The available evidence to shed light on these policyissues is limited. An initial problem is the lack of data on the extent and composition of the public health workforce. This information gap is now being filled by WHO with data from a variety of sources, including the World Health Survey. Another major gap is the limited evidence on the effectiveness of public health training and practice. WHO is supporting the development of evidence to inform dis- cussion on the best approaches to strengthening public health capacity in developing countries. Its priorities are to build an evidence base on the size and structure of the public health workforce and to map the current public health postgraduate training programmes in developing countries and in Central and Eastern Europe. The next steps will include developing a consensus on the desired functions and activities of the public health workforce, and developing a framework and methods for assisting countries to assess, manage and enhance the performance of public health training institutions and of the public health workforce. This work will be carried out in associa- tion with WHO regional offices and a wide variety of part- ners.
Jennett, Scott, Affleck, Hailey, Ohinmaa, Anderson, C. et al (2004) reviewed the policy implications associated with the impact of telehealth on socioeconomic and health systems in Canada. They argued that telehealth cannot be viewed simply as an add-on service. Telehealth must be sensitive to not only cost and reimbursement issues but also issues such as social isolation, life stress, and poverty. Dena Puskin (2001, Puskin & Urka 1999) a U.S. telehealth policy specialist, observed that patients and clinicians living in rural and underserved areas will benefit from Telehealth and Telerehabilitation. However, adoption is slow because of policy and methodological barriers, such as standards and evaluation and policy lags caused by technical standards and requirements of the Health Insurance Accountability and Portability Act (HIPAA). Also reaching back to 1999, Jack Winters elaborated on the now familiar litany of policyissues and barriers as follows: a) payment structures and reimbursement mechanisms do not support telehealth services; b) liability and whether or not the clinician, the provider or the telecommunications company is liable; c) quality standards for devices; and d) licensure and practice across U.S. state lines. In a later review, Whitten and Sypher (2006) observed that the field has common barriers, especially the HIPPA requirements, with severe financial penalties for violations.
There is general agreement among Native, legal and policy scholars that the contemporary policy relationship between American Indian Nations and the United States Government is best described as self-determination. Beginning with Public Law 93-638, the Indian Self-Determination and Educational Assistance Act of 1975 (ISDEAA), Native leaders have greatly expanded their role in the making and implementation of federal policy in Indian Country. Yet self-determination remains elusive for many Indian nations. In this article we address a number of the policyissues that have emerged in the self- determination era by initially focusing on the concept of self-determination as public policy and noting key events in the evolution of federal/Indian policy. More specifically, we focus on the contemporary era including the build up to the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975 (ISDEAA) and subsequent amendments. Our focus then shifts to our understanding of self- determination and the extension to self-governance that emerged in the late 1980’s, including how self- governance developed as a natural next step in self-determination policy. Next, we examine the challenges that American Indian Nations face as they seek self-determination in the years since ISDEAA. Importantly, while many policyissues remain, tribal governments are actively practicing self-determination in ways unavailable prior to ISDEAA. Finally, we call for additional scholarship in the area of self-determination and self-governance policy. Whether through case studies of tribal governments that have successfully designed and implemented self-governance agreements, or via large-n studies that identify similarities and differences of tribes that have implemented self- determination policies, the need to better understand federal/Indian policy in the contemporary era remains.
Jennett, Scott, Affleck, Hailey, Ohinmaa, Anderson, C. et al. (2004) did a review of policy implications associated with the impact of telehealth on socioeconomic and health systems in Canada. They argue that telehealth cannot be viewed simply as an add-on service. It must be sensitive not only to cost and reimbursement issues but also consider issues such as social isolation, life stress, and poverty. Dena Puskin (2001, Puskin & Urka 1999) a U.S. telehealth policy specialist observed that patients and clinicians living in rural and underserved areas will benefit from telehealth and telerehabilitation. However, adoption is slow because of policy and methodological barriers, such as standards and evaluation, and policy lags caused by technical standards and requirements of the Health Insurance Accountability and Portability Act (HIPAA). Also reaching back to 1999, Jack Winters elaborated on the now familiar litany of policyissues and barriers as follows: a) payment structures and reimbursement mechanisms do not support telehealth services; b) liability and whether or not the clinician, the provider or the telecommunications company is liable; c) quality standards for devices; and d) licensure and practice across U.S. state lines. In a review, Whitten and Sypher (2006) observed that the field has common barriers, especially the HIPPA because of the severe financial penalties for violations.
Despite the fact that we are assuming perfect foresight in the forma tion of expectations we shall assume that the consequences of Lucas' (1976) critique are of no great significance. The Lucas critique states that we cannot use conventionally estimated macroeconometric models for evaluating policy changes, e.g., a change in government expenditure, G, because the parameters of the models will change as a result of policy changes. The Lucas critique has been incorporated into the specification of simple macroeconomic models, see McCafferty and Driskill (1980), but since the models of this chapter are essentially ad-hoc models which have not been derived from specific microfoundations, such an analysis is beyond the scope of this chapter.
Restrictions over the size and area o f private industrial activities have gradually been relaxed over time. By the end o f 1978, the private investment ceiling was abolished, and a fair and just compensation was assured where any industry was nationalized. The New Industrial Policy, adopted in 1982, codified three areas of industrial activities. The 'reserve list' restricted six industries (arms and ammunitions, automatic energy, air transport, telecommunications, electricity generation and distribution, and mechanized forest extraction) to only public sector investment. The 'concurrent list' kept thirteen industries (jute textiles, cotton textiles, sugar, paper and newsprint, iron and steel, ship-building and heavy engineering, heavy electrical industry, minerals and oil and gas, cement, petrochemicals, heavy and basic chemicals, and pharmaceuticals, shipping, and appliances and equipment for telecommunication services) open to both public and private sectors. The remaining industries which made up the 'free list' were open to the private sector. The Revised Industrial Policy, adopted in 1986, dropped the 'concurrent list' and retained in the 'reserve list' seven industries (arms and ammunitions, automatic energy, air transport, telecommunications excluding distribution and services, electricity generation and distribution, and mechanised forestry, and security printing) (Bangladesh 1986a). The scope for private investment has continued to expand in recent years. The latest industrial policy deleted electricity generation and distribution, and telecommunication from the 1986's 'reserve list1, and secured only five sectors for public sector (Bangladesh 1992b).
The recent trend towards deregulation of the coach and bus industry, the proposed privatisation of BR and heavily prescribed funding mechanisms within the Transport Supplementation Grant (TSG) system are some of the key factors influencing the co- ordination and integration of transport policy. In a recent report Nash et al (1991) compared the organisational structure and philosophy towards transport planning in the UK with other European countries. It was argued that in France and Germany there has been a longstanding recognition and commitment to co-ordinate and provide public transport for environmental, congestion and regional development reasons. In the UK prior to bus deregulation, the Passenger Transport Executives (PTEs) had a similar role. Since 1986 the PTEs however have had no control over the bulk of bus services, which are operated commercially. The lack of a single organisation to plan routes, timetables and fares between bus and rail and to integrate public and private transport, particularly in city areas has been in stark contrast to our European counterparts. Since deregulation bus traffic has fallen substantially.
A number of strategic simpliﬁca ons are needed to ensure that the dynamic microsimula on model captures key features of the tax/welfare and pension systems while remaining tractable. One major simpliﬁca on is that the model does not a empt to deal with public sector pensions, where the issues which arise are of a diﬀerent type. We focus instead on the private sector, where decisions regarding the balance between contribu ons towards pension savings and the income in re rement are more subject to the inﬂuence of economic and policy variables. Second, we focus on private sector employees rather than the self-employed. This is because the terms of re rement for the self-employed o en depend upon the envisaged income arising from ownership of a family business, or revenues arising from its sale that are dis nct from the pension system with which we are immediately concerned. Third, we do not a empt to deal with issues of illness and longer-term incapacity to work. There are both state schemes (Illness Beneﬁt, Invalidity Pension, Disability Allowance) and private schemes (permanent health insurance) which are geared towards dealing with income support for those unable to work. The issues arising are, however, too complex to include when modelling the long-term evolu on of incomes and pensions and are, therefore, outside the scope of the present model. Simpliﬁca ons of this type are common in the interna onal literature in this area.
International Symposium “Consumer Information – M arket Regulation by Means of Transparency?” 2 parties in society to encourage development of independent information sources such as magazines, websites etc. Such policy may include logistical and financial support, consumer education and raising public awareness. Consumers’ policy developments were sole responsibility of the national governments and only partly influenced by the EU institutions during the negotiation period for membership in the Union. As a result, Eastern European countries have developed different policies with diverse range of scope, or not develop any specific measures at all, as it is the example of Bulgaria. In Slovenia and the Czech republic, for example, state support for consumer organizations providing comparative testing of products is respectively 183 and 56 EUR per 1000 citizens in 2009 on the contrary it was just 3 EUR in Bulgaria and Romania .
The Table 1 framework is intended as a starting point which identifies the institutional settings and processes of the governance modes. It enables insight into questions about the constitution of the right mix and helps to inform better tailored governance regimes of collaborations for complex policyissues. Hopefully such tailoring will lead to more flexible and efficacious public policy process. In Western democracy, government traditionally coordinates fragmented policy arenas (sometimes superficially), but the suggestion here is that government should actually select the right mix of modes that is fit for the purpose. It goes without saying that the design of the governance mode must be an appropriate fit for the problem at hand, and this assumes the correct ‘naming and framing’ of the problem in the first instance.
Might current conditions lead to is a radical shift in policy? The Climate Change Act creates some of the conditions for such a proposition to emerge in that it provides a framework against which progress will be assessed. This, in turn, might create pressure from outside of the transport sector for accelerated change. The uncertainty and upward trajectory of oil prices may drive greater industrial and individual action more than government policies are able to do and might provide a rare window of opportunity for radical initiatives that would lock in the benefits of change. However, the combination of high oil prices and economic recession also dampen travel demand and allow the government to achieve its short term ends with limited additional action, perhaps instead creating a window to watch and wait while relevant technology advances.
Treated as a pay cut, a key feature is that it is not a flat percentage across the board, but is structured to place a higher proportionate burden on those with higher incomes. It is certainly true that this is a legitimate goal of public policy; it is less clear whether this is a goal best tackled through an instrument such as a public sector pension levy. The general goal of support for low incomes, or limiting equality of income, is typically assigned to the tax and welfare systems. Market forces can then be allowed to determine wages, in order to ensure the efficient operation of the labour market. Of course, the market for some occupations is strongly influenced or determined by the public sector. It could be argued that this may lead to public sector premia which are out of line with productivity related characteristics. Could the progressive structure of the PRD be helping to offset inappropriate public sector premia? Kelly et al. (2009) provide recent evidence on the pattern of public sector pay premia. Their analysis adjusting for factors such as age and educational qualifications which are known to influence wages, finds that public sector premia are higher for those at low wage levels, and small or negligible for those on high wage levels. This would suggest that, from a labour market point of view, reductions targeted specifically at the top would not be warranted.
EU policy on climate change post-2020 has yet to be determined, though the draft of the proposed policy is now published. The change in configuration of EU policy that is likely to take place in the post-2020 period will also have consequences for national policy in countries such as Germany and the UK. UK and German energy policy has shifted frequently in the past fifteen years. Helm (2014) points out that UK energy policy has gone from promoting liberalised markets, at the end of the 1990s, to relying on an extensive number of increasingly complex state interventions, including a move toward technology- specific subsidies for renewables and price guarantees for nuclear power. Not surprisingly, because these have led to higher costs for consumers, there has been a backlash and measures aimed at reducing the impact on final prices are being considered. Examples include a sudden withdrawal of subsidies for farm solar and Treasury’s introduction of the Levy Control Mechanism in 2011 to limit total subsidies paid out by the Department of Energy and Climate Change (DECC).
Introduction:- Indian agriculture had reached the stage of development and maturity much before the now advanced countries of the world embarked on the path of progress. At the time there was a proper balance between agriculture and industry and both flourished hand to hand. This situation continued till meddle of the eighteen century. The interference from the alien British government and its deliberate policy of throttling the village handicraft and cottage industries destroyed the fiber of balance and economy of the country was badly shattered. Britishers pursued atypical colonial police in India and did nothing to develop in agriculture. The cultivators had neither the resources nor the incentive to invest in agriculture. There for Indian agriculture in the pre- independence period can be correctly described as a subsistence occupation. It was only after the advent of planning (green revolution) that some farmers stared adopting agriculture on a commercial basis.
An interesting econometric result from BD (1997), which received little attention and was largely neglected in practice, was that aid has no influence on policy reform. This finding is further corroborated by such studies as Alesina and Dollar (2000), Botchway et al. (1998) and Killick, Gunatilaka, and Marr (1998). A succinct summary of these results is given by the World Bank (1998) report, Assessing Aid, which noted that there is “surprisingly little relationship between the amount of aid and policies” (p. 47: there exists “a mountain of literature [that] conclude[s] with skepticism about the ability of conditionality to promote reform in countries where there is no strong local movement in that direction” (p. 51). However, in practice, the World Bank does not pay heed to its own advice that policy conditionality does not work. 20
By monetary policy, we mean policy concerned with changes in the supply of money. Issues connected with monetary policy are: objectives or goals of the policy, instruments of monetary control, its efficacy, implementation, intermediate target of the policy etc. India‘s monetary policy since the first plan period was one of 'controlled expansion-that is, a policy of adequate financing of economic growth ensuring reasonable price stability. Thus, RBI helped the economy to expand via expansion of money and credit and attempted to check rise in prices through monetary and other control measures.
While the rest of the world progresses toward renewable energy production, Utah continues to be heavily dependent on nonrenewable fossil fuel resources. Here, I examine Utah’s current energy situation as the basis for critiquing the Governor’s recently published 10-year energy plan. Current energy supplies derive mainly from coal, natural gas, and imported oil while renewable resources, such as solar, wind, and bio- mass, constitute only a small fraction of available energy. The environmental impact of present energy poli- cies will lead to increased carbon dioxide production, more water contamination, exacerbated dangers for miners, and worsening air quality. After this analysis and critique, I make a series of public policy recom- mendations to diversify Utah’s energy portfolio and bring it up-to-date with national and international efforts to increase the sustainability of our energy practices.