Pierre Bourdieu and symbolic violence

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A Methodological Nexus of Pierre Bourdieu and Kathy Charmaz: An Example from a Doctoral Study

A Methodological Nexus of Pierre Bourdieu and Kathy Charmaz: An Example from a Doctoral Study

Symbolic violence is another of Bourdieu’s concept that applied to the study as positioned by Schubert (cited in Grenfell, 2008). Bourdieu correlates symbolic violence to cultural arbitrariness as reflected in the following assertion: “In any given social formation there is a tendency to impose recognition of the legitima- cy of the dominant culture on the members of the dominated groups or classes, it tends at the same time to impose on them by inculcation or exclusion, recog- nition of the illegitimacy of their own cultural arbitrary” (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). This view is further broken down by Thompson (1984) who positions that the tendency by dominant systems to give preferential treatment to particular social classes is an equivalent of symbolic violence. This is to say, for example in this study that, if norms and values of the medical system or the prison system or the judicial system were dominant, they would be considered arbitrary. Ac- cording to Bourdieu, this arbitrariness would then enforce the values and norms of the dominant group and in the process legitimising these values in the func- tionality of the systems involved. The legitimisation would then facilitate the re- production of the interests of the dominant system. This is perceived by Bour- dieu as symbolic violence. So for example in this study, forensic psychiatric pa- tients experienced symbolic violence when the dominant prison system opera- tionalized its system and viewed it as legitimate.
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Exploring symbolic violence in the everyday : misrecognition, condescension, consent and complicity

Exploring symbolic violence in the everyday : misrecognition, condescension, consent and complicity

In this article, we draw on Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘misrecognition’, ‘condescension’ and ‘consent and complicity’ to demonstrate how domination and violence are reproduced in everyday interactions, social practices, institutional processes and dispositions. Importantly, this constitutes symbolic violence, which removes the victim’s agency and voice. Indeed, we argue that as symbolic violence is impervious, insidious and invisible it also simultaneously legitimises and sustains other forms of violence as well. Understanding symbolic violence together with traditional discourses of violence is important because it provides a richer insight into the ‘workings’ of violence, provides new ways of conceptualising violence across a number of social fields and new strategies for intervention. Symbolic violence is a valuable tool for understanding co ntentious debates on the disclosure of violence, women leaving or staying in abusive relationships or returning to their abusers. Whilst we focus only on violence against women, we recognise that the gendered nature of violence produces its own sets of vulnerabilities against men and marginalised groups, such as LGBT. The paper draws on empirical research conducted in Sweden in 2003 by the second-author. Sweden is an interesting case study because despite its progressive gender equality policies, there has been no marked decrease in the violence towards women by men.
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Between cultural theory and policy : the cultural policy thinking of Pierre Bourdieu, Michel de Certeau and Regis Debray

Between cultural theory and policy : the cultural policy thinking of Pierre Bourdieu, Michel de Certeau and Regis Debray

We have seen how Bourdieu had himself taken a limited part in the deliberations of the Plan, and he noted in his 1975 article how ‘aesthetic’ (i.e. cultural policy) considerations loomed relatively large in the ideology being fashioned by the network of institutions evoked above. He argued that this was in part an aspect of the strategy of adapting in order to preserve. Rather than risk a return of the traumatizing upheavals of May 1968, graduates from the ‘schools of power’ (notably the Ecole Nationale d’Administration and Polytechnique) had ‘understood that they should adjust their sights by reintroducing all the things that the spokespeople for the excluded were demanding, which is to say beauty, happiness and imagination’ (PID 51). To concede a little such symbolic gratification would, as it were, lubricate the mechanisms of productivity, cost relatively little, and provide a sop for discontented intellectuals. Indeed, Bourdieu suggested that the prominence of aesthetic concerns in this new discourse could be explained not simply because it added an appearance of ‘soul’ (un supplément d’âme) to technocratic programmes, but also because cultural education programmes could provide a secularized equivalent to ‘spiritual exercises’ that might rechannel the disturbing violence and contestation that had emerged over the May events (PID 44) . In other words, in the aftermath of those events, certain political circles (Bourdieu refers here in particular to the writings of Jacques Duhamel’s cabinet director, Jacques Rigaud) saw in ‘cultural development’ a programme that could ‘reeducate’ people to abandon their old mindsets and to embrace the demands of the new economic environment. As Duhamel himself had said, ‘resistance to change even more than material deprivation is what impedes development.’ 13 What capital (or productivity targets) objectively required was for people to become flexible, adaptable, mobile, as well as to desire things that they did not really need. In this perspective, cultural development policy was not concerned primarily with emancipating people. Its footsoldiers, the cultural and socio- cultural animateurs, took their place among the expanding professions of ‘soft management’ (encadrement doux) (PID 51): looking to remodel people’s aspirations, at worst they would defuse the tensions associated with the changes outlined above; at best they might lead people to embrace these changes, flexibly changing their work practices as required and hankering after the primarily symbolic goods that would now drive the economy…
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Cyber-trolling as symbolic violence: Deconstructing gendered abuse online

Cyber-trolling as symbolic violence: Deconstructing gendered abuse online

trolling which more generally attempt to disrupt or hijack online interactions. ‘Gendertrolls’ have a different motivation and ‘gendertrolling is exponentially more vicious, virulent, aggressive, threatening, pervasive, and enduring than generic trolling … gendertrolls take their cause seriously, so they are therefore able to rally others who share in their convictions … [and] are devoted to targeting the designated person’ (Mantilla, 2015: 11). New forms of media can also ‘exacerbate issues surrounding sexual violence by creating digital spaces wherein the perpetration and legitimization of sexual violence takes on new qualities’ (Dodge, 2015: 67). The most prominent reported form of abuse or ‘gendertrolling’ targeted at women online involves rape threats and/or death threats. ‘Rape culture’ can be seen as re-emerging within popular discourses over the past five years and is ‘a socio-cultural context in which an aggressive male sexuality is eroticized and seen as a “healthy”, “normal”, and “desired” part of sexual relations’ (Keller et al., 2015: 5; Herman, 1978). It can be defined as:
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Gender as Symbolic Capital and Violence: The Case of Corporate Elites in Turkey

Gender as Symbolic Capital and Violence: The Case of Corporate Elites in Turkey

Whilst highlighting the paradox of continuity and change regarding gender relations in Turkish society, we make three significant theoretical contributions. First, framing gender as symbolic capital is not only a peculiarity attributed to and monopolized by men, but it is tactically conceived and constantly reconfigured by all actors involved in struggles of power. Second, symbolic violence functions here not only as a one-way relation of domination, but rather as a tactical move for ultimately establishing a hidden status quo, where women are clearly placed in the inferior ranks. More importantly, through our fieldwork in Turkey, we contest the common expectation that a greater number of women in elite positions may help combat the patriarchal organization of relations at work and family and challenge the existing dominating structures. Instead, we show that, in the absence of other gender equality measures to foster cultural change, the patriarchal gender order continues to relegate women to secondary status, even among elite business families, where men are still given the first choice of access to senior posts. Third, as another important contribution of this study, this does not mean that men do not suffer from patriarchal domination, even though they seem to be the main perpetrators of it (Connell, 1995). In fact, our study illustrates that the men holding the most powerful positions are the ones who suffer the most from patriarchal pressure to organize their private as well as their professional lives. Male executive managers had to follow the strictly designed and firmly imposed route already traced for them, usually by their fathers. In sum, although gender is associated with male domination, by placing men in apparently superior positions, both sexes are subject to entirely dissimilar processes of subjugation to a systemic use of symbolic violence. As such, symbolic violence serves as a tactical tool for ensuring reproduction of the gender order among men and women in the upper echelons.
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Pierre Bourdieu on social transformation, with particular reference to political and symbolic revolutions

Pierre Bourdieu on social transformation, with particular reference to political and symbolic revolutions

Bourdieu’s analysis of state transformation may have been rooted in his own experience of growing up in the provincial southwest of France (the Béarn), which gave him an unusual insight into the distinctive trajectory of French state centralisation (2004b). In three articles published from 1962 to 1972 (collected in The Bachelors’ Ball (2008c)), Bourdieu broaches the analysis later taken up in On the State. In particular, he addresses the decline of the peasant mode of production in the Béarn. Initiated by the recession of the 1880s, deeply undermined by the post-World War I rise in prices in the national market, and, more recently, by changes in the global market, the movement from a “closed world to an infinite universe” engendered a peasant decline (2008c, p. 174). The Béarn ’ s long independence under its dukes — despite its incorporation within France in the sixteenth century — had endowed a relatively egalitarian provincial world orchestrated around a prosperous and secure peasant class. With its own strategies based on social honour—especially the rule of marriage between peasant equals, with dowry exchange as a prerequisite—the peasant holding was kept whole and relatively prosperous until the late nineteenth century. But since the inauguration of a “critical phase” with World War II, and despite innovations such as agricultural cooperatives, the better-educated women from the hamlets had preferred working in small towns and marrying urban employees (2008c, pp. 185–189). The new marriage preferences hastened the spread of French (as opposed to the peasant patois) and the urban ethos, “accumulating contradictions” or “cognitive costs” for peasant sons, now seen as uneducated and ineducable (2008c, p. 55). Hence the remarkable number (56%), post-World War II, of peasant men consigned to a bachelor existence—“reproduction forbidden.” 10
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Reflexões sobre a ideologia: as lições de Pierre Bourdieu e Luc Boltanski (Bee, F. and Condli, R.,Trans.)

Reflexões sobre a ideologia: as lições de Pierre Bourdieu e Luc Boltanski (Bee, F. and Condli, R.,Trans.)

„ RESUMO: O propósito principal deste artigo é demonstrar a relevância duradoura do conceito de ideologia para a análise sociológica contemporânea. Com isso em vista, o artigo recorre aos argumentos centrais apresentados por Pierre Bourdieu e Luc Boltanski em “La production de l’idéologie dominante” [A produção da ideologia dominante]. As importantes contribuições teóricas dessa investigação têm sido, no entanto, amplamente ignoradas pelos sociólogos contemporâneos, mesmo por aqueles que se especializaram no estudo crítico da ideologia. Este artigo pretende preencher essa lacuna na literatura ao mostrar que lições úteis podem ser aprendidas a partir da investigação crítica de Bourdieu e Boltanski, a qual fornece insights cruciais acerca das características e funções principais das ideologias, incluindo as maneiras pelas quais elas se desenvolvem e operam nas sociedades capitalistas avançadas. O artigo é dividido em duas partes principais: a primeira parte examina vários aspectos universais da ideologia; a segunda parte procura lançar luz sobre diversos aspectos particulares da ideologia dominante. O artigo conclui argumentando que a tese do “fim da ideologia”, apesar de levantar questões sociológicas valiosas, é em última instância insustentável.
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Symbolic Violence and the Violation of Human Rights: Continuing the Sociological Critique of Domination

Symbolic Violence and the Violation of Human Rights: Continuing the Sociological Critique of Domination

It is becoming less and less possible to accept the conventional view that the world is divided into peaceful liberal democracies and uncivil rogue states (Chomsky 2000; Derrida 2005). What we have been witnessing in the post 9/11 era is a globalizing warfare mode of politics where the vigorous planetary marketization of capitalist interests through various forms of authoritarian-military practices from the declaration of permanent conditions of quasi-martial law by numerous states worldwide is accompanied by the near abrogation of civil liberties in the name of security. This remarkably horrific trend is now becoming a well-known theme in the renewed critique of domination that has developed since the events of 9/11. It has been a major topic of study for the last decade (the post 9/11 era) where scholarship by Agamben (2005), Derrida (2003), newly published lectures by Foucault (2007, 2008) and countless others, have indicated how the shift in political-military power since 9/11 has been re- defined in ways that are described by some as the advent of proto-fascism, the new authoritarianism (Giroux 2005), and the age of the hypersecurity state (Colaguori 2005). The macrosocial violence of war, security and espionage and mass public deception that characterizes political engagement in the war on terror is now the normal expression of neo-liberal power. There are minor, fragmentary expressions as well. These include the use of repressive force in the criminalization of civil dissent worldwide. This was apparent in the G20 summit protests in Toronto in the summer of 2010 where the province of Ontario’s own officials later proclaimed that massive human rights violations had been perpetrated by police who were encouraged to use excessive force through a last-minute piece of legislation that delimited the rights of civilians to use city space for public demonstrations.
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Caring for quality of care: symbolic violence and the bureaucracies of audit

Caring for quality of care: symbolic violence and the bureaucracies of audit

At the outset of this paper we distinguished between the moral concept ‘care’ and the professional practice of health care. We suggested that the latter can be done with more or less of the former and that excellent health care is associated with more, and not less, moral care. Concern for the Quality of Care is concern that health care is done with care; it is a moral concern. However, any attempt to evaluate the Quality of Care in particular cases or institutions can only gesture towards an evaluation of ‘ care’ as a moral ideal. The practicalities of bureaucracy, audit, evaluation and ‘quality assurance’ methodology mean that whilst we can construct symbolic representa- tions of the Quality of Care predicated on the practical de- livery of health care, care itself remains a frontline task that can only be guaranteed by those who actually deliver it, their ethics and professionalism. The Quality of Care dis- course finds its main usefulness in the management and organization of health and social care. As such it can con- tribute towards the provision of care but cannot guarantee care as a moral phenomenon. Furthermore, the law of un- intended consequences means that institutionalized audit- ing processes of such bureaucracies may actively militate against care as a moral practice. Paradoxically the institu- tionalized goals or targets created by bureaucratic pro- cesses of ‘assurance’ have a not insignificant potential to displace the goals they are seeking to assure. As a symbolic practice Quality of Care evaluations have the potential ei- ther to dominate or emancipate the actual practice of care. Arguably Quality of Care evaluations appear to be subject- ing contemporary health care practices and practitioners to a greater level of domination than emancipation. This is, at least in part, a function of measures becoming targets, something that has unintended consequences, not least of which is the production of perverse incentives. The sym- bolic and structural domination of health care profes- sionals is such that they may become overly responsive to concerns and targets rooted in Quality of Care discourses and frameworks at the expense of being responsive to the needs of patients for care.
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The Experience of Ofsted: fear, judgement and symbolic violence

The Experience of Ofsted: fear, judgement and symbolic violence

The passage is important because the focus is on how the assessment is communicated. The difference in approach here is rooted in a different view of how learning works and how knowledge and power interact. The Ofsted approach can be characterised in Bourdieusian terms of pedagogic authority: the tutor is required to undertake the role of authoritative judge. The observation process is an important opportunity to assert that authority. The assessor is the infallible judge, capable of absolute and objective judgement. This carries with it a set of assumptions about power and knowledge. There is no sense of co-construction of meaning and the knowledge travel is strictly one way (and presumably believed to be objective). This can be viewed as a normative intervention aimed at shaping the relations between students and teachers as well as its tone. The imposition of meaning provides an explicit example of symbolic violence as a cultural and pedagogic practice.
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The Symbolic Production of Culture in Discourses on Fashion in Le Monde and The Guardian: A Critical Application of the Work of Bourdieu

The Symbolic Production of Culture in Discourses on Fashion in Le Monde and The Guardian: A Critical Application of the Work of Bourdieu

In Chapter 1, after an analysis of the use in French and British academia of the concept of culture, I discuss the work of those cultural commentators who value culture as high culture a[r]

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Habitus, Symbolic Violence, and Reflexivity: Applying Bourdieu’s Theories to Social Work

Habitus, Symbolic Violence, and Reflexivity: Applying Bourdieu’s Theories to Social Work

In their article reviewing social work fields in ten countries, Weiss-Gal & Welbourne (2008) distinguish between two ap- proaches for determining professionalization: the attributes (or trait) approach and the power (or control) approach. As outlined above, the successes that have been made in distinguishing American social work as a profession fall under the attributes approach. Despite these successes, a number of authors have argued that social work continues to fall short of professional status, particularly because it lacks the ability to make decisions on the basis of its own professional knowledge and values, free of the restraints of managers or agencies outside the profession (Hugman, 1996). In Bourdieusian terms, the field of social work lies under the control of the state, which itself is not a single monolithic entity, but a collection of sub-fields “vying over the definition and distribution of public goods” (Waquant, 2010, p. 200). Within this collective, social work represents the “left hand of the state”—the “feminine” “spendthrift,” in charge of “social functions” such as education, health, housing, welfare, and offering protection and relief to the poor. In contrast, the “right hand” or “masculine” side of the state is oriented toward economic discipline and law and order (Bourdieu, 1998/1998; Bourdieu & Waquant, 1993/1994).
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Knowledge sharing, control, compliance and symbolic violence

Knowledge sharing, control, compliance and symbolic violence

The scientists came to accept the legitimacy of the portal as part of their everyday work, and it became, for them, the right way to think and behave, even though their motives for doing so were somewhat at odds with those advanced by management. Following Bourdieu and Passeron (1977, p. 206) we contend that accepting the rationale for sharing and networking justifies the existence of Confect-Portal while misrecognizing the ultimate purpose which is to create and appropriate codifiable knowledge, rather than merely to share it. By appealing to the scientists’ sense of identity and by counting on their inherent tendency to police themselves as professionals, the risk of overt resistance is effectively neutralized. The scientists not only take pride in their ability to collaborate and derive satisfaction from the subsequent product outcomes; they also disregard the opportunity to make self-interested appropriative claims on their knowledge beyond deriving intrinsic satisfaction and symbolic rewards. This scenario reveals an ideological ethos in the way both management and the scientists subscribe to the ‘shared’ interest of networking and knowledge-sharing while ignoring the fact that efforts to appropriate knowledge constitute a reconfiguration of material interests (Beyer, 1981). Hence, the potential incongruity of the scientists’ and Confect’s interests is swept under the ideological carpet by the broom of ‘facilitation’ which acts as a surrogate for control.
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Bourdieu, Rancière, Inequality and Education

Bourdieu, Rancière, Inequality and Education

This paper is an exploration of the respective approaches of Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Rancière to education, specifically the question as to whether education has a significant ‘effect’ or influence on social inequality. Bourdieu’s work is presented in terms of his well-known and related concepts of cultural capital and habitus, where the latter is understood as a largely unconscious cultural predisposition or attitude that is the result of cultivation as a function of cultural capital, that is, the symbolic-cultural manifestation of distinctive class taste. It is argued that, although Bourdieu is critical of inequality in French society, his research has shown that it is endemic to that society, and that education, which begins at home and continues through school to university – including ‘ordinary’ universities as well as the prestigious ‘grands écoles’ of France – is the main mediating institution in the establishment, reinforcement and legitimation of social inequality in the highly stratified French society. In contrast to Bourdieu’s work, which seems to be unable to move beyond the description and theorisation of a society that is (apparently irredeemably) characterised by inequality, for Rancière equality may be approached as an ‘hypothesis’ in need of confirmation, and there are several strategies to pursue this, one of which is to adopt the principle of ‘ignorance’ on the part of the teacher, in order to demonstrate the ability of students to ‘teach themselves’ once they have the requisite material – a reference to Joseph Jacotot, who adopted this approach in 19 th -century France,
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Kant, Cassirer et Bourdieu

Kant, Cassirer et Bourdieu

introduction à la première partie qui s’appelait ‘Statistique et sociologie’ dans laquelle, en effet, il a discuté le rapport entre les représentations mathématiques et l’observation ethnographique dans les recherches des sciences sociales. Je suggère implicitement que Bourdieu transférait les discussions théoriques dans les livres de Guéroult et Vuillemin aux conditions pratiques des enquêtes des sciences sociales. Encore une fois, la question était celle des relations entre la mathématisation de la réalité et le dynamisme génétique de cette réalité. A son retour à la France, Bourdieu chercha un langage scientifique pour communiquer les résultats de ses recherches. D’abord, il assista aux séminaires de claude Lévi-Strauss et il se présenta comme anthropologue. Mais il était vite accepté par Raymond Aron et il a devenu le sécretaire de la groupe de recherche qu’avait fondé Aron – la Centre de Sociologie Européenne dans l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales. En travaillant avec Jean-Claude Passeron, Bourdieu a fait des recherches qui ont mené aux publications dans les champs de l’éducation et de la culture. La présentation des résultats de l’enquête sur les musées qui étaient publiés dans L’Amour de lArt était très dure et très mathématique. Bourdieu essayait à faire la science sociale dans une manière rigoureuse et mathématique comme préscrivait au temps le néo-positivisme et surtout Paul Lazarsfeld. Cependant, dans la deuxième partie des années soixante, il semblait que Bourdieu a commencé à ranimer la totalité des son approche intellectuel – à ranimer la totalité qu’il avait supprimé pour se présenter comme sociologue. C’était à cette date que Bourdieu a traduit deux textes d’Erwin Panofsky. Bien que la postface qu’a écrit Bourdieu ne mentionne Cassirer, la traduction des ces textes par un disciple de Cassirer était, peut-être, à l’origine d’une considération des textes du maître. A 1967 et 1968, Bourdieu a écrit deux articles signifiants sur la méthodologie sociologique, tous les deux publiés seulement en anglais – « Sociology and Philosophy in France since 1945 » and « Structuralism and Theory of Sociological knowledge ». Dans le premier article, Bourdieun a dit que le problème de la méthodologie durkheimienne des sciences sociales était qu’elle se fondait sur une philosophie positive de la connaissance
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Introduction : Bourdieu and the literary field

Introduction : Bourdieu and the literary field

Michel Hockx focuses on the interest scholars of Chinese literature, both anglophone and sinophone, have found in Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological theory of literature. The underlying argument is that Bourdieu’s mode of construing the relative autonomy of the literary field has provided analysts of Chinese literature with a means of moving beyond the flattening effects of one-dimensionally politicized approaches (even if these latter have taken the opposing forms of support for and hostility to a political regime, whether from commentators based inside or outside China). Certainly, the interest of Bourdieu’s work heretofore has tended to be in its capacity to integrate various ‘contexts’ rather than its analysis of intrinsic form. Nonetheless, the article does show also how certain types of literary form (notably in the 1980s) can be seen as having played out in unexpected ways when effective contexts are suitably illuminated. The article thus introduces not only a rich vein of research into Chinese literature, but also demonstrates the potential of Bourdieu’s theories to be applied to very different national traditions, also seen in the macro- context of World Literary Space. Overall, Hockx’s article is particularly interesting insofar as it shows the uses of Bourdieu’s paradigm, often rather glibly accused of being ‘francocentric’, when transposed, applied and tested in a very different context.
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Exploring Bourdieu for engineering education research

Exploring Bourdieu for engineering education research

Individuals from a particular socio-economic group will usually have many aspects of their habitus in common. Habitus is both shaped by the social structures within which it is formed and regulates the actions of an individual within those social structures [14]. A person’s dispositions will include beliefs about their chances of success in a given endeavour; Bourdieu postulates that one’s aspirations, and subsequent actions, are then adjusted to the perceived probability of success. He refers to this idea as the “causality of the probable” [5]. Bourdieu uses his concept of ‘Field’ as a metaphor for all the organisations and individuals involved in a particular social or cultural arena and the interactions between them [5]. He sees every field as a situation of struggle, competition or conflict, the objective for each individual being to optimise their accumulation or retention of ‘capital’. Bourdieu’s concept of capital extends beyond mere economic capital to also encompass symbolic, cultural, social and linguistic capital. Each of these types of capital has a social value and can be ‘inherited’, through the circumstances of one’s early upbringing, or accumulated, exchanged and leveraged, much like economic capital [5].
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Challenging the field: Bourdieu and men's health

Challenging the field: Bourdieu and men's health

moment.”   (Bourdieu,   1992a:   60).    Stirring   up   the   restive   margins   of   this   emphasis   on   constraint,   Bourdieu’s   concept   of   “regulated   liberties”   (Bourdieu   1992b:   133)   is   mobilised   by   McNay   to   explore   structural   conditions   under   which   reflexive   self awareness   and   subsequent   potential   for   social   agency   and   change   might   occur.   Specifically,   Bourdieu’s   suggestion   that   proliferation   of   increasingly   differentiated   fields   yields   potential   for   subversive   movement   and   conflict   between   fields   (1989)   is   taken   up   by   McNay   to   argue   that   the   gendered   habitus   may   be   disrupted   by   movement   of   social   actors   between   fields   or   changes   in   the   structuring   of   fields.   Whereas   Bourdieu’s   conception   of   subjectivity   tends   to   unify   distinct   ‘masculine’   and   ‘feminine’   positions,   complexities   of   movement   between   social   fields   are   taken   by   McNay   to   underscore   the   potentially   conflicting   multiplicity   of   subject   positions   (1999).   From   this   feminist   perspective   it   is   argued   that   all   fields   contain   and   enforce   a   set   of   gender   rules   and   dispositions,   some   common   to   diverse   fields,   others   specific   to   a   particular   field   (Chambers,   2005;   Krais,   2006;   Thorpe,   2009).   For   example,   gendered   rules   and   dispositions   about   roles,   performance,   or   promotion   in   specific   fields   of   employment   often   differ.    An   example   discussed   by   McNay   is   that   of   “women   entering   the   workforce   after   child rearing”   encountering   incompatibilities   between   habitus   of   the   domestic   field   and   the   “objective  
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The Future of Economics in a Lakatos–Bourdieu Framework

The Future of Economics in a Lakatos–Bourdieu Framework

Yet science is not just a ‘battle’. It is also what Pierre Bourdieu calls a ‘power struggle’ (Bourdieu 1990; 1991), for actors in the domain of science are outfitted with varying degrees of social, cultural, and economic capital, making for a very uneven playing field when it comes to competition between paradigms. Under the dominance of a monistic understanding of science (as part of the cultural capital) 13 – in which, taking a cue from Kuhn, the rise of a dominant mainstream in scientific thought is seen as a desirable state of affairs and the mark of a mature (or ‘true’) body of thought (see Middleton 1998, Schultze 1996, Williamson 1997) – the process of standardization, or agreement on a common paradigm (what Lakatos calls a positive heuristic), reduces lack of certainty about the usability of one's specific human capital by securing career opportunities. It is reasonable to assume that the degree to which various paradigms (or, rather, their pro- ponents) are outfitted with economic capital (material resources) and social capital (co- operative ties to other actors within and outside the academic filed such as influencial journal editors, economic policymakers, business leaders, sponsors and, not to be for- gotten, the media) plays a large role in determining who gets to define orthodox eco- nomic thought, and how much heterodox paradigms are marginalized (particularly in terms of professorial positions at universities).
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Introduction: Bourdieu and Language

Introduction: Bourdieu and Language

In the eighth commentary——entitled “Unavoidable idealizations and the reality of symbolic power” 9 ——Hans-Herbert Ko¨gler defends the paradigmatic status of language in Bourdieu’s oeuvre, particularly in terms of the central role which the most influential French sociologist of the late twentieth century attributes to the construction of symbolic forms in his theory of practice. Similar to both Outhwaite’s and my own reading of Bourdieu, Ko¨gler is sympathetic to the project of drawing upon the complementary insights gained from seemingly opposed thinkers such as Habermas and Bourdieu. Suspicious of one-dimensional accounts in the humanities and social sciences, Ko¨gler insists upon the multifunctionality of speech, implying that there is far more involved in the use of language than the intent to communicate.
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