Politics and Emotions

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Enacting critical learning: power, politics and emotions at work

Enacting critical learning: power, politics and emotions at work

Willmott (1997:169) Against this background, an emerging strand of literature advancing the theory and practice of ‘critical action learning’ (Trehan and Rigg, 2005; Vince, 2001; 2004; 2008, Ram and Trehan 2010) has been developing which illuminates a number of distinguishing features of CAL, including: its emphasis on the way that learning is supported, avoided and/or prevented through power relations; the linking of questioning insight to complex emotions, unconscious processes and relations; a more active facilitation role than implied within traditional action learning. Application of the ‘traditional’ approach to action learning is individually focused and assists the individual to find ways to learn ‘about oneself by resolving a work- focused project, and reflecting on that action – and on oneself – in the company of others similarly engaged’ (Weinstein, 2002:6, Marsick and O’Neil, 1999; Pedler, 2005). Critical action learning is a progression and systemization of the political dimensions implicit in conventional action learning because it aims to promote a deepening of critical thinking on the daily realities of participants; key to this process is the emphasis on collective as well as individual reflection. It attempts to supplement an individual’s experiences of action (learning from experience) with the reflection of existing organizational and emotional dynamics created in action (learning from organizing). The latter process is an explicit recognition of the role that politics and emotions can play in facilitating, and constraining, the scope for learning, (Vince, 2001).
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The effect of affect: Desire and politics in modern organizations

The effect of affect: Desire and politics in modern organizations

For this reason, grief, rage and other powerful emotions are what inescapably link us to other people, to lives that are not our own. Butler’s passionate attachment refers to her view that the passion by which we experience our embeddedness in other people makes us vulnerable to them, but likewise inescapably constituted by them. Through reading Lacan via Foucault and others, Butler’s concept of passionate attachment is an explicitly political one; in addition to enabling our survival, this dependency we have on others also contributes to our own subordination. For these reasons, passionate attachment is inescapably ambivalent in its operation and must be viewed in the context of whatever power-laden matrix of discursive interests one finds oneself at a given juncture. For Butler, our inescapable, emotive dependence upon others forms a key aspect of the ways in which we subject ourselves to particular normative frameworks.
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Introduction. The Moral and Affectual Dimension of Collective Action in South Asia

Introduction. The Moral and Affectual Dimension of Collective Action in South Asia

mobilization by another that would make emotions explain everything ‘else’ that could not be explained before. But it does hope to contribute to a better, and empirically grounded, understanding of the emotional dynamics of collective mobilizations provoked by perceived outrages in South Asia. In doing so, we hope to respond, partially of course, to the invitation made by Ronald Aminzade and Doug McAdam (2002: 109) that ‘further research is needed before we can make any strong generalizations concerning the relationship between appeals to particular emotions and particular types of movements, movement cultures, or collective action repertoires’. The eight case studies included in this volume are certainly far from providing a complete picture and represent only a tentative attempt to stress the importance of moral outrage in South Asian collective action. Yet, the narratives and staging of outrage analyzed here provide a rich material that may shed some light on the underlying rationale, shared values and deep contradictions of the politics of dissent in South Asia, whether in street politics or through less conventional, and less noticed, forms of protest.
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Within the heart's darkness:The role of emotions in Arendt's political thought

Within the heart's darkness:The role of emotions in Arendt's political thought

As the metaphorical darkness of the heart indicates, our tendency to question and distrust the inner lives of others is part of the human condition. Although the darkness metaphor gestures at the problems of basing political action on emotion, it tells little of how Arendt understands the relationship between individuals and their emotions. Her last work, The Life of the Mind, offers additional clues. In this book, Arendt conceptualizes the inner life of humans as two distinct parts: soul and mind. The soul, an innate part of human beings, passively registers bodily sensations – including the emotions and desires. Because the soul is innate – or, in contemporary parlance, ‘biologically hardwired’ – Arendt (1978: 34-5) conceives it as closely connected to the life process. The life process is the category of activities concerned with maintaining life, as opposed to making things or acting in the shared world (Arendt, 1958: 7). The explicit link between the emotions and the life process indicates Arendt’s ambivalence towards the emotions. While she sees constructive potential in them, Arendt (1978: 34) is deeply concerned about the modern tendency to subordinate politics to the life process, and worries that the emotions could be used towards this end. In distinction to the soul, the mind actively engages in cognition – including thinking, willing and judging. The mind’s activities rely on language. The soul, on the other hand, is pure sensational awareness, and, consequently, void of linguistic content. 3 The
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Tamed and untamed political emotions

Tamed and untamed political emotions

The complex entanglement between reason and emotion is evident in all political debate. In public discourse the idea that politics is concerned only with the reasoned exchange of dispassionate arguments is maintained by marginalising less rational human feelings and in viewing passions as politically dangerous. Over the last decade, social and cultural theory has challenged the liberal notion that emotions have no place in the public sphere. Putting emotion and affect at the centre of research and analysis, this focus on the emotions in the social sciences and humanities has been called the ‘affective turn’. While this ‘turn’ encompasses a range of methodologies and disciplines, it is founded on the premise that the social and political cannot be understood without taking into account the embodied and less conscious aspects of human feeling. All three books under review situate themselves—or are situated by others—as working within this turn toward affectivity. In Paul Hoggett and Simon Thompson’s collection, Politics and the Emotions: The Affective Turn in Contemporary Political Studies, the subtitle signals the editors’ intention to apply the categories of emotion and affect to different political situations, as do the essays in Nicolas Demertzis’ Emotions in Politics: The Affect Dimension in Political Tension; a series of case studies on the role of complex feelings in different contemporary political crises. Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions: Why Love Matters for Justice is more difficult to categorise and sits uncomfortably within these contemporary theoretical developments. Each text turns attention to both emotions and affects, with the conceptual distinction between the two revolving around consciousness and discourse. Emotion is generally considered to refer to more conscious feelings that are anchored in language and meaning (Hoggett & Thompson, 2012, pp. 2–3) and affects, pre-conscious sensations, often outside discourse and located in the body’s capacity to be affected and to transmit sensations like anxiety or rage through groups.
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Power in management and organization science

Power in management and organization science

While it is widely recognized that power is a central part of organizations, there is no doubt that it still has rather negative connotations, something that is perhaps derived from popular perceptions about its nature and effects of power. This might explain the rather ‘functionalist’ bias that still characterizes management studies more broadly. The rationale goes like this: if we are able to identify the functionally necessary elements of power, then we may be able to curb its more irrational outcomes with better management models. Based upon our review, however, this assumption misses the way power is linked to politics, in which different interests and goals are central to its enactment. What is deemed functional to top management, for example, might be considered ‘irrational’ to low-level workers (and vice versa). Additionally, as we noted in the review and the discussion, power might actually be useful for serving socially progressive ends, as the social movements literature attests. It not only represses and controls, but also produces behavior both desirable and undesirable, depending on the political lens through which one views it.
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A Model of Employee Well-being for Front-line Employees in Hotel Industry

A Model of Employee Well-being for Front-line Employees in Hotel Industry

Today, many researchers focus on conducting studies about burnout as the negative effects of emotional labour. Burnout is probably attached with the customer service employees as they experience high level of stress when emotionally interacting with customers (Jackson et al, 1986). Zapf (2002) found a positive association of burnout with emotional labour. Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) have determined that there is a correlation between emotional exhaustion (one dimension of burnout) and the need to prevent the negative feelings and also they found that there is a negative correlation between surface acting and the sense of personal accomplishment (another dimension of burnout). Zapf (2002) argued that burnout is a kind of warning that employees are no longer able to adequately manage their emotions during service encounters.
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The therapeutic relationship and its links to emotional intelligence

The therapeutic relationship and its links to emotional intelligence

Taken together the four dimensions of EI, an empathic response is to some extent a conceptual overlap with the first two branches of EI above, since an empathic response entails the ability to identify the other person’s physical state, feelings and thoughts and to prioritize feelings as aids to judgement. The second function of managing emotions, refers to the third and fourth dimensions of EI as an ability to see relationships among feelings, thoughts and behaviours, then reflectively engage, monitor, and interpret an appropriate meaning. From the EFT perspective, Paivio (2013) advocates that any therapeutic change is a process of two main mechanisms, namely emotional processing and therapeutic relationship. The emotion theory posits that emotions are meaningful information such as beliefs, feelings, wishes, and bodily experiences (Paivio, 2013). The therapists need to trigger or emotionally activate their clients’ painful memory via the appropriate empathic responses (Greenberg & Golman, 2007). Similarly, researchers have examined the potential value of EI in therapeutic settings (Kaplowitz, Safran & Muran, 2011; Poullis, 2007). Unfortunately the research examining EFT and its link to EI within therapeutic and clinical settings does not exist. Although Kaplowitz et al. (2011) elucidated the overlap between EI and therapist-relational abilities, the study findings of Rieck and Callahan (2013) adds to the need for more research by citing that better therapeutic outcomes can be encouraged when trainee clinicians score higher on both neuroticism and EI.
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WikiArt Emotions: An Annotated Dataset of Emotions Evoked by Art

WikiArt Emotions: An Annotated Dataset of Emotions Evoked by Art

Art is imaginative human creation meant to be appreciated, make people think, and evoke an emotional response. Here for the first time, we create a dataset of more than 4,000 pieces of art (mostly paintings) that has annotations for emotions evoked in the observer. The pieces of art are selected from WikiArt.org’s collection for four western styles (Renaissance Art, Post-Renaissance Art, Modern Art, and Contemporary Art). The art is annotated via crowdsourcing for one or more of twenty emotion categories (including neutral). In addition to emotions, the art is also annotated for whether it includes the depiction of a face and how much the observers like the art. The dataset, which we refer to as the WikiArt Emotions Dataset, can help answer several compelling questions, such as: what makes art evocative, how does art convey different emotions, what attributes of a painting make it well liked, what combinations of categories and emotions evoke strong emotional response, how much does the title of an art impact its emotional response, and what is the extent to which different categories of art evoke consistent emotions in people. We found that fear, happiness, love, and sadness were the dominant emotions that also obtained consistent annotations among the different annotators. We found that the title often impacts the affectual response to art. We show that pieces of art that depict faces draw more consistent emotional responses than those that do not. We also show, for each art category and emotion combination, the average agreements on the emotions evoked and the average art ratings. The WikiArt Emotions dataset also has applications in automatic image processing, as it can be used to develop systems that detect emotions evoked by art, and systems that can transform existing art (or even generate new art) that evokes the desired affectual response. Keywords: art, images, emotions, image retrieval, emotion analysis, crowdsourcing, Renaissance art, modern art, image generation
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Guilt in Vergil’s 'Aeneid' and Lucan’s 'Bellum Civile'

Guilt in Vergil’s 'Aeneid' and Lucan’s 'Bellum Civile'

allows for a better understanding not only of a person’s physical attributes, but also of a “wide range of mentalistic expressions,” including the emotions. 170 Instead of studying the physiological changes that exist in the experience of emotion, as Watson does, Skinner looks to “operant behavior,” or behavior that produces a desired result and so tends to be repeated. 171 Since emotions have an operant conditioning framework, “under different emotional conditions, different events serve as reinforcers, and different groups of operants increase in probability of emission. By these predispositions we can define a specific emotion.” 172 A key aspect in the concept of behaviorism, therefore, is that a rewarding outcome acts as positive reinforcement for that behavior, thus increasing its frequency, 173 even if it is not reasonable or justified. 174 When a person is angry, he will hit the table or pick a fight because he is more “predisposed to emit certain operants” than other types. His reactions are reinforced because they bring about his desired results, in this case frightening or offending the person who has made him angry, in order to produce a desired change in his own environment. 175 Lyons (1980), however, criticizes Skinner’s view of behaviorism and emotions because he argues that sometimes a person will show little or no operant behavior, such as in the example of grief: “Grief, especially when it is about something irretrievably lost or dead, does not lead to much, if any, operant behaviour, because no behaviour can bring about any desired results…even angry people can be angry and not show it in operant behavior. That is, some people just are
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The Role of Teachers’ Self  and Collective Efficacy Beliefs on Their Job Satisfaction and Experienced Emotions in School

The Role of Teachers’ Self and Collective Efficacy Beliefs on Their Job Satisfaction and Experienced Emotions in School

Emotions. The scale of the teachers’ experienced emotions at school consisted of seventeen emotions: Happiness, pleasure, pride, encouragement, confidence, calmness, not angry-angry, flow-not flow, cheerfulness, exciting, not irritated-irritated, hope, competence, not nervousness-nervousness, anxiety, en- thusiasm and not boredom-boredom. The teachers were asked to indicate the extent to which they usually experienced each of the above eighteen emotions at school during the current school year. The emotions had the form of adjectives, with the positive pole having the high score of 7 and the negative pole having the low score of 1 (e.g., happy 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 unhappy). The con- struction of the scale was based on previous similar re- searches (see Pekrun, Goetz, Frenzel, Barchfeld, & Perry, 2011; Schutz & DeCuir, 2002; Sutton & Wheatley, 2003; Weiner, 2001, 2005), and it is a valid and reliable research instrument in studying experienced emotions in education in Greek popula- tion (see Stephanou, 201; Stephanou, Kariotoglou, & Ntinas, 2011; Stephanou & Mastora, submitted). Cronbach’s alpha val- ue was .89.
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Psychological  characteristics of  emotional intelligence of  teachers working with children of developmental disorders

Psychological characteristics of emotional intelligence of teachers working with children of developmental disorders

Emotional intelligence, in broad interpretation, is de ned as the ability to dif- ferentiate between positive and negative emotions, and the ability to change one’s emotional condition from a poor to a better one. The structure of emotional intel- ligence should single out two aspects as intrapersonal and interpersonal. Thus, on the one hand, it is the ability to understand, analyse and control own feelings and emotions, on the other hand, to be able to perceive, realise and control mood of the environment. Internal and external components are inherent in the emo- tional component, and they can provide stress protection and adaptive functions of this integral concept. Criteria for assessing forming level of emotional intel- ligence are to be found in interaction of its internal and external components. It can be expressed as prevailing components over each other or their harmonious combination. Based on the above, emotional intelligence forming levels are to be distinguished as follows (Lyusin, 2004, p. 34):
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Commercial Breaks and Ongoing Emotions: Effects of Program Arousal and Valence on Emotions, Memory and Evaluation of Commercials

Commercial Breaks and Ongoing Emotions: Effects of Program Arousal and Valence on Emotions, Memory and Evaluation of Commercials

Program context. The experimental design of the present study consisted of four program context  conditions. Because prior research has demonstrated their ability to induce a wide range of feelings in  a  relatively  short  time  frame  (Philippot,  1993;  Gross  &  Levenson,  1995),  movie  fragments  were  chosen to realize program context conditions with the intended arousal and valence levels. The use of  movie  fragments  has  the  advantage  of  providing  external  validity  to  the  study.  In  this  study,  each  program context condition consisted of two movie clips  in order to exclude the possibility that  other  variables  than  program  arousal  and program  valence  accounted  for  effects,  and  because  the  use  of  more than one movie clip increases measurement reliability (Epstein, 1983). Movie clips which were in  accordance  with  the  intended  arousal  and  valence  levels  of  the  program  context  conditions  were  already  used  by  Shapiro  et  al.  (2002).  Eight  movie  clips  were  borrowed  from  this  study,  and  were  subjected to a pretest. Twenty subjects participated in this pretest, and rated their emotions evoked  by the movie clips on a visual scale measuring arousal and valence (Lang, 1985). Results showed that  only four of the eight movie clips, belonging to two program context conditions, reached the intended  arousal  and  valence  levels.  Subsequently,  nine  other  movie  fragments  were  selected  for  a  second  pretest,  in  where  another  twenty  subjects  participated.  From  this  pretest  the  four  remaining  movie  clips with the intended values were selected. 
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Emotions and Social Development: Infants' Recognition of Emotions in Others

Emotions and Social Development: Infants' Recognition of Emotions in Others

The infants’ expressions, using the MAX system, generally showed interest/surprise throughout the experiment. There were very few full-fledged ex- pressions of other discrete emotions. Overall, the mean frequency of interest/surprise increased both times that infants saw the sad face. The frequency increased only the first time infants saw fear or anger and decreased consistently for the control infants. In addition, facial coding for any emotional change in- creased for sad, fear (to a far lesser degree), and anger. For the control group, the incidence of facial movements decreased.

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Pluralism, Consensus and the Ambiguities of Multiculturalism

Pluralism, Consensus and the Ambiguities of Multiculturalism

Multiculturalism and the attempt to accommodate cultural diversity have been questioned from different fronts. On the one hand, political criticism, based on “fear” and “anxiety” about “others” combined with emphasis on national identity has characterised the political agenda in terms of security in Europe. On the other hand, philosophical criticism questioned concepts such as “identity politics”, the “politics of recognition” and the “politics of difference” which aim to emphasise the struggle of minorities. This position points out that multiculturalism seems to promote extreme diversity at the expenses of consent, a necessary condition for governing. This has also exposed the general assumption that accommodating ethnic and religious minorities, in the light of plurality of values and interests, is central to liberal democracies thus uncovering the difficulty of achieving political consensus in increasing culturally diverse societies. Within this context, this work will first explore concepts such as “identity politics”, the “politics of recognition” and the “politics of difference” in relation to the assumption that to achieve a consensus based on cultural difference may undermine civil consensus. Moreover, focus on identity and culture diverts from economic justice undermining multiracial class solidarity. Secondly, in order to determine the ambiguity of consensus and pluralism, this work will explore the work of John Rawls and Jean Françoise Lyotard. In their works, it is implied that modern societies are characterised by innumerable narratives and doctrines making them pluralistic. This conjecture is common in both thinkers, but for the former it is a positive result of the development of civil society where consensus is attainable, for the latter any form of consensus is to be avoided because can be a tool for political authority. This contradiction points out that a form of consensus is needed to achieve a politics of social and political cohesion within society but at the same time it warns about the danger of a dominant culture and the threat of exclusion.
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On a genealogy of the emotions from a rhetorical perspective

On a genealogy of the emotions from a rhetorical perspective

Gross argues in effect that the contours of our emotional world have been shaped by social practices and institutions that simply afford some people greater emotional range than others; and as such, they have nothing to do with the inherent value or dignity of each human being and everything to do with the “technologies of social recognition and blindness” (p. 4). In a way that is clearly reminiscent of Foucault once again (1988), 13 he states that one of his aims is to study how these ‘technologies of emotion’ work. In his view, the last point above (d) can serve to establish a direct link from Aristotle to early Modern psychologists, such as Hobbes, late Modern authors such as Hume, Sarah Fielding, William Perfect, Adam Smith, and even all the way to a contemporary philosopher such as Judith Butler. He recognizes, however, that brilliant tough they were, Aristotelian rhetoric and Hume’s elitist theory of emotions, for example, were not ‘right’ in some metaphysical sense. Nevertheless, they have characterized the emotions in terms of a ‘political economy’ based on ‘scarcity’ rather than ‘excess’, and marked fundamentally by an uneven distribution. In so doing, he claims, they did provide us with a lucid critique of power that reminds us that “the democratization of emotion” (p. 5) over the past two centuries or so is still incomplete at best, and distracting at worst. For this reason, Gross undertakes to look at the rhetoric of uneven distribution in a number of cases, stretching from Ancient times to the Enlightenment and beyond. These cases include: Aristotle’s angry King or apathetic slave, Seneca’s angry tyrant, Hobbes’ vainglorious and resentful preacher (chapters 1 and 2), the ‘shadow economy’ of apathy, passivity, and humility during the English Civil War now characterized in terms of a radicalized later Modern active/passive dyad, masculine political agency vs. a diminished femininity (chapter 3), Hume’s proud property owner or humble woman, Sarah Fielding’s humble hero (chapter 4), William Perfect’s insane and emotionally troubled patients, and Adam Smith’s compassionate spectator (chapter 5). He hopes thereby to recover a critical tool that has been obscured by the science of emotion, and that, he believes, is still underdeveloped in literary and cultural studies.
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Juxtaposition of lyric and politics in Audenesque

Juxtaposition of lyric and politics in Audenesque

never joined” - becomes a droll commentary on this irony, and echoes the jaundiced, cynical desperation which the first quatrain offered. Potential is not enough: there seems to be no answer to the double-bind that isolated, rationalising subjects and their correlative insistence on power together create. “Control of the Passes” suggests that the politics of mass society is predicated on the removal or invalidation of any middle ground between the stringently subjective (which means isolation) and the implacable objective (which means self-denial or subjugation). The ease with which the poem traverses the two comprises its final importance. Seamlessly woven together into a perceptual whole in the poem, this traffic between subjective and objective is exactly the kind of freedom which is precluded for the agent. In mimetic terms, the lyric’s perception imitates a wish, then, rather than reality. In speaking the lyric reader becomes narrator, implicated in the deadly paradox of the agent’s situation. We recall what the sonnet form entails: the complicated marriage of proximity to and distance from the reader contained in “Control of the Passes” signifies an early success for Auden in reworking established forms to more accurately diagnose the nature of modern collective life.
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Ethical anarchism, business ethics and the politics of disturbance

Ethical anarchism, business ethics and the politics of disturbance

While attestations to the need to strive for ever more just modes of organizing is commendable, by itself it suffers from the problem of assigning potential agency only to those in formal positions of organizational authority; typically managers understood somehow as being ‘inside’ and organization and representative of it. To begin to work through the broader implications of Levinas’ ethical anarchism for business and organizational ethics we can consider its relationship with political anarchism. The conception of ethical anarchy that we learn from Levinas is not the same as the notion of anarchism in political discourse, even though it can said that it ‘concerns and affects politics’ (Abensour, 2002: 5) and has been drawn on in developing anarchist political positions (e.g. Newman, 2010). Railing against the suffering and injustice invoked by state rule and the rules of states, political anarchism works under a conviction that both collectively and individually people would be better off without such power-laden intrusions (Marshall, 2010). Levinas himself relates his own conception of ethical anarchy to this as follows:
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Women Role and Empowerment in Modern Indian P...

Women Role and Empowerment in Modern Indian P...

The nature of politics is an important factor for the inclusion or exclusion of women in politics. Vicky Randall defines politics as an “articulation, or working out of relationships within an already given power structure”, which is in contrast with the traditional view of politics that defines it as an activity, a conscious, deliberate participation in the process by which resources are allocated among citizens. This conception of politics restricts political activity only in public arena and the private sphere of family life is rendered as apolitical. This public-private dichotomy in traditional definition of politics is used to exclude women from public political sphere and even when women are brought into politics they are entered as mothers and wives. Male domination of politics, political parties and culture of formal political structures is another factor that hinders women’s political participation. Often male dominated political parties have a male perspective on issues of national importance that disillusions women as their perspective is often ignored and not reflected in the politics of their parties. Also women are usually not elected at the position of power within partystructures because of gender biases of male leadership. Meetings of councils or parliamentary sessions are held in odd timings conflicting with women’s domestic Responsibilities. The larger democratic framework and level of democratization also impact women’s political participation. Secular democracies in Europe and also in some of the developing countries have created relatively more space for women’s participation in politics as compared to countries where religious orthodoxy has been shaping politics and democracy.
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The Relationship between R&D Investment and Dividend Payment Tax Incentives and Their Role in the Dividend Tax Puzzle

The Relationship between R&D Investment and Dividend Payment Tax Incentives and Their Role in the Dividend Tax Puzzle

and care has an important significance to the larger discourse. The fact is, as these ads suggest, some men are willing to try meatless meals. Furthermore, when they are represented as heterosexual, monogamous, and “family-oriented” men, the suggestion is that carno-phallogocentrism can be revised at an infrastructural level. If fathers and husbands can be vegetarian or, gasp, even vegan, then the potential for entire families to follow such a diet is more easily realized. Such ads have some serious implications for the sexual politics of meat because they not only suggests that men can go meatless, but also that vegetarian and vegan men are not necessarily gay, queer, or effeminate, and that, for all appearances, they have normative sexual relation with women. I’m not suggesting that male vegetarians and vegans should breed themselves into predominance, but, more simply, that the marketplace in trying to capitalize on a strange “new” foodway has inadvertently created a new stereotype: the vegetarian patriarch. Accordingly, they have also created products for vegetarian kids. One such product, The Good Lunch, advertised in vegetarian magazines, depicts vegetarian kids, one boy and one girl, whose happy, white, cartoon faces proclaim their love for the flavor of the product and whose happiness is the result of adding all the components of the “good lunch” together (figure 4.35 & 4.36). One the back of the package, a cartoon mother hawks the goods: “From taste to nourishment Figure 4.35
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