Whilst localities such as Rockford are often portrayed as lacking in community cohesion, as being fractured and disorganised, it became apparent that this portrayal was over simplistic. Indeed, there was evidence that, despite economic disadvantage, there were vibrant social networks in Rockford. Indeed, notwithstanding historically embedded rivalries and cultural tensions, there was evidence that many of the young people felt that Rockford was essentially a ‘safe place’ within which networks of trust and a sense of belonging - that were not evident in Sandton - prevailed. The research findings presented here departed from those presented by Flately et al., (2008) and Ames et al., (2007) whose research suggested that ‘neighbourhood decline’ and ‘social disconnectedness’ are widely used to describe neighbourhoods suffering from high levels of social deprivation and ‘anti-social behaviour’ (Egan et al., 2013; Bannister and Kearns, 2013). The research findings here demonstrated that such blanket generalisations are problematic. Places where the young people lived in Rockford were sometimes divided because of territoriality, but also unified through strong family and friendship networks (Goldson, 2003). A sense of belonging around place were key features of what many young people expressed in Rockford. Specific locations in Rockford were bounded territorially in accordance with long histories that had been passed down through the generations (Kintrea et al., 2008; 2011). However, in a broader sense territoriality expressed itself as a kind of ‘super place attachment’ (Pickering et al., 2012: 955), resulting from the young people’s close identification with, and defensiveness of, their neighbourhood, which might be understood as a coping mechanism for young people living in poorer places (Kintrea et al., 2011).
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Where services have independent advisory boards, they are not simply assuring quality of learning, but confirming the service is doing what is needed in their locality - the mantra is ‘place and people matter’. The services ensure they evaluate and report on all aspects of their provision, including the work of subcontracted partners. The result is a climate where they feel confident within their limited resources, meeting local society issues, including providing first steps into employment and improving wellbeing. They understand they don’t have to do everything themselves – for example, if there was already a structure in place to support the learning aims of the retired, they didn’t feel they should duplicate it.
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In Ireland, as elsewhere, the place where people are cared for at the end of life, and where they ultimately die, is assuming greater importance, not just because of the imperative to align health services with people’s preferences, but also because the escalating cost of hospital care is no longer sustainable. In response to this, and accelerated by the recession in Europe and the US since 2008, many countries are reducing their expenditure on health services, especially hospitals. Ireland is no exception. While hospitals should and will remain central to any developed healthcare system, offering the most advanced available forms of treatment, it is increasingly accepted that hospitals should be used only by those whose acute care needs cannot be treated elsewhere. At present, one of the unintended consequences of the overuse of acute care hospitals is that those with life-threatening illnesses who cannot be treated elsewhere have to wait longer to be admitted, and this causes unnecessary suffering, while also making their condition more difficult (and more expensive) to treat. The declared purpose of health service reform in Ireland is to “move us away from the current hospital- centric model of care towards a new model of integrated care which treats patients at the lowest level of complexity that is safe, timely, efficient, and as close to home as possible”. 22
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observed and, therefore, difficult to quantify . Also, boundaries between neighborhoods are not always obvi- ous and depend on many factors, where spatial contexts are more likely to have a fuzzy effect . For example, subjects near the boundaries might be influenced by the characteristics of more than one place. Finally, the effect within regions might not be the same for all residents, where intra-correlations could vary depending on how the neighborhood is defined . While smaller spaces are important for social interactions, larger areas can capture the socioeconomic conditions of the neighborhood. The aim of this study is to show that high-frequency users of health services face an adverse financial situ- ation due to their place of residence. I use a large and comprehensive data set that reports the living conditions of people with Spinal Cord Injury (SCI) in Switzerland. People with SCI are of special interest to the health sys- tem because their situation is a good reflection of the population’s health in the near future. Ageing together with the prevalence of chronic illnesses predict that most people, at some point in their life time, will have to deal with some kind of disability— either of their own or that of a family member .
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Conclusions: A sustainable remote health workforce is about an appropriate mix of health professionals with suitable personal characteristics and professional attributes to meet the remote populations’ needs. Beyond person-fit, a sustainable remote health workforce requires an appropriate model of service delivery that provides continuity of health care through improved retention of competent health professionals. The solutions-focused approach of this study revealed opportunities for management practices that could positively influence the sustainability of future health workforces. Members of the current remote health workforce, experienced remote health professionals who know the landscape, propose that future health workforce sustainability is achievable with effective management practices focused on people, practice and place.
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The current research, premised upon these foundations, has been designed to investigate the dynamic relationship between people, places and possessions, and the possibility of place attachment as a parallel system to interpersonal attachment. The research was conducted across two studies, the first of which examined interpersonal and place attachment based interactions with the home and possessions. The second study further investigated those interactions, examining the composition and structure of the network of places in which people live and how they relate to those places. It also investigated whether the bonds that we form with place can be classified as attachment bonds with similar characteristics to those identified for interpersonal attachment, and examined the influence of personality traits on place attachment.
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Agroecology respects the “ecology of place.” Every agroecosystem is unique, in that unique relationships constitute unique wholes—even for wholes made up of similar components. The farm- er is a member of a farm’s integral agroecosystem, and the relationship between a specific farm and specific farmer is critical to the farm’s success or failure. Agroecology also respects “the social ecol- ogy of place.” In agroecology, humans are treated as part of the Earth, rather than apart from the Earth. Farms and farmers are inherently connected with the specific communities and societies within which they function. The economic sustainability of a farm obviously is interdependent with the will- ingness and ability of people in its local commu- nity, or the larger society, to buy its products at profitable prices. Less appreciated, the quality of life of farmers and farm families are critically affected by their personal relationships with others in their communities—their sense of acceptance, belonging, and self-esteem.
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YTS schemes began in September 1983, replacing the discredited YOP programme, at a cost of £1 billion to the Government. It initially offered one year’s basic vocational training and experience for all otherwise unoccupied 16 to 17-year-old school-leavers, with at least 13 weeks off-the-job training or further education, designed to create transferable or general skills and so contribute to developing a more highly skilled workforce (Bradley 1994). It was delivered in three main ways, with numerous different local schemes being encouraged to offer flexibility. Mode A, employer-led schemes, covered between two-thirds and three- quarters of entrants. Mode B1, training workshops, community projects and information technology centres, run by local authorities and voluntary bodies, covered most of the rest, with less than 5 per cent of young people catered for in mode B2 provision, which was mainly college-based. Trainees in mode A schemes tended to be involved in productive work, with those on mode B more likely to do ‘project’ work, that is, projects developed for the sole purpose of providing YTS work experience. Trainees in mode B schemes were less likely to go on to paid work after finishing YTS (Gray and King 1986).
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The next section required participants to articulate how they feel when they think about the childhood place now. For the majority of the sample happiness and contentment were reflected in feelings towards their favourite place. For some the happiness was tied to family and friends as suggested by Charlie Begg: “It makes me feel calm. Some of the happiest times of my life were here and I feel like it connects me to the past in the present, to my family and early friends.” For others it was the experience of the place that was linked to feelings of happiness. For example: “When I look back and think about that place now it always brings a smile to my face because I remember how much fun that place used to be.” Forty-five percent of the sample also mentioned sadness, however, as illustrated by these comments from Bill: “It makes me feel lost and makes me realise that my life belongs to this bleak and lost place rather than the real world that others enjoy.”
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Geoff’s sentiments indicate that he is pleased with the park’s progress and the new life that the restoration has poured into the space, and yet he is still aware of the differences between the past and present where his work was once built around “skill and not just maintenance” (Greenhead Stories/Geoff Hirst/Interview #1/Changing roles in the park). In addition to the undertone of his sadness for the changes to the park, his comments also link the physical change of the park to social changes, citing bushes being cut back to prevent “lurkers and perverts”, and his frustration with the changes which he associates with increased vandalism in the park (Greenhead Stories/Geoff Hirst/Interview #1/The park in decline). This part of the interview is particularly interesting as at face value, he argues against the idea that there has been a social decline, by saying that there was just as much vandalism in the 1960s, but he associates the increased visibility with an increase in population as well as limited punishments for the perpetrators. He says “in those days we had park rangers who would clip them with a stick”, shirking the idea that young people were better behaved in the glory days, but at the same time expressing a nostalgia for a time where the park staff had more power. It would seem that he attributes the influx of anti-social behaviour not to a social decline in the public at large, but to a decline in the abilities of the park’s staff to deter and punish those who behave poorly: together with his sentiments on maintenance versus skill, it is clear that he is describing a park which is socially completely different to the one he started his career in. This is, in itself, still a version of the ‘glory days’ motif.
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Douglas Bamforth’s Ecology and Human Organization on the Great Plains (New York, Plenum Press: 1988) as another scholarly template for how to create a study which uses more methods and documents than typical historical studies include. For the “archive” understanding, see Turkel, Archive of Place, 14 and Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (Toronto: Random House, 1995), 14. See also Donald Worster, “Ice Worms, and Dirt: The Power of Nature in North American History,” in Method and Meaning in Canadian Environmental History, eds. Alan MacEachern and William J. Turkel (Toronto, ON: Nelson Education, 2009). For a different methodological technique to address how historians underrate social trends by ignoring the earth’s physical qualities, see David Christian’s Maps of Time: An Introduction to Big History (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004). I disagree with David McNab who asserts that scholars who ultimately want to argue for the superiority of European ways typically use references to nature to justify their view that Indigenous cultures are simplistic. See McNab, Circles of Time, 3.
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Furthermore, there is a typically monstrous and animalistic quality to filmic and televisual representations of asylum patients. In his famed study Madness and Civilization (1964), French thinker Michel Foucault suggests that “a certain image of animality . . . haunted the hospitals of the period. Madness borrowed its face from the mask of the beast. Those chained to the cell walls were no longer men whose minds had wandered, but beasts preyed upon by a natural frenzy. . .This model of animality prevailed in the asylums and gave them their cagelike aspect, their look of the menagerie (72).” He goes on to add that ‘the animality that rages in madness dispossesses man of what is specifically human in him; not in order to deliver him over to other powers, but simply to establish him at the zero degree of his own nature’ (74). The suggestion that mad patients are animalistic is common in contemporary representations. In AHSA – as well as a great number of other asylums, including Ashecliffe Hospital in Shutter Island (2010) and Arkham Asylum in the Batman franchise – the asylum space is peppered with characters who are clear representations of this bestial monstrosity. The asylum film, then, not only depicts extreme confinement, but renders the mad as monstrous, inhuman, and animalistic. Madness robs us of our humanity and asylums are there, not only to protect society from these ‘monsters’, but to create them in the first place.
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Acharya Charaka has explained bala vridhikar bhava, the factors which increase strength/immunity , as - birth in a place where people are naturally healthy or strong, birth in a family of strong healthy person, birth at a time when people naturally gain strength (Visarga kala), favourable time, excellence(guna- sampat) qualities of sperm and ovum(bija- sampat) and healthiness of uterus( kshetra- sampat), excellence of diet (ahara-sampat), ex- cellence of physique (sharir- sampat), excel- lence of suitability (satmya-sampat), excellence of mental health (satva-sampat), natural mecha- nism (savabhav-sanssidha), young age, regular exercise and other physical activities  Among
described as existing “betwixt and between” a former home and a new home, a previous social setting and a receiving society, a homeland and a country of refuge. And many dis- placed people tend to describe their experience using simi- lar binary terms. Yet, in this seemingly static set of circum- stances, homemaking nevertheless takes place as people try to recreate familiarity, improve their material conditions, and imagine a better future. The authors in this special issue are concerned with notions of home and the material day-to-day practices that people in displacement pursue to survive and move on, and demonstrate that, even in wait- ing, people continue to challenge static arrangements, long for and imagine a home located somewhere else, and make home in exile. The overall perspective from the empirical material emerging from the contributions is a departure from the conception of protracted displacement as “limbo.” In order to understand the ways in which homemaking practices take place during displacement, we shift towards a vocabulary of liminality 59 that captures the simultaneous
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health, dementia and crime, where the population density is high. There will be a high rate of people with mental deterioration and high crime. Also found that high density sources and there are high criminals. Rural people experience natural drought. Liabilities and no livelihoods cause poverty, and the flow of the countryside entering the major cities. In addition to the density must be corrected by eliminating the poverty of rural people. Some psychologists have distinguished between the density and the crowd by saying that density is a physical condition, meaning the number of people per population is a psychological condition. The density does not necessarily cause the crowd condition, such as in the stadium or in listening to music with high density. It does not cause discomfort (Not in crowded conditions). If people watch sports or listen to a little music, it may be fun. People who are live in a dense place for a long time will be able to adjust themselves to live in that society but will cause frustration easily. When in high density, another problem that occurs is noise pollution. If people live in there, although only a short time, it will find that they have changed in both physical and behavioral. The physical characteristics that change is that the heart will beat faster and have more sensitivity stimuli. The behavior that has changed is the ability to solve problems. When the noise is stopped, the various characteristics go into normal conditions. There are studies in young children found that children who live in very noisy places will have the ability to read and distinct the sound. These abilities are lower than children who live in a more peaceful place. Besides the sound, temperature is an environment that influences a person's behavior. In fact, Temperature does not directly influence behavior. But the temperature causes physical changes and emotional conditions, such as heat, causing damage to the body. Social interaction also is a study of individual behavior. Influencing each other is a two-way process. It will be the social relationship, social awareness. Interaction are formed in groups and with the environment, also with social relations.
Kevin Lynch innovation was the concept of place legibility, which in fact is the facility for people to understand the layout of a place. By introducing this idea, Lynch was able to isolate distinct features of a city and see what specifically is making it vibrant, and attractive to people. People first create a mental map to understand the layout of a city. Mental maps of a city are mental representations of what the city contains, and its layout according to the individual. These mental representations, along with the actual city, contain many unique elements, which are defined by Lynch as a network of paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks. First, paths are channels by which people move along in their travels. Examples of paths are roads, streets, trails, and sidewalks. Edges are the second elements which are all other lines not included in the path group for examples walls and seashores. The districts are parts of the city that are relatively considerable in size having an identifying character about them. Nodes being the fourth element, are points or strategic spots where there is an extra focus or added concentration of city features including a busy intersection or a popular city center. Finally, landmarks are external physical objects that act as reference points. Landmarks can be any physical object that aids in orientation in way-finding such as store, mosque, mountain, school, etc.Lynch elements help the users to understand the surrounding area in consistent and predictable ways and helps in forming a mental maps.
discovered in practice that digital producers like to be in close proximity, even though they did not need to be, in terms of the physical transfer of goods (Pratt 2000). As has been suggested, a well-populated and diverse cultural ecosystem is valued by the cultural industries and their workers; moreover, these ecosystems are rooted (but not exclusively located) in places. Cultural industry clusters have increasingly been a topic of analysis of economic geographers concerned with networking and knowledge exchange (Bathelt and Gluckler 2011). The attraction to place is associated with the social and economic reproduction of labor (people have to live and work in a place), but also with the local cultural discussions. Significantly, a taste community is a valuable asset in minimizing risk regarding new products. Quite simply, the notion of a “scene,” which is a community of practice and a social institution, has led to the clustering of cultural producers in cities, often within one or two streets, a hypercluster. Such clusters are stereotypically urban in the sense that the agora of the city, the in-betweenness, is the material and social manifestation of the ecosystem.
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The boundaries constructed around place are increasingly permeable and arbitrary as people, capital, and commodities have become unbounded and highly mobile. Although these conditions contribute to new ways of experiencing and imagining place and identity, they also generate deeply-felt anxieties about space, place, and belonging. This research examines how people mobilize the discursive components of place branding to create and naturalize associations of place, identity, and belonging in order to more firmly establish constructions of place that are bounded, static, and essential. This research was conducted through 25 ethnographic interviews and three months of participant-observation at the Pinehurst, Southern Pines, and Aberdeen Area Convention and Visitors Bureau, a local destination marketing organization. My findings reveal the ways in which place branding in Pinehurst constructs the promise of an exclusive white, elite social imaginary of place without appearing to do so by drawing on Scottish heritage, lifestyles associated with golf, and the attendant social identities and values they communicate (Chapter 4). Residents draw on these same resources to articulate their own senses of place, which are predicated on ideas of small-town American life and communicated and preserved, in part, through the landscape (Chapter 5). The nostalgia residents drew from was constructed from branded components and understood by my participants as being threatened as younger, racially diverse families move into the area (Chapter 6). Ultimately, my participants used the components and resources of place branding not only to define and construct their own associations to place but to disassociate others, constructing them as outside the boundaries of the brand and
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For example PEW research revealed that 90% of teens on MySpace use the service to stay in touch with people they already know. In Korea too, 85% of participants in a survey on Cyworld said they joined to maintain existing friendships. Given this, young people are more willing to place personal information on their profiles as they believe or assume that most people who will view their page will be ‗friends.‘ However, it is much easier to become a ‗friend‘ online than offline and many users do not restrict their privacy settings to only friends. The risk is illustrated by the PEW study which indicated that 31% of American teens with profiles have ‗friends‘ who they have never met. These privacy concerns are further compounded by the new instant ‗chat‘ feature where more personal conversations can take place with ‗friends.‘
The understanding of kinship with nature is a large part of indigenous thought all over the world. To many traditional Mayan people, stories of an unwilling marriage between a beautiful nature deity and a human make people the in-laws of the natural world. Nature takes the place of a reluctant relative, who has family responsibilities nonetheless (Mazariegos, 2010). To the Mayans, this uncomfortable peace with nature must be carefully maintained through ritual, and remembered through stories (Prechtel, 2005). Mazariegos writes that, “The Mayan relationship of man to the earth and its bounty can be viewed as an affinal relationship, or rather, as a permanent state of being a suitor” (2010 p. 49). Through this story of a part of nature as an unwilling bride, the possibility of humans toppling the balance of nature is made relevant to everyday life, giving traditional Mayans a common awareness of what they take from nature to survive.