Peace and Security studies

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Critical security studies and alternative dialogues for peace : reconstructing ‘language barriers’ and ‘talking points’

Critical security studies and alternative dialogues for peace : reconstructing ‘language barriers’ and ‘talking points’

Identifying language barriers and academic ‘others’ in international relations and/or between critical peace studies and critical security studies is not difficult. 19 The remarkable ease with which such points of encounters are taken for granted is evident in the axiomatic ways that scholars employ them, either to speak to each other or about their subject matters. 20 Anyone paying attention will be aware that this chapter is guilty of reproducing a pejorative ‘other’ by introducing critical security studies vis-à-vis ‘traditional’ ones. While the latter label is frequently invoked to delineate how we ought to study security, it is also problematic. First, this encompassing term lumps vastly different theories and theorists together into a singularity. In the process ‘traditional’ approaches are readily dismissed and easily replaced by two “childhood diseases”. 21 The first is,
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SECURITY STUDIES AND POLEMOLOGY –
CORRELATIONS, RELATIONSHIPS
AND DEPENDENCIES

SECURITY STUDIES AND POLEMOLOGY – CORRELATIONS, RELATIONSHIPS AND DEPENDENCIES

In today’s world, wars and armed conflicts play a very different role than the acquisition of geopolitical territories. In the present situation, the possibility of deciding whether peace or war in a given region will increase the status of decision-makers. The prospect of influencing public sentiment, creating fear in the population, or playing ‘’ deadly” military technology alone, changes the status and role of war. Relating this to history, the factors that have influenced the course of armed conflicts and wars were primarily the introduction of electricity, chemical weapons, aircraft and nuclear weapons. These inventions have elevated the status of more industrialised countries, as opposed to less industrial ones. In this way, there was a clear division between those states that had just created the war and its actions, not just the military ones. In addition, the merger of the defence industry with ordinary business has intensified the role of war in society and the state.
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Engendered Security: Norms, Gender and Peace Agreements

Engendered Security: Norms, Gender and Peace Agreements

(Re)defining security arose from critical security studies and feminist IR scholars examining globalization, militarization and the resulting unequal effects both within and between countries (for thorough literature reviews on feminist security studies (FSS) and gender security studies see Blanchard 2003; Lorentzen and Turpin 1998; Shepard 2010; Sjoberg and Martin 2010). Importantly, feminist IR scholars, especially those studying security, disrupted the apparent naturalness and inevitability of state-centric security by using a gender lens to engage the major ideas and constructs of security: state, sovereignty, violence, and political identity (Peterson 1992). This scholarship identified mainstream definitions of national security (and the field of IR) as gendered: they ignore hierarchies that produce insecurity for women in ‗secure‘ states in and this focus on national security ―are further entrenching the masculinization of international politics‖ (Enloe 1990: 168). Additionally, FSS ―not only sought to ―add women‖ to the research agenda but also to interrogate the gendered differences in experiential accounts of security issues, as well as to investigate imagining used to think and write security (Shepherd 2010). I first begin this section by exploring feminist critiques and analyses of the major components of mainstream security, including the state and sovereignty, political identity, and violence. In presenting reviews of the work on these concepts, I can then set forth the qualities feminist security could entail. I finish by contrasting feminist security with engendered security.
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Ethiopia’s Role In The Horn Of Africa For Promoting Peace And Security

Ethiopia’s Role In The Horn Of Africa For Promoting Peace And Security

competitive environment, state could be a greedy entity that interest could be achieved through power. Globalists on the other hands are the anti-thesis of neo realist (power politics) that understand international system structure as mutuality. Globalization is mainly rooted in cultural, transnational and political economy approaches towards international security. The hallmark of this perspective is about the acknowledgement of independent role in both transnational entity and non- governmental socio-economic organization (Gupta, 2010). In this theory, territorial sovereignty hardly ordering human activities. Technological improvement, transportation, communication, free flow of goods, information and ideas affect the territorial sovereignty. Many scholars like argues that globalization is responsible for complicating security agenda (Waltez, 1979). While at the same time reducing the element of control that underpin the security option of a state. Globalization increase incentives for the state to peruse more cooperative security policy, especially at the regional level after September 2001 attack. Even USA wants to sweep away state centric security analysis and replaced by center-periphery analysis model (Buzan and Waeber, 2003). After 2001 globalization in general and or specific aspect of it (e.g. financial globalization, terrorism, migration, trade liberalization and cultural imperialism) become securitized by actors in the international system (Buzan and Waeber, 2003). As we have seen in the globalist perspective, globalization is seen and represented as threat by states and other actors in the system. Then, it plays alongside and compete with more traditional securitization (states) and in the respective territory (regions). Global system directly and indirectly create constellation of securitization. Indeed there is a debate between anti globalist and pro globalists. Marxist insisted that the relationship is unequal, exploitative and manifested by colonialism, imperialism and cultural hegemony. But reflect Buzan, B. and Waeber, that economic liberalization creates security agenda. Zaire, Angola and Iraq evidenced to this relationship (Buzan and Waeber, 2003). Whereas, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore transformed themselves economically and politically within the embrace of globalization. For globalist, globalization is a path for steady erosion and elimination of traditional security agenda.
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Iran and Central Asia: Chances or Challenges?

Iran and Central Asia: Chances or Challenges?

Of course, another way to overcome these difficulties is to develop some regional cooperation structures. However, as it was said, wast areas of dispute divides the state of central Assia and south Caucasus and hinder solidarity in this region. Some years ago, Iran tried to introduce a regional cooperation plan which aimed at creation of a kind of security structure. But this attempt did not have any success. The Organization of Economic Cooperation (ECO), which originally was founded by Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, and extended its membership to ten to cover some central Asia and South Caucasus, is not very successful. ECO with a population over 350 million expected to become an important economic organization. However, in spite of Iran's efforts and emphasis of various heads of these states in several sessions, it has low performance. As an example, trade among members of the organization is some 5 to 7 percent of their total foreign trades. This is very low if we compare it with ACAN which trades among its members amounts to 20 to 30 percent of their total foreign trade and that of E.U which exceeds 65 percent (Rasouly, 2007).
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The Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship Volume III Issue I

The Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship Volume III Issue I

peacekeeping mission have an impact on more sexual violence and gender-based violence victims seeking help and justice. It should also seek to examine the successes of those cases. Not only that, it should aim to assess the relationship between women’s presence in the peacekeeping mission and the impact of women becoming involved in leadership positions in peace processes. If the connection between a wide range of participants shows a successful relationship between women in the mission and local women then MONUSCO should make gender and, most importantly, gender- perspective, the main priority in peace processes in order to more quickly integrate women. Since MONUSCO is the largest peacekeeping mission, it is imperative that it also assures the mission to prioritize gender equality and gender-perspective to inspire other peacekeeping missions to follow suit. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Compensation Report Overview and Methodology

Compensation Report Overview and Methodology

International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: Alliance/Advocacy Organizations International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: Arms Control, Peace Organizations International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: Fund Raising and/or Fund Distribution International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: International Agricultural Development International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: International Cultural Exchange International, Foreign Affairs, and National Security: International Development, Relief Services
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Civil society, human security, and the politics of peace building in victor’s peace Sri Lanka (2009 2012)

Civil society, human security, and the politics of peace building in victor’s peace Sri Lanka (2009 2012)

83 Although Human Security intersects with aspects of human rights, to some extent it also challenges the universality asserted by the institutional and legal frameworks of human rights, recognising differences in interpretation and perception stemming from diverse standpoints concerning what constitutes one’s ‘essential freedoms’. Whilst Human Security does not advocate for a wholly relativist approach to international relations, through the principle of contextualisation it asserts that contrasting perspectives need to be recognised in ways that do not simply prescribe universal rights, values, and frameworks onto others, but seek to address the interests, needs, and underlying beliefs of those experiencing, working in, and/or studying the particular instance of insecurity. A central question behind this focus becomes how ‘free’ are individuals and communities within conflict to shape peace and security in ways that reflect their particular interests and needs, and to develop an understanding of the constraints that operate upon these freedoms. The role and place of culture and history within these constructions is of paramount importance. This becomes evident in Georgio Shani’s (2011) claim that it is culture which ‘permits the individual to have a bios: to enjoy a life endowed with meaning and dignity’ and that it is through Human Security that communities might discover a language in which to express difference thereby moderating the assimilationist tendencies of ‘modern nation state belonging’ and/or (neo)liberal globalisation (p. 65).
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Principles and Guidelines for

Principles and Guidelines for

This course is designed as a teaching document, and it is the purpose of this course to teach this DPKO doctrine. Every word of the original internal UN document is provided as the core reading of this course, but here the student will also find chapter introductions, learning objectives, photos to illustrate the text, inserted text boxes that define or explain specific concepts, sidebars that explain relevant broader topics, quizzes to confirm and reinforce an understanding of each chapter, and an End-of-Course Examination to test the student’s overall mastery of the materials. In addition, the course includes reprints of some relevant reference materials, and where the materials are too large to be included, a web URL is provided. Students enrolled in this course will also have the opportunity to interact online with other students of the course and can find additional online resources provided by the Peace Operations Training Institute. Students who pass the online End-of-Course Examination will be provided with their own downloadable Certificate of Completion.
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Peacelearning and Its Relationship to the Teaching of Nonviolence. A Response to "Nonviolent Action as a Necessary Component in Educating for Democracy"

Peacelearning and Its Relationship to the Teaching of Nonviolence. A Response to "Nonviolent Action as a Necessary Component in Educating for Democracy"

The field of peace education has grown by leaps and bounds since its modern founding out of the ashes of World War II. The founding of the United Nations and the United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) engaged world leaders and educators in finding ways to prevent the future scourge of violence and war. It was felt that since war begins in the minds of those who wage it, peace can also. The first peace studies program on a college campus was started in 1948 at Manchester College, a small Brethren institution in Indiana. Seventy years later, the study of peace is now found in well over 400 colleges and campuses, as a conserva- tive estimate (Harris & Shuster, 2006), and the teaching of peace, in its various modes and practices, is found in many public and private schools across the USA and around the world. In addition, many community- based and after- school programs offer peace studies to both children and adults (Global Campaign for Peace Education Newsletter, 2014). Paralleling this has been an exponential growth in research devoted to the causes of violence and solutions toward peacemaking and peacebuilding. In 1965 international scholars came together to found the International Peace Research Association (IPRA), which continues to hold its biannual conferences in various sites around the world (Kodama, 2004). In 2004 the formal academic publication Journal of Peace Education was launched, a project of the Peace Education Commission of IPRA.
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How To Discuss Peace And Security In The Horn Of Africa

How To Discuss Peace And Security In The Horn Of Africa

Apart from the lively debates and the constructive inputs from experts, the FES regional security conferences also build upon the exchanges that happen outside the plenary sessions. Key to this format is that it all takes place under Chatham House Rules. This report is therefore not meant to provide a comprehensive summary of the debates or individual contributions. Rather, its aim is to review the main points of discussion in order to facilitate further debates and policy dialogue. It does so by addressing three overarching themes: (i) the nature of security, (ii) the definition of a peacemaking agenda and (iii) the institutionalisation of a regional security framework. To all three, the participants of the conference gave diverging interpretations or pointed out gaps between official policy debates and the practical and lived realties of peacemaking and insecurity on the ground. The three themes are therefore phrased as questions, an attempt to highlight the diverging interpretations and the need for further dialogue. To a large extent, this also reflects the outcome of the conference more generally: as observed by many of the participants, the exchanges held in Nairobi helped to crystallise questions for debate and points of divergence which may form the basis for further policy deliberations. The report therefore concludes with an outlook on how to move the debate towards a positive redefinition of the region as such, an overarching theme concerning which the participants of the conference provided
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Beyond peace : the search for security in the Middle East

Beyond peace : the search for security in the Middle East

From the Israeli perspective, the multilaterals’ main benefit to date has been to provide a means of engaging the Arab hinterland in the normalisation of relations.10 Although Syria has chosen not to participate, and Lebanon has been obliged to follow its lead, the multilaterals have almost certainly contributed to some tangible achievements in developing connections between Israel and the wider Arab world. The Israeli approach to normalisation is both sophisticated and naive. On one hand, the focus on normalisation as a key part of security, backed by engagement in efforts to define the post-settlement outlook for the region through the multilateral tracks of the Madrid process, appears to have advantages of gradualism and trust­ building. It does not deny the need to find solutions to political differences, but it seeks to keep political options open regarding possibly unresolvable core issues for as long as possible. The thinking underlying Israeli policy appears to be that if tangible benefits can be seen to accrue to both sides as a result of their cooperation, it is conceivable that a sense of mutuality may be developed over an extended period, without some or all of those political issues coming simultaneously to a head. Some issues may remain unresolved indefinitely, by tacit or explicit agreement of the parties concerned. Other differences may be more easily resolved because of the trust which has developed, or because greater mutual understanding has been established.
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Feminism, Peace, Human Rights and Human Security

Feminism, Peace, Human Rights and Human Security

Feminism, Peace, Human R i g h t s C H A R L O l T E B U N C H Cet article examine comment les flministes tout au long du Peace, Human Rights, and Gender vingtitme sitcle, surtout depuis h progression[.]

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International organisations and anti-terrorist sanctions: no accountability for human rights violations?

International organisations and anti-terrorist sanctions: no accountability for human rights violations?

At the international level, systems for implementing responsibility (in particular compulsory jurisdiction) have been established almost exclusively in relation to States, not international organizations, whereas ‘[i]t is not tenable to say that a legal system can do without mechanisms of accountability for a large number of the entities which it is supposed to govern’ (Crawford 2007, pp.6-7). The ICJ is for most commentators (Dugard 2001, p.86, Andreopoulos 2007, p.35) the appropriate body for the revision of UNSC sanctions, and as the main judicial body of the UN it appears to be the logical choice in a systemic perspective (Reinisch 2001, p.865, Farrall 2007, pp.73-75). Naturally, the Court can determine its own jurisdiction (compétence de la compétence), and, absent express prohibitions, it could interpret the Charter liberally in deciding the scope of its powers, as did the UNSC (Dugard 2001, p.85). There is in fact no hierarchy between Council and Court (Akande 1997, pp.312-314) and, unlike with the GA (Art. 12), the Charter places no restriction on ICJ’s engaging the same subject matter, simultaneously, as the UNSC. Judicial review of sanctions cannot be excluded in principle. Indeed the ICTY decided it was competent to examine whether the UNSC had lawfully established the tribunal itself (Tadic (Jurisdiction), 2 October 1995, paras.18-22). The analogy with the exercise of judicial review by domestic courts despite the lack of specific constitutional provisions has also been invoked as a possible argument (Franck 1992; contra, Alvarez 1996). Further, the contention that legal challenge would cause irreparable delay in security action (Dugard 2001, p.90) does not apply to terrorist lists, as the Court would exercise ex post facto review once assets have been frozen.
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Hybrid Security Governance in Post-Conflict States: Explaining the dangers of state security-orientated SSR in areas of limited statehood

Hybrid Security Governance in Post-Conflict States: Explaining the dangers of state security-orientated SSR in areas of limited statehood

The fact is that many countries, especially societies just emerging from a large-scale episode of violence, do not resemble the ideal-typical model of the Western state and will remain an unlikely prospect in the foreseeable future (Boege et al 2009; Lawrence 2012; Baker 2010). The persistence of the state-centric paradigm concerning the necessity of the state’s monopoly on the use of coercive force causes two main problems when applied to post-conflict states. First of all, promoting the liberal state model as an ideal-typical model of statehood is to ignore the rather competitive and violent historical context of the establishment of the monopoly over the legitimate use of physical force in Western states, and with it the rather recent emergence of the modern state (Boege et al. 2009: 18). The nature of the post- conflict state does not lends itself the conditions required for a speedy transformation of its security sector that resembles the Weberian state. Bruce Baker argues that the implementation of international standards of democratic security governance in areas of limited statehood are “expensive, highly complex and requires a cultural transformation that cannot be engineered overnight” (2010: 211). In addition, Lawrence argues that “international state-building often falls short because it aspires to an externally fabricated model that does not accommodate local interests and desires while attempting to radically re-engineer a society in a short time frame”(2012: 2). To illustrate this point, Schroeder et al observed that past attempts to instill international standards of democratic security governance in post-conflict recipient states consequently resulted in “bloated post-conflict security sectors, weak informal institutions, and the inability to respond to multiple internal and external challenges to the sovereignty of the state” (2014: 215).
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APPLICATION FOR PRIVATE SECURITY COMMANDER CERTIFICATION

APPLICATION FOR PRIVATE SECURITY COMMANDER CERTIFICATION

 Three years full-time experience in the private security field, a security-related field, or the equivalent, as determined by the executive director. Law enforcement experience does not automatically qualify as security- related experience. The determination of applicability will be based upon the functions performed as a law enforcement officer

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Policing Aviation: Keeping the Peace Intelligence Fed Security!

Policing Aviation: Keeping the Peace Intelligence Fed Security!

additionally in the fact that the data is said to be of a non-verified nature (and which arguably fails to comply with the principles of the Intelligence Models – such as the UK NIM). This data is then subject to being shared extensively with domestic and foreign government authorities that have counter-terrorism or law enforcement functions. Furthermore, the worry is that rather than being intelligence led and, hence asked for - based on known or perceived risk factors, it is indiscriminately demanded – leading to a furtherance of intelligence-led policing functions becoming information-fed security methods. In many ways, this invariably runs the risk of intensifying, what the 9/11 Commission referred to as, the “U.S. government [having] access to a vast amount of information” but not having the ability, capability, and/or the resources to actually acquire meaningful intelligence from the mountain of information and data obtained. What Ratcliffe (2016) refers to as being “information rich but knowledge- poor.”
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Assembly of Western European Union Proceedings, Thirty Seventh Ordinary Session, Second Part  Volume IV: Minutes, Official Report of Debates  Paris, December 1991

Assembly of Western European Union Proceedings, Thirty-Seventh Ordinary Session, Second Part. Volume IV: Minutes, Official Report of Debates. Paris, December 1991

11 - 160 Sir Dudley Smith United Kingdom: European security and threats outside Europe - the organisation of peace and security in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East; The Gulf [r]

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The Mozambique Crisis: A Case for United Nations Military Intervention

The Mozambique Crisis: A Case for United Nations Military Intervention

Pursuant to the United Nations Charter, the Security Council 10 1 has the "primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security."' 0 2 The[r]

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Review. Asia Peace Practitioners Research Conference (PPRC) Siem Reap, Cambodia

Review. Asia Peace Practitioners Research Conference (PPRC) Siem Reap, Cambodia

During the Conference, several key themes appeared and it became clear that to address them was of high importance in order to resolve conflict and build peace. Firstly, many papers stressed that understanding the local context, the actors and the history of the conflict in question were crucial in attempting to do successful peace work. In this context, the topic of identity came up repeatedly. Secondly, many presenters pointed out the high relevance of human development, the provision, the fair distribution and sharing of public goods in order to try to achieve just and sustainable peace. Fourthly, many researchers and practitioners emphasized the important role women play and should play in peace building.
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