The paper discusses PPP related policies and measures implemented by Aquino administration including government organization, project development fund, PPP fund and relaxation of single borrowers' limit. Dutertenomics will be discussed from the point of view of 1) acceleration of infrastructure development, 2) shift from PPP to ODA, 3) hybrid PPP and 4) financial sources. The paper also examines changes in infrastructure development and its policy in the three decades after Marcos administration since 1986 as a background of these policyshift. The paper discusses that the issue is not about the "PPP vs ODA" but how to promote complementary relations between the public sector and PPP; in other words “PPP and ODA”.
As a public protection premise, the police can monitor through GPS-enabled tracking those strongly suspected of, or at least those already charged/convicted of domestic violence offences and/or stalking. But as a piece of public policy this would, under the workings of the rule of law in the UK, require legislative effort to create a means by which the private life of such an offender could be interfered with 'in accordance with the law', and only when necessary and proportionate 5 .
Drug prohibition has long been a subject of intense debate amongst both policy makers and economists. The primary argument against drug prohibition is an economic one, stating that as long as demand for drugs exists, supply will continue, legally or illegally. If it is illegal, a black market economy for drugs can have numerous negative consequences, from detrimentally affecting public health, to an increase violence caused (in part) by extra-judicial retribution for crimes carried out by drug using victims who fear harsh sanctions, and therefore avoid involving law enforcement. If drugs are legalized or decriminalized, economic theory dictates that, while this shift in policy will eliminate many of the black market’s negative externalities, it will exacerbate others, resulting in negative externalities such as increase in drug use, child
Former Premier Deng Xiaoping’s famous quotation “crossing the river by feeling the stones,” describing the cautious and incremental approach China should take towards development, is still revered as the most basic theory guiding China’s development path. How this approach has played out is worth assessing, particularly as many have increasingly questioned if and how Chinese policy has evolved or will evolve to ensure that the country’s development is not only focused on immediate economic growth, but also economically, socially and environmentally sustainable. The following Policy Brief addresses this question by tracing key issues in China’s past and current path to development. It finds that China is clearly increasingly shifting its policies to foster more sustainable growth, which provides a good indication that its upcoming policies will head in the same positive direction. Admittedly, there are issues to be resolved over certain policies, and China faces significant barriers to actually implementing and enforcing its sustainable development policies and of course has a long way to go in achieving an anywhere near ideal level of sustainable development. Nonetheless, China’s continued commitment to better development is nothing short of impressive.
city provides any suggestion that NYPD may have targeted some (but not all) poor ethnic-minority communities. From 1992 through 1996 (Figures 6, 7, 8, 9), transit was a major enforcer of MPV arrests. In 1994 (Figure 8), transit recorded more than a third (36%) of all MPV arrests. As of 1995 (Figure 9), transit was still the largest enforcer of the MPV arrest policy. However, starting in 1995, the number of MPV arrests recorded by transit started a precipitous decline. Several new concentrations of MPV arrests emerged. Consistent with Hypothesis 1, several sections of downtown (Greenwich Village, Soho, and the Lower East Side, Chinatown) as well as the midtown business district were primary, recording more than 100 MPV arrests in 1995. However, consistent with Hypothesis 2, a poor Hispanic section of the Bronx (Melrose, Mott Haven, Port Morris), a poor mixed black-Hispanic section of the Bronx (Soundview, Parkchester), and a relatively wealth- ier black section of Queens (Jamaica, St. Albans, Hollis) also had more than 100 MPV arrests.
Government as a new policy direction in managing domestic violence perpetrators, under the proposed DAPOs, and described in cl.37 of the draft Bill. In fact, this is the approach that the Home Affairs Select Committee had recently approved in their October 2018 report on domestic abuse. The Committee report noted that expert witnesses to their inquiry had observed that " …the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme (“Clare’s Law”) was dependent on an individual asking about an offender’s history and recommended that the focus be
The importance of demand response as a means of flexibility has been widely recognised among stake- holders and policy makers in Europe, e.g. in the Energy Roadmap 2050 (“energy saving and manag- ing demand: a responsibility for all”), in the Internal Market Communication (“stronger demand response in distribution networks”) and in the Energy Effi- ciency Directive (“demand response is an important instrument for improving energy efficiency”). The gradual roll-out of smart meters at residential level and the deployment of smart grids are expected to provide the ‘hardware’ for demand response. Thus, how to engage consumers to participate in demand response is becoming a pressing issue.
Abstract—In digital signal processing, a shift-invariant filter can be represented as a polynomial expansion of a shift operation, that is, the Z-transform representation. When extended to Graph Signal Processing (GSP), this would mean that a shift-invariant graph filter can be represented as a polynomial of the shift matrix of the graph. Prior work shows that this holds under the shift-enabled condition that the characteristic and minimum polynomials of the shift matrix are identical. While the shift- enabled condition is often ignored in the literature, this letter shows that this condition is essential for the following reasons. First, we prove that this condition is not just sufficient but also necessary for any shift-invariant filter to be representable by the shift matrix. Moreover, we provide a counterexample showing that given a filter that commutes with a non-shift-enabled graph, it is generally impossible to convert the graph to a shift-enabled graph with a shift matrix still commuting with the original filter. The result provides a deeper understanding of shift-invariant filters when applied in GSP and shows that further investigation of shift-enabled graphs is needed to make them applicable to practical scenarios.
To gather this amount Discreet Charm Productions has decided to seek external capital investors. Discreet Charm Productions, as the managing partner in Sleep Shift, LLC, offers investors $1000.00 shares with returns linked to the economic performance of the film. Assuming a conservative scenario 2 an audience of more than one million viewers worldwide over the course of the ten-year commercial life of the film is expected. Projected revenue and profit are illustrated in the graph below. Studios and distributors are not required to publicly report a film’s financial performance, and will rarely release accurate returns on DVD rental and sales for public consumption. These projections are made assuming a limited theatrical release followed by DVD release four to six months after the end of the theatrical run.
Also consistent with the changed theoretical framework is the aloof attitude of the government with respect to wage formation. The government' s authority to interfere in wage formation was severely limited by the amendment of the Act on Wage Formation of 1986, while a ` normalization' of labor relations has emerged in the public sector. The price/incomes policy with regard to the professions has merely led to a temporary change of the economic system - from the early 1970s until the early 1990s - and has brought about only small effects. Other measures than a direct incomes or price policy seem more effective in the long run, such as an increase of the number of public notaries. This links on to the greater emphasis that policy makers put on the market principle. The rise and fall of the price/incomes policy for the professions seem to mirror the changed theoretical framework of the economic policy making, i.e., the gradual replacement of the ideology of an interventionist government in the 1970s with the ideology of a retreating government in the 1980s and 1990s.
In the current study there was a trend of a decreasing accident rate by the number of hours (1 st to 8 th ) the counterclockwise workers spent on their late shifts (between 14:00 and 22:00 h). This negative correlation in the accident rate in the counterclockwise late shift over time could be associated with the increased level of alertness and decreased sleepiness reported between 20:00 and 22:00 h in non-shift-workers, which has been previously described as the “forbidden zone for sleep” (Lavie 1986) or as the “wake maintenance zone” (Strogatz et al. 1987). An effect of the “forbidden sleep zone” on sleep timing in shift-workers has also been previously reported (Folkard and Barton 1993). As sleepiness and alertness were not measured in the current study, we can only speculate on this finding, which suggests that sleepiness and alertness are less affected by the length of time a worker is on shift, but more so by the underlying circadian alerting signal. Therefore, the finding of such positive association with the “forbidden sleep zone” might also indicate that the circadian rhythm in the counterclockwise workers was less phase shifted than in the clockwise workers.
Strategy (ESS) of 2003 as well other strategy docu- ments (including some on the EU neighbourhood policy), time and again asserted the EU’s ability to shape its political environment single-handedly and act within its European neighbourhood as a stabilis- ing and transforming power. Never again was Europe to find itself in a situation such as the war in the former Yugoslavia, where it had been able neither to act independently nor even to formulate its interests. Another important objective was to enable Europe to protect its interests globally. In environmental, human-rights and Middle-East policy – to name just a few examples – it had become increasingly clear that EU and US interests, and especially their prior- ities, differed. The CFSP, established in 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty, was meant to put the EU in a posi- tion to defend its interests rigorously in both Euro- pean and global politics. Academic debate is dominated by the theory that the CFSP structures are dysfunctional. Some warn of disintegration, 2 since key decisions con-
Previous reforms of the policy were conceptualised, structured and communicated with a set of strategic objectives – facilitating enlargement, delivering EU policy objectives (Lisbon Strategy, Europe 2020) – that are absent from the Commission’s proposals for 2021-27. The five repackaged policy objectives lack an overarching EU strategic framework, potentially weakening the political commitment to and visibility of EU Cohesion Policy in delivering EU goals at both EU and national levels. At one time, it appeared that the UN Sustainable Development Goals might provide a framework for the MFF or Cohesion Policy specifically, but this was rejected by the Commission. Insofar as objectives are set out, they are functional and administrative (e.g. modernisation, flexibility, simplification) rather than strategic. In part, this reflects the way in which the current proposals have emerged, with a much more constrained role for the Commissioner for Regional Policy and DG REGIO, and stronger control from the centre of the Commission. Of particular concern is the lack of attention paid to OECD and academic research on the need for more place-based or place-sensitive policies for economic development. Sectoral interests have won out; the centre of the Commission is clearly less sympathetic to Cohesion Policy and appears to regard it more as a political tool than in the past.
This group includes Finland, Denmark, Bulgaria, Portugal, Slovenia, Croatia, Belgium, Luxem- bourg, Malta and Ireland. For a majority of the states in this group, Russian relations are not among the highest priority issues, neither in an economic sense, much less so in a political sense. The non-existence of the main fundamental tensions naturally encourages these states not to take a prematurely anti-Russian stance by default. Quite the opposite, they first of all think that closer cooperation with Russia could be mutually beneficial. That is why in principle they do not oppose but support sanctions against Russia, however they believe that the dialogue should continue, and when it becomes evident that Russia is abiding by the agreements, the sanctions should be called off. For example, although neither Spain’s economic or political ties with Rus- sia are particularly wide or close, much less strategic, nevertheless, as the commentator from Madrid Nicolás de Pedro says, “for observers of Spanish foreign policy, the question is no longer whether Madrid is pro-Russian or not, but why Spain sounds so pro-Russian” (Pedro, 2015). According to the same observer, Spain was rather skeptical of the events at Maidan Square and once the conflict in Ukraine’s east commenced, it stated that no good would come of it.
India will continue to utilise the legislative space and flexibilities available in international treaties and the TRIPS Agreement. These flexibilities include the sovereign right of countries to use provisions such as Section 3(d) and CLs for ensuring the availability of essential and life-saving drugs at affordable prices. iv The policy left the country’s patent laws intact and specifically did not open up
WHO details seven aspects that underpin a climate friendly hospital and calls for urgent comprehensive multi-sectoral action. This shift in political thinking towards a whole government approach and the reframing of health within a wider development con- text is increasingly reflected in UN and WHO policy initiatives, such as the Health Environment Linkage Initiative (HELI) 11 , which is a ‘global effort by WHO and UNEP to support action by developing country policymakers on environmental threats to health, encouraging countries to address health and environ- ment linkages as integral to economic development’.
Dr Beatriz Eugenia Sánchez Mojica focused on Colombia’s migration policy describing its ongoing deep transformation process. In the XX century the country did not have a comprehensive migratory policy. The authorities conceived immigration as a national security issue and consequently legislation focused on visas and immigration processes. Emigration was not an issue of concern for the national authorities, although it has played a very important role in Colombian history, particularly since the second half of the 20th century. Colombia has not traditionally been a destination country of migration flows. The continuous internal armed conflict, numerous economic crises, excess labour supply and absence of a decent road system, discouraged immigration. It is therefore no surprise that in 2005 only 0,26% of the Colombian population had foreign origin. Emigration, on the other hand, experienced exponential growth in the 1990s when a combination of severe economic crisis and the intensification of the internal armed conflict led to the departure of hundreds of thousands of Colombians. Currently around four million Colombian people live abroad with the USA, Spain and Venezuela being the main destinations. Put briefly, the same set of circumstances both discouraged immigration or international migration?! and encouraged emigration.