Party

2013: 345). Cameron also had to contend with widespread Euroscepticism in the second arena: the party organization. Here, a 2013 survey of party members found some 70.8 percent favouring withdrawal from the EU, although 53.6 percent were willing to back remaining after a renegotiation of the terms of membership (Bale and Webb 2016: 126). Eurosceptic sentiment could also be identified as a threat to the Conservatives in the third arena of the mass electorate. Under the leadership of Nigel Farage the UK Independence Party (UKIP) made significant advances in the opinion polls, particularly following the unpopular March 2012 budget (which was labelled an ÔomnishamblesÕ). The fact that the Conservatives were in Coalition with the Liberal Democrats created political space to their right which UKIP were keen to exploit, and fuelled pressure within the Conservative Party for Cameron to try and counter their appeal (Lynch and Whitaker 2016: 128). This (historically unusual) competition on the right of British politics was illustrated by survey data suggesting that more than half of Conservative Party members Ð who it could
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The Idea of the Party

The Idea of the Party

As the solution to the contradictions of capitalism, the first paradox of communism is that revolution must enact its own principled forms of exclusion, beginning in the realm of economy, where, for instance, the services of a company like Google would be socialized and provided for free through public infrastructure. A second paradox is that the choice of centralized party organization, in addition to or as opposed to grassroots initiatives, would be recalibrated once such a party comes to power. Assuming it is legitimate in its egalitarian promise, it would then begin to stimulate and encourage those same grassroots efforts in order to legitimize its leadership. The obvious example here is the importance of the Soviets in guaranteeing the legitimacy of the Bolshevik Party at the time of the 1917 Russian Revolution. These two paradoxes, the first having to do with forces of production and the second having to do with political ideology, appear together already as the contradictions of capitalism. Since the early nineteenth-century, capitalism has been a desperate effort to overcome its limitations. This, Žižek argues, is where Marx got it wrong. Marx’s emphasis on the capitalist self-revolutionizing of material limits and inherent contradictions presumes that communism could overcome capitalist crises by bringing productivity to its full capacity. The post-capitalist fantasy of unleashed
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What's the matter with the Republican Party? : factionalism in party primaries, 1976-2000

What's the matter with the Republican Party? : factionalism in party primaries, 1976-2000

3 Such party in-fighting is not a single state phenomenon. Most recently in the 2005 Virginia elections the extreme conservatism of the Republican gubernatorial nominee drove a more moderate Republican state senator into the race as an independent (Shear 2005b). Earlier that year in the Virginia legislative primaries, over a dozen fundamentalist candidates, many recruited by religious right organizations and many of whom received the tacit support of the official Republican Party organization, challenged incumbent legislators perceived as too moderate on social issues and taxes (Shear 2005a). Actively challenging and defeating your own safe incumbents is perhaps the most irrational thing a party organization can do; however, this is exactly what is happening in states all over the country, resulting in the loss of many of these open seats to the Democrats. Other scholars have documented the rise of the religious right as a major faction at the national level (Oldfield 1996, Layman 2001).
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Conceptualising Party Political Ideology: An Exploration of Party Modernisation in Britain

Conceptualising Party Political Ideology: An Exploration of Party Modernisation in Britain

As noted in the last chapter policy pledges made prior to the manifesto and those in the final document normally differ to some extent as parties flesh out their ideas in the run up to an election. However, this table reveals a high percentage of references to be novel, indicating that the party did not consistently outline the kind of policy vision they were hoping to enact. For example, references to flexible parental working, reforms to sure start and making savings from welfare reform were not foreshadowed ahead of the manifesto; suggesting that the party was not formulating policy on the basis of a coherent ideological vision. In addition to this point the table also reveals that certain ideas, particularly those associated with the party’s supposed new ideological agenda, were not consistently advanced. This is particularly the case in relation to childcare and relationship support which, whilst referenced early in Cameron’s leadership disappear from the agenda in 2006. This indicates that the party were inconsistent in the policies they advocated and hence were liable to appear unreliable. However, there are exceptions as flexible working - a new theme - was consistently advanced, indicating some ideological longevity. But it is important to note that this commitment was accompanied by repeated pledges to recognise marriage in the tax system and remove the couples’ penalty in the benefit system – policy aims aligned more closely with the party’s old rather than supposed new ideological agenda. In this sense the Conservatives are not seen to have consistently outlined how they would enact their ideology, and moreover they display a dubious commitment to the new ideas seen by some to indicate ideological change. In this sense a broader analysis raises further questions about the party’s apparent commitment to its new agenda in this period and thus the relevance of this ideological rhetoric.
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A 'Mass' party frustrated?: The development of the Labour Party in Manchester, 1918 31

A 'Mass' party frustrated?: The development of the Labour Party in Manchester, 1918 31

For the protection afforded by the massed vote of the trade unions at Conference lessened the leadership's vulnerability to rank and file insurgency' •62 Sidney Webb, one of the co-archi[r]

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The Making of the Democratic Party. The Emergence of the Party Organizations of the German Social Democratic Workers' Party, the British National Liberal Federation and the Dutch Anti-Revolutionary Party, 1860s-1880s

The Making of the Democratic Party. The Emergence of the Party Organizations of the German Social Democratic Workers' Party, the British National Liberal Federation and the Dutch Anti-Revolutionary Party, 1860s-1880s

  Arbeiterbewegung  des  Deutschen Historikertages in Regensburg, Okt. 1972 (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum Fischer Taschenbuch  Verlag,  1974);  Gerhard  Ritter,  Arbeiterbewegung,  Parteien  und  Parlamentarismus  (Göttingen:  Vandenhoeck  und  Ruprecht,  1976);  Gerhard  Ritter,  Der  Aufstieg  der  deutschen  Arbeiterbewegung:  Sozialdemokratie  und  freie  Gewerkschaften  im  Parteiensystem  und  Sozialmilieu  des  Kaiserreiches  (München:  Oldenbourg  Verlag,  1990).  An  excellent  English‐language  overview  is  provided  by  Stefan  Berger, Social Democracy and the Working Class in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Germany, Themes  in  Modern  German  History  Series  (Harlow:  Longman,  2000).  Older  English‐language  contributions  are  Douglas A. Chalmers, The Social Democratic Party of Germany, from Working‐Class Movement to Modern  Political  Party  (New  Haven:  Yale  University  Press,  1964);  Roger  Pearce  Morgan,  The  German  Social  Democrats and the First International, 1864‐1872 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Vernon  L.  Lidtke,  Outlawed  Party:  Social  Democracy  in  Germany  (Princeton:  Princeton  University  Press,  1966);  Richard W. Reichard, Crippled from Birth: German Social Democracy, 1844‐1870 (Ames: The Iowa State  University Press, 1969); Barclay and Weitz, Between Reform and Revolution. 
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Intra-party leadership elections: What are its effects on party unity?

Intra-party leadership elections: What are its effects on party unity?

8 possibility leadership elections. The choice is made to exclude unopposed party leadership election candidates and procedural changes that have not yet been put into practice. There may be differences in the leadership selection process within the selected group, but the research questions are about the presence or absence of party leadership elections. European countries are studied in this research, because primaries are spreading in Europe (Bille, 2001, p.365). Furthermore, democracy is established in most European countries, so the influence of a single person should be less compared to the formal rules of the game. It is expected that if there is a change in party unity in Europe as a result of the introduction of leadership elections, it will be universal, using a least-likely-case approach. Also, European countries have a similar history, similar cleavage structure, are joined in the European Union, and have parliamentary systems, which makes comparison of parties from different countries and rejecting alternative explanations for a change in party unity possible (McKay et al., 2014, pp.xxxvii-xlviii). Last, European countries have strong political parties compared to other countries, so party unity is deemed important in the working of the system. Some European countries have a formal necessity of the presence of political parties in their constitution, or electoral law, and there are no politically relevant independents (O’Neil et al., 2015).
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Bi confessionalism in a confessional party system   the Northern Ireland alliance party

Bi confessionalism in a confessional party system the Northern Ireland alliance party

'The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland: A Study of a BiConfessional Party' Glasgow: unpublished University of Strathclyde MSc dissertation..[r]

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Two-party  Private  Set  Intersection  with  an  Untrusted  Third  Party

Two-party Private Set Intersection with an Untrusted Third Party

We focus primarily on f(PSI) and PSI cardinality protocols in the three-party setting with honest majority. Kamara et al. [27] computes PSI in this setting, but there is no related work that computes f(PSI) or PSI cardinality in the 3-party setting. In order to have a meaningful comparison, we implemented the generic merge-compare-shuffle protocol using one of the most efficient three-party protocols with honest majority [1], and compared our f(PSI) results against this implementation. For the PSI cardinality (PSI-CA), we compare our results against the merge- compare-add version. For generic three party protocols, Araki et al. [1] achieves the best communication cost with 7 bits per AND gate per party, however, the number of rounds depends on the depth of the circuit. We note here that the merge-compare-add may be slightly faster if implemented with ABY3 [31]: instead of doing the addition by a Boolean circuit (with O(n) AND gates and depth O(log 2 n)), using the ABY3 framework, we could convert the binary shares into arithmetic shares after the comparison phase, and then perform addition on the arithmetic shares for free. However, the dominant cost for the merge-compare-add circuit is the merge step, which requires 2σn log(2n) AND gates and has the depth of O(σ log n): the speed-up from using ABY3 would be less than 2X. We have not taken the time to implement their protocol, but it might be interesting to do so. For the f(PSI) case, the most efficient way to implement the merge-compare-shuffle is by Boolean circuit, thus, there would be no difference between using the constructions of Araki et al. [1] and Mohassel et al. [31], as the latter use the former when it executes Boolean circuits.
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Structure and ideology in the Tasmanian Labor Party:
Postmaterialism and party change

Structure and ideology in the Tasmanian Labor Party: Postmaterialism and party change

Tasmania has traditionally played an active role in promoting industrial development - so much so that the question of technocratic rule (that is, technocrats causing outcomes that would not otherwise result) never seriously arose. The Tasmanian scene was a convergence of the interests oftechnocrats, industry and politicians (Kellow 1 986, 2). Each ofthe players had a role: the government sanctioned each new scheme and promoted it to the electorate, the HEC (rather than parliament) monopolised the building of the schemes. Once the schemes were approved, the HEC decided which industries received the power, thus effectively controlling the rate and direction of industrial development in Tasmania. The unions, especially the Electrical Trades Union, had vested interests in maintaining employment through the development of new schemes and the access this gave to union leaders interested in a parliamentary career in the Labor party (R. Davis 1 995, 254). At the same time industry received large blocks of power at cheap prices - and justified the existence ofthe HEC (Tighe 1 992, 1 5 1).
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Efficient Two Party and Multi Party Computation against Covert Adversaries

Efficient Two Party and Multi Party Computation against Covert Adversaries

Two-party Computation against Covert Adversaries. In a protocol secure against covert adversaries, any attempts to cheat by an adversary is detected by hon- est parties with probability at least ², where ² is the deterrence probability. Therefore, a high deterrence probability is crucial in making the model of covert adversaries a practical/realistic model for real-world applications. In this paper we design a two-party protocol secure against covert adversaries in which the deterrence probability ² = 1 − 1/t, for any value of t polynomial in the security parameter, comes almost for free in terms of the communication complexity of the protocol. The following table compares our result against that of previous work, where |C| is the circuit size, m is the input size, and s is the statistical security parameter.
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A History of the Labour Party

A History of the Labour Party

The progress of the Labour Party in the period following (1922–31) is the focus of the third chapter. The 1924 Labour Government is covered briefly, with Thorpe stating that this administration ‘did not achieve much in policy terms.’ This, however, as he later alludes to, was unsurprising considering the tenuous hold on power of the minority Government. However, Labour’s lack of commitment towards its own stated aims in this period was somewhat striking. Labour’s policy development following its fall from office in 1924 was typified by the catch-all 1928 statement Labour and the Nation. Thorpe’s suggests that the Labour movement was too fractious to permit a more concrete appeal and that a ‘ruthless delineation of a plan for five years in office’, would have led to discontent and dissension. Yet, Labour’s success in future years would be centred on such concrete statements as the Immediate Programme (1937), and Let us Face the Future (1945). The final major event of this period, the split in the Party following MacDonald’s decision to form a National Government, is detailed in a balanced account by Thorpe. Regrettably, the shifting
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The Labour Party and the monarchy

The Labour Party and the monarchy

Cole, Nuffield College, Oxford Sir Stafford Cripps, Nuffield College, Oxford Hugh Dalton, BLPES George Lansbury, BLPES James Middleton, Ruskin College, Oxford Philip Noel-Baker Churchill[r]

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The Party Politics of Englishness

The Party Politics of Englishness

Since agreeing to form a UK coalition government, the Liberal Democrats have come under increasing pressure to explain how their Anglocentric quasi-federal policy-making addresses asymmetries between Westminster and the devolved nations in social, economic and political rights. The furore over the raising of student tuition fees in England, whilst maintaining their commitment to free university tuition in Scotland, highlighted growing challenges to the Liberal Democrats ability to maintain a consistent UK-wide policy framework. Moreover, whilst the 2010 general election manifesto promised a Constitutional Convention would ‘address the status of England within a federal Britain’ (Liberal Democrats 2010), the remit of the subsequent Coalition government’s ‘West Lothian’ commission has proven considerably narrower, focusing on how England-only laws are handled by both the House of Commons and the Lords rather than imbalances in fiscal arrangements or parliamentary representation across the UK (Hansard 2011). Whilst the Federal party insist ‘England remains the most centralised state in the democratic world’, they remained undecided whether the answer to the ‘English question’ is an ‘English tier of government’ or regional or sub-regional bodies based on ‘cities or historic counties’ (Liberal Democrats 2011, 19).
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A party to all secrets

A party to all secrets

than I had I did could the using black was I also ever had the negatives of F, All prints Edwal using for standards All the of inch 17 have prints white and and entire format did not for[r]

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