The social movement learning (SML) literature examines learning in social movements and activist groups. This literature asserts that social movements must be understood as pedagogical endeavors, where there is a spirit of support for autonomous learning as well as collective knowledge construction (Hall, 2012). Hall and Clover (2005) define social movement learning as both: “(a) learning by persons who are part of any social movement; and (b) learning by persons outside of a social movement as a result of actions taken or simply by the existence of social movements” (584). Social movement learning can result from informal activities in movements such as campaign organizing, or from intentional activities that explicitly seek learning as an outcome such as activist workshops or conferences (Hall & Clover, 2005). Foley (1999) argues, “popular struggles and movements have a, so far little studied, learning dimension, which when examined yields insights into the dynamics and effects of social movement activity” (143). In this sense, Foley frames learning as intrinsic to and inseparable from the political processes of social movements and their organizations. When applied to studying politically-active teachers’ learning, the SML literature implies that teacher learning results from frequently informal and unintentional activities embedded within social justice organizing and educational activism, and that examination of activist teachers’ learning processes reveals patterns structuring and driving teacher organizing and activism more broadly.
engagement of many Muslims, who tend to “prefer a more informal and less bureaucratic approach to volunteering” (Madkhul 2007, 8) and often do not consider their ad-hoc community work a form of volunteering (Madkhul 2007, 27; Cultural and Indigenous Research Centre Australia 2010, 38). This is supported by findings from surveys among Muslims in Melbourne (Monash University 2009) and Sydney (Dunn et al. 2015) that have revealed high volunteering rates among — predominantly very religious — Muslim respondents. Dunn et al. (2015, 37) found that over 36% of surveyed Muslims in Sydney had volunteered for a faith-based organization, 14% for a sporting association, and 49% had been engaged in fundraising activities over the past 12 months. A Monash University (2009, 46) study also detected high rates of active participation of Muslims in religious and various other Muslim and non-Muslim voluntary organizations (between 23 and 30%). Both surveys discovered that many Muslim respondents have also been politicallyactive, from organizing or signing petitions and attending
As organic farming has become an instrument of European agricultural policy, the organic sector is required more and more to become politicallyactive. This paper presents results from an EU-funded project i) analysing the development of organic farming institutions for the period of 1997-2003 in eleven European countries and ii) investigating networks of organic farming policy on national and EU levels following the network analysis approach. The study concludes that institutions within the organic farming sector in new EU member states are still developing, and their relationship with mainstream farming institutions is characterised by a state of competition. In 15 (old) EU countries and Switzerland, this relation is more oriented towards co-operation and has been described as being in a state of creative conflict. Countries with a high share of organic farming show signs of
policymakers. Obviously, professions of office are politicallyactive, but mostly regarding their special interests as they operate in contexts where they do not need to do more, as corporatist structures of interest inclusion guarantee their political participation (Macdonald, 1995; Siaroff, 1999). Therefore, in countries with weak professionalism there should be no responsiveness between the two sectors.
In Newport News, Virginia, local white leaders and citizens turned towards the tactic of reconfiguring local government on the Virginia Peninsula by way of consolidation to attempt to save Jim Crow. Exploring the evolution of tactics used by white citizens to maintain racial control in Newport News illustrates the determination and creativity of white southerners to protect Jim Crow. With an expanded and politicallyactive black population after the war, Newport News’ leaders also faced white flight into neighboring counties and cities threatening the white control of the city. Therefore, consolidation of surrounding counties and cities became the main solution adopted to impede potential black political influence. White city leaders and citizens believed consolidation could bolster the white population of the city to offset the increase in the African American population.
In sum, the trajectory of the children of immigrants has been complex and varies by ethnicity. The social and economic mobility does not follow a straight-line whereas civic engagement does. Electoral behavior of the second generation Latinos decreases whereas for Asians, it increases. Regardless of ethnicity, children of immigrants are less likely to send remittances than the first generation. Additionally, previous scholarship that primarily focused on the first generation has shown that participating in transnational political activities increases the likelihood of domestic political participation. However, none of these studies addresses the role remittances may play as political leverage. In this paper, I look at the characteristics of the children of immigrants who remit. More importantly, I look at the relationship between domestic political participation and sending money abroad and ask, do the children of immigrants who are politicallyactive in the United States send remittances?
Participants felt this was because public health and research was being constructed down- stream after health inequalities had arisen. Priorities were then also on the short term and cost reduction of those inequalities in terms of medicalised outcomes. They argued that this does not have to be the case and gave examples of good practices. Despite this, participants also noted how ethical inclusions could fragment and limit the expertise of politicallyactive disabled people in favour of research with people who may not or not (yet) be politicallyactive such as people with dementia. Representation and inclusion of certain categories of disability aligned to the status quo were acting as a ‘technologies of legitimation’ (Harrison and Mort 1998). This has consequences for the way in which RCTs are constructed, for example, in how statistics are collected, what is measured as ‘incapacity’ and
period, the Indonesian banking industry was recovered after the 1997/1998 terrible financial crisis (Trinugroho et al., 2014). Even though the institutional reforms have transformed the country to be more democratized and decentralized (Henderson and Kuncoro, 2011), political connections still play roles in banking (Nys et al., 2015). We proxy political connections using politically connected banks (POLCON). Moreover, we breakdown this variable into: state-owned banks (SOB) and politically connected private banks (PBCON). To estimate the empirical models, we run OLS regressions. We include a number of control variables which are bank diversification index, Lerner index, the ratio of equity to total assets, net interest margins, listed banks, foreign banks and time effect (year dummies).
A firm is said to have political connection if one of its current/former large shareholder or boards is a supporter of the party in the election period. The supporter of the party is a person that sponsored the party during the campaign process. There are people coming from the Indonesian business conglomeration group and from successor teams. The list of politically winning connected firms obtained using this proxy was adopted from the recent study by Fajarriyanto et al. (2015). The study makes obtained the business conglomeration list from Bloomberg BusinessWeek, December 11, 2014 “Laju Bisnis Konglomerasi 2014”, while obtained successor teams who have positions in the listed company collected from Kompas, May 28, 2014 “Ini Tim Kampanye Nasional Prabowo - Hatta dan Jokowi – JK”.
Politically Incorrect SMU Law Review Volume 48 | Issue 2 Article 5 1995 Politically Incorrect Follow this and additional works at https //scholar smu edu/smulr This Book Review is brought to you for f[.]
Recent studies have documented systematic exchanges of favors between politicians and firms, and that connected firms, on average gain from political ties. This paper asks whether politically connected firms attempt to obscure such gains in their reported accounting information. We employ a recently built database on political ties, and find that the quality of accounting information disclosed by politically connected firms is significantly poorer than the quality of information of similar non- connected companies. Additionally, among connected firms, those that have stronger political ties have the poorest accruals quality. This evidence suggests that managers of connected firms appear to be less sensitive to market pressures to increase the quality of information. This choice seems to be justified in that lower quality reported earnings is associated with higher cost of debt only for the non- politically connected firms in the sample.
Phyllis Chesler’s new memoir, A Politically Incorrect Feminist (St. Martin's Press, 2018), spans almost fifty years of second-wave feminism. She names 100s of women, both famous and virtually unknown today who took part in the awakening and growing women’s movement, marching, sitting-in, writing and organizing since the 1960’s. It is the personal life story of one of the earliest feminist authors and political activists of the second-wave, the author of Women and Madness and 17 other books. Chelser discusses major issues of the time and provides an insider’s view of many of the feminism’s most significant public events. This big book contains some surprises and revelations, and is likely to be controversial.
This specification has a number of forces biasing against finding an effect from political motivation in a finite sample. As with any investigation, the evaluation data might be too rough on their own to identify significant patterns. In this case, however, only about 10 percent of the projects starting at a country’s tenure on the UNSC are likely to be politically motivated, on average (Dreher et al. 2009a). Even if these projects are of lower quality, they might not reduce the average sufficiently to be observed amidst the noise in the data. Moreover, political bias might be present in the project goals already, making them easier to attain or less related to developmental outcomes. To the extent that goals are taken into account when evaluating a project, we would not find a significant effect here, even if politically motivated projects are indeed of lower quality.
The following chapters in this dissertation present three essays on corporate governance and politically connected firms. Although these are designed as three separate business studies, common themes appear throughout. The importance of board membership is featured in all of the essays. The board of directors are vital to corporations as they are tasked with a fiduciary duty and have several important responsibilities including monitoring, controlling, hiring and firing management, as well as setting the firm’s governance policies (Cadbury, 1992; Fama & Jensen, 1983). Essays one and two focus on corporate governance. Several corporate governance scandals in the past couple of decades have brought this issue to the forefront—especially with many of them involving accounting fraud. Essays one and three examine the Canadian business environment- which remains one of the largest economies in the world. Finally, both essays two and three look at politically connected firms. The importance of political connections in business has been recognized for many years and still benefits many firms today (Faccio, 2006).
The most severe political persecutions of anticommu- nism were conducted in Poland in 1944–1956 . This included mostly young patriots active in conspiracy who were arrested, tortured during the imprisonment and sent to prisons (or sentenced to death). They were perse- cuted by Polish communist authorities collaborating with the Red Army. People deported to Siberia were Polish citizens living in the east part of Poland occupied by Russia since 17 September 1939 owing to the Ribben- trop–Molotov pact. The available documents confirm that at least 500 000 people were deported . Up to 200000 people survived and returned to Poland, and were directed to other parts of the country, because after the Yalta Conference eastern part of Poland was incor- porated by the Soviet Union. During the deportation they were kept in camps in conditions similar to concen- tration camps. Prisoners of Nazi concentrations camps were sent by German authorities, and were kept in undernourished conditions in preparation for extermin- ation. About five million Poles were imprisoned, and only 1.5 million survived . War veterans include mostly men traumatized during the fights (wounded) and/or imprisoned in POW camps .
Methodologically, this study demonstrates that visual discourse both generates and responds to textual discourse in participatory media spaces, where remediated visual images and memes become self-generating discursive tools. The link between these tools and racist nationalism on r/ImGoingToHellForThis demonstrates that these tools can be articulated to a variety of political and ideological agendas and that they can function to cloak those agendas. This study thus demonstrates that studying participatory media requires not only theorizing its structures and grammars but also examining the circulation and active remediation of image and text as they shape and respond to key discursive moments. Therefore, I focus on the remediation of the photograph of Alan Kurdi and the discourse it generated over the course of 1 week on a subreddit with more than 500,000 subscribers by coding 216 posts and 1424 comments. This coding revealed that anti-politically correct visual humor operates as a cloak concealing racist nationalism on r/ImGoingToHellForThis. Cloaks conceal, but they are themselves highly visible. Building on Daniels’ (2009) research into websites that discretely cloak their true purpose, I suggest that the existence of cloaks is often quite obvious, but that the contours of the practices they conceal—and the political agendas into which those practices consolidate—require analytical attention.