In order to measure the impact of social media use for political activities on political efficacy, political knowledge, and political participation, some scales were derived from previous studies. The scales for social media use for political activities on Facebook were based on a study by Vitak et al. (2011). They developed an Index Items for Political Activity on Facebook. This index consisted of 14 items of political activities that can occur through Facebook’s features. At this moment, some features on Facebook have been updated so that only eight items can be used to measure social media use for political activities on Facebook. Those items were posting a status update about politics, giving a comment on their friend’s post about politics, posting or sharing a photo/video/link about politics, writing or sharing a note about politics with their network, joining or leaving a group about politics, clicking “going” for a political event, discussing a political issue on message, and clicking “like” on a political party or politician’s fan page. In addition to Twitter, seven items that have been identified by Tumasjan et al. (2010) were modified for the purpose of this study. These items were posting a tweet about politics, retweeting or quoting a tweet about politics, following a politician or political parties, mentioning a politician or a political party, replying a tweet about politics, joining a political discussion, and joining a political debate. All of these social media use for political activities were measured by a 5-point scale ranging from 1 as never to 5 as very often. Social media use for political activities on Facebook and Twitter were served as an exogenous variable.
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In line with New Age spirituality more generally, Camp Grounded believes in posi- tive reinforcement (Foot 2014). It implicitly draws from the spiritual traditions of absti- nence and asceticism, to assist people in turning away from an over-reliance on so- cial media and towards practices they see as life-enhancing, such as human contact, community interaction, work/play balance, and artistic expression. The embrace of nature and individualism while negating technology and collective politics is problem- atic for any effort seeking to create social equilibrium. A less contradictory assem- blage of concepts and practices designed to address a perceived over-use of social media would bring together both the personal regulation and the social regulation. Social media abstinence appears to be a lifestyle choice surrounding individual con- sumption, and not an intervention on the collective political level. Lifestyle choices (like social media self-regulation) may translate into lifestyle politics (social media rejection) and even more radical lifestyle activism (grassroots movements for the regulation of Silicon Valley companies) (Portwood-Stacer 2013). But as yet, the per- sonal regulations advocated by technology retreats have not developed into collec- tive political action.
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group of individuals who believe in "violence against the police as a legitimate political tool, a form of self-defence against the state" (Viejo, 2003, p. 3 71). Much of the Black Bloc rhetoric came out of the Class War, Poll Tax Riots (1989) and Whitechapel Anarchist collectives (1980 onwards), and still per meates the movement today. EcoActivists from each of the groups identified above, and other collectives were interviewed for this book. The book draws on over 50 interviews with activists in the UK, USA and Australia. Critical Discourse Analysis of newspaper clippings and reporting of ecoActivism in the traditional media as the framework for the findings and supported by interview data and focus groups. Drawing on media (Fairclough, 1995; Coul dry, 2000; Gerbaudo, 2012) and political discourse theory (Dryzek, 2000; Foucault, 1977, 1991) , this book charts the relations of power and socio economic outcomes between ecoActivists and mainstream polity since 1997. In doing so the power relations reveal that shaping the public understand ing of radical environmental activism sees power shifting away from activism towards environmental governance and free-market economics, nestled in a media discourse. Climate change debates and the political economy have become so entrenched in media practices we are creeping towards deadlock. This book applies a Foucauldian interpretation of his concept of governmen tality with Luke's green governmentality to show that neoliberal politics takes us beyond Luke's prediction, recasting anyone from an individual to inter national ENGOs within a frame of deviance.
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This article examines the role of new social media in the articulation and representation of the refugee and dias- poric “voice.” The article problematizes the individual- ist, de-politicized, de-contextualized, and aestheticized representation of refugee/diasporic voices. It argues that new social media enable refugees and diaspora members to exercise agency in managing the creation, produc- tion, and dissemination of their voices and to engage in hybrid (on- and offline) activism. These new territories for self-representation challenge our conventional under- standing of refugee/diaspora voices. The article is based on research with young Congolese living in the diaspora, and it describes the Geno-cost project created by the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) and JJ Bola’s spoken-word piece, “Refuge.” The first shows agency in the creation of analytical and activist voices that promote counter-hegem- onic narratives of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, while the second is an example of aes- thetic expressions performed online and offline that reveal agency through authorship and ownership of one’s voice. The examples highlight the role that new social media play in challenging mainstream politics of representation of refugee/diaspora voices.
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Being reflexive about ways of knowing means taking seriously epistemology, which means in the first instance resisting reading the visible evidence of social media politics as standing for politics tout court. While important things happen on social media, it is not an elevated form of social knowledge. Resisting is difficult – because of the sheer amount of data available, because of the ease with which like-minded others can come together, mutually affirming that this is the centre of things, and because there is ample space for imagining. The last point is a crucial element in the evolution of new ways of being political, but it necessarily includes the possibility of projection. Now, projection is a dirty word, suggesting nothing more than seeing what you want to see in the face of whatever the reality is. But in practice the way that projection happens and is allowed to happen is complex, and certainly not reducible to an individual lack of rigour or acumen. Husted, in Uldam and Vestergaard, is strong on this point, detailing precisely how chains of equivalence emerge linking concrete goals to increasingly vague and interchangeable aspirations. It is a salient example of what can be learned from the weaknesses of protest movements as well as their strengths. Maintaining a healthy scepticism towards ways of knowing presented as universal likewise means suspending a thoroughgoing critical rendering of social media politics of the kind proposed by Fuchs and especially Andrejevic. Their models are compelling, with Fuchs arguing convincingly for the continued relevance of critical theory and Andrejevic for an insidious reading of Foucauldian governmentality. Redden in Dencik and Leistert derives much from the latter, and what results is theoretically cogent and well-argued. But it is also thoroughly discursive, a theorisation of protest whose premises necessitate their conclusions.
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The findings of my research indicate that in New Caledonia women in politics lack visibility in the media. Female politicians who took part in the research observed that this poor media visibility was exacerbated by political structures which do not encourage women’s access to decision-making roles. In general, the media accepts the status quo regarding gender equality in the political sphere, which results in the reinforcing of masculine dominance of the political sector through the media. The interviews further indicated that, while most female politicians recognise the potential of the media for gender equality in politics, their position on the significance of the media is not homogenous. Loyalist politicians maintained that the media is a critical element in politics, whereas pro- independence politicians downplayed its importance. Highly-ranked politicians also noted a greater degree of gender stereotyping than junior politicians.
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This paper investigates the role of the media in promoting gender discrimination and inequality in Nigerian politics. It argues that the male domination of Nigerian politics, which reproduces gender inequality, is anchored on societal patriarchy as a cultural logic, but, orchestrated and reinforced by media stereotypical portrayal of female politicians as unequal with their male counterparts in the Nigerian political sphere. The study uses a corpus of sociological and media communication theories to advance the argument that the media reinforce the cultural-patriarchal social structure which „narratives‟ women as subordinates, weak, inferior and subservient to their male counterparts; and this engenders gender inequality and affects how the society perceives women and their participation in politics. It examines media coverage of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria; with the aim to compare the level of coverage given to the female presidential candidate in contradistinction to the male candidates. It content analyzed two purposively selected national news papers in Nigeria – THISDAY and The Guardian. The study examined data generated from news mentions in these two newspapers for a specific period of 28 days in proximity to the election. It concludes that media role affected how the electorate perceives the female candidate in the election.
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As the world hails the maturity of democracy in India, the noticeable presence of social media in influencing the voters and the ability of that medium to give a space to unknown individuals of the country to express their opinions, by has now become a reality. The social media is playing a significant role in changing people‟s perception towards politics, politicians and modes of political participation. With the changing nature of politics and political parties, the social media provides a new space to reaching out the masses in every corner of the society. Since 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the political parties have invested heavily in digital political campaigning. Those political parties that leveraged social networking sites (SNS) to interact with their supporters have turned out to be the most successful in electoral terms. With the increasing number of smart phones in the market and the affordable data packages, it is become easier for the public to use social media platforms. As internet penetration deepens, online social networks and messaging apps are becoming accessible to more and more Indians across communities and geographic locations. The user friendly interface of social media applications such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and YouTube has made this new method of communication accessible to different sections of the society. propagate their ideology, mobilize public opinions, set policy agendas, and discredit the opponents.
These examples hopefully at least indicate my claim that media organization is change. I would suggest, in turn, that this points to the need for a broader approach to understanding how the transforming geographies of journalism and news media connect to a politics of cities. This might be comprised by greater attention to at least four areas. First, as I have already noted, media should be considered less in terms of different black-boxed mediums (such as the newspaper) and more so as different time-space articulations of journalism practices and news media organization. Following Schatzki (2002), we might think in terms of the changing sites – as in, nexuses of practices and material arrangements – that compose the various relations of journalism and urban spaces. Such material arrangements, secondly, might be understood as not only the changing technologies at-hand for, and physical settings of, journalism work, but also in terms of the arrangements of news form. As the exemplary work of Nerone and Barnhurst (Barnhurst and Nerone, 2002; Nerone and Barnhurst, 2001, 2003a, 2003b) has argued, the ‘representational environment’ of news form (e.g. the classic social diorama offered in newspaper pages) is not merely an outcome of writing or graphic design, but bound up in a variety of material relationships, from the organization of journalism work practices to anticipations around how such news artifacts are practically used and understood by different audiences (cf. Scannell, 1996). Third, such sites might furthermore be seen as variably folding in, actualizing, or enacting various forms of circulation (Lee and LiPulma, 2002), such as professional journalism ethics, media business rationalities, and certain ideas about organizational and other histories. This might be seen as a more heuristic version of Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘fields’ (a concept prolifically applied to journalism of late – e.g. Benson and Neveu, 2005) that is better attuned to a relational and geographical imagination (see Couldry, 2007; Cresswell, 2002; Painter, 2000). Finally, and although already hinted at above, central to understanding journalism practices is recognizing its implicit and explicit assumptions about how news is circulated to various social and political bodies that are understood, for example, as (potentially fragmented) audiences, markets, publics, residents, or citizens.
The interrelationship between media and politics has affected the development of the news media in many ways (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). First, it has encouraged the uses of the news media for other purposes than the balanced provision of news stories. The politicisation of business is a result not only of the important role the state plays in the economy, but also of the nature of the political process. ‘What was important for an interest group’, write Lanza and Lavdas (2000: 207) referring to Greece and Italy, ‘was its ability to establish a special and privileged bond with a party, a sector in the public administration, a branch of the executive, a politician or a civil servant. In this way, institutions became permeable; otherwise they remained totally impermeable’. In Italy, the public broadcaster, RAI, was essentially under the control of the ruling Christian Democratic Party in the 1950s and 1960s, but in the 1970s, when a broader coalition was formed and the ‘historic compromise’ allowed the Partido Communista to share in the lottizzazione – the division of political power and benefits – control of RAI was divided among the parties, with the Christian Democrats retaining control of one channel, the ‘secular parties’ the second and the Communists the third. In recent years the board of directors of RAI has been reduced in size, making proportional representation impossible, and a move which may require a degree of de-politicisation of appointments to the board (Hallin and Papathanassopoulos, 2000).
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Isin’s and Silverstone’s interpretations of the notion of polis indicate the need to think in terms of the double-articulation of urban politics, that is, to think about how proximate interactions and dispersed chains of cause, condition and consequence are folded together in the generation of political issues. We develop this argument by outlining the political implications of the practical mediation of urban life and media technologies, drawing on Schatzki’s (2002) site ontology and in particular its distinction between dispersed and integrative practices. We argue that the insights of practice theory need to be extended to the analysis of actors often still thought of as centres of ‘top- down’ power or authority. This extension brings into view how media-centred professions, firms, organizations and corporations seek to negotiate and adjust to the indeterminacies of everyday urban life, and in so doing provide the conditions of possibility for issues and events to appear as matters of public concern and potential objects of political action.
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with the pathological model, encouraging deaf individuals to assimilate into the hearing world (Foss, 2014). The CI technology has become more popular since 2010 (Mauldin, 2012). This has led to the misrepresentation of CIs in media, displaying them as a cure for DHH individuals (Foss, 2014). There are almost no communication studies on hearing aids; much of the emphasis has been placed on profoundly deaf individuals and CIs. Hearing aids require that the user have some or partial hearing. No surgery is required–only a fitting ear mold and an appropriate hearing aid model, adjusted by the wearer’s audiologist. “CIs were seen as a threat to a specific linguistic and cultural tradition and many utilized identity politics and diversity arguments characteristic of other new social movements” (Mauldin, 2012, p. 2). Policy has determined the youngest age an individual can obtain a CI for their child, but policy has not required a language to be taught to DHH individuals. The National Institute of Health (NIH) suggests that children 18 months and older who are deaf obtain a CI to help with learning language and literacy skills (NIH, 2018).
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Another phenomena that is having a growing impact on Brazilian politics and democracy is the Internet. Since the turn of the century, Internet access in Brazil, similarly to other Latin American countries, has grown considerably, with the 2013 Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicilios of the IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) stating that the number of Internet users went up to 83 million people, or 49.2% of the country’s total population above the age of 10 i . Moreover, the Internet has slowly but certainly emerged as a political blogosphere, with social media facilitating and enabling many of the protests. This started well before the notorious July 2013 demonstrations, and were very much a consequence of the political democratisation of the country in the last three decades and the result of the expansion of communication outlets since the 1990s, including cable and satellite TV growth. The Internet in Brazil has also permitted the appearance of previously under-represented groups, many of which are slowly gaining a voice and
Abstract: Since the 1990s, the understanding of how and where politics are made has changed radically. Scholars such as Ulrich Beck and Maria Bakardjieva have discussed how political agency is enacted outside of conventional party organizations, and political struggles increasingly focus on single issues. Over the past two decades, this transformation of politics has become common knowledge, not only in academic research but also in the general political discourse. Recently, the proliferation of digital activism and the political use of social media are often understood to enforce these tendencies. This article analyzes the Pirate Party in relation to these theories, relying on almost 30 interviews with active Pirate Party members from different parts of the world. The Pirate Party was initially formed in 2006, focusing on copyright, piracy, and digital privacy. Over the years, it has developed into a more general democracy movement, with an interest in a wider range of issues. This article analyzes how the party’s initial focus on information politics and social media connects to a wider range of political issues and to other social movements, such as Arab Spring protests and Occupy Wall Street. Finally, it discusses how this challenges the understanding of information politics as a single issue agenda.
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This study’s objective is to analyse the difference in media discourse at both the international and national levels; therefore, it is imperative to explain the globalization of the media. Al- though the media is highly recognized as a driving force of globalization (Kleinschmit & Krott, 2008), the literature on the international or global media lacks a common definition. Many scholars refer to the international media within a technical con- text, e.g., new communications technologies or multi-national media industries (Held et al., 1999). In regard to the topics on which international media reports, the definitions become more abstract, referring to the scope and composition of the audience (McQuail, 2010). We follow the definition of Reese (2010), stating that trans- or international media are those who can ob- tain news from transnational boundary sources and can address a wider audience beyond national boundaries, such as the “In- ternational Herald Tribune” or the “Financial Times” (Reese, 2010). In contrast, national media such as “The Daily Ittefaq” of Bangladesh is characterized by content with respect to lan- guage and substance, which provides the public sphere with a national perspective on Bangladesh (Rahman, 2010). In recent years, he international and national media have shifted their focus from more local and regional environmental issues to more global issues, such as global warming, ozone layer deple- tion and the extinction of species (Mazur & Lee, 1993). Be- cause of this shift in environmental reporting, it is important to question whether there is any link between the international and national media. It is clear that international print media such as the “International Herald Tribune” have more resources to co- ver global events and, as a result, have a larger news pool (Wu, 1998). In contrast, national media, such as “The Daily Ittefaq” of Bangladesh, lack the resources to cover global environmen- tal issues first hand and tend to depend on international sources for their stories. Therefore, there is a greater chance that na- tional print media will follow international print media in re- porting global environmental issues such as forest and climate politics (Mazur & Lee, 1993). Based on this globalization of news, this study’s second hypothesis as follows: “International media claims to address important global issues first. Therefore, the forest and climate change issue is mentioned in the interna- tional media prior to the national media of Bangladesh.”
In the last decade, and before, there has been a growth of media produced by and targeted toward Muslim audiences in the United Kingdom. This is partly driven by the growth of cultural politics in the post-Rushdie and 9/11 era but, more recently, also due to the explosion of new media forms as a result of technological developments. A healthy literature on minority media in Britain already exists. It focuses initially on black media from the 1970s and later on British Asian communities (for a review of the literature, see Cottle 2000), largely on the ethnic diversity in these organizations (Husband 1994). Criticisms of fixing audience positions by race resulted in a shift to predominantly small-scale qualitative research designed to gather nuanced
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As research on the interface between women, media, and politics begin to develop the common means to begin to look at early research. In Images of Women in Mass Media, Tuchman (1978) coins the words "symbolic annihilation' to describe "the media's condemnation, trivialization and omission of women." Since then an avalanche of scholarship has quantified and qualified the news media's sin against women. (Fountain, ) For examples: Coverage of gender, media and politics has been explored by Norris, (J997): institutional sexism that relegates women to 'maternal punditry slots’ by Wolf, (1993). Media presentation of women politicians in a gendered lens in terms of sex role (see, Ross,(1996); Rakow, (1994); and Koch (1999); Iyengar, (1991) discussed the effect of framing and Jamieson (2003) considers how media set the agenda for national debates. Based on this background, the way media portray women is contentious (Norris, 1997). This paper explores weather media coverage of women in Nigeria reinforces rather than challenges the dominant culture, and thereby contributes to the marginalization of women in public life. Added to this, the paper seeks to explore whether the media depict women through gender-relevant or gender-neutral perspective. In order to do this, the central question to answer are: are there significant differences in reporting news about women? Are women in Nigeria portrayed in sex oriented terms? And finally, is the portrayal of women seen in the news as gendered frame,(Norris, 1997). It ca failed in their functions as instrument for educating the masses.
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In his work “Introducere în sistemul mass-media” (Introduction to the Mass-media System), Coman notices that, “promoting different behaviour patterns, the media provide a series of social roles and a symbolic vocabulary; facing these messages, which answer to their need of models and reference, the public has the opportunity to choose or reject, modify or negotiate, debate or restore common roles and values. Through this action, the media prove to be both conservative and innovative, stabilizing and dynamizing, preserving traditional values and generating new values” (Coman, 2004: 95). Obviously, the article with the most impressive title among those selected for this case study (ed. -“Nu ştiam că ţiganii sunt oameni!”, “I did not know that gypsies were people!”) emphasizes the imperative of reconsidering the experiences of the Roma community, such as, for example, the phenomenon of their deportation to camps in Transnistria during World War II. The interview with Michelle Kelso, the author of the documentary “Dureri ascunse / Hidden sorrows”, pursuing the history of the Roma community deported to Transnistria, is quite serious, due to the subject, but also because Kelso made the majority he addressed aware and responsible.
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policy (depending on the believed competence of the government) is similar to the prior in the model; ( 2 ) both papers characterize pandering reporting equilibrium of media outlets; ( 3 ) both papers show that availability of feedback and competition be- tween media market can induce truthful reporting. However, the pandering behavior characterized in the present paper is different from that in Gentzkow and Sharpiro ( 2006 ). With a richer policy space adopted from Caillaud and Tirole ( 2002 ), instead of a binary policy choice, a competent media outlet does not always have an incentive to report truthfully (which is assumed in Gentzkow and Sharpiro, 2006 ), and the media outlet does not always report truthfully even when the voter receives feedback with certainty. My analysis further shows the upper limit of the competition effect: Even when there are an infinite number of media outlets, the existence of a truthful report- ing equilibrium is not guaranteed. Hence the present paper shows the existence of a more substantial yes-man problem of the media when the policy option is not binary. In terms of the media’s reputational incentive, this paper focuses on media’s rep- utation for competence; previous research has considered reputation for neutrality. Shapiro ( 2016 ) argues that a media outlet that wants to be viewed as unbiased may not report the full set of facts to the voter, and, thus, the voter can only form an ambiguous impression about the debate even when there is a clear consensus among experts. Morris ( 2001 ) suggests that an information provider may conceal information in order to be considered as unbiased.
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New media can be used to find information and serve as a forum for discussion. It is impacting the political process by providing political information and thus serving as a democratizing tool by helping the average voter make informed decisions. Without a sense of the issues, a person is less likely to vote, which is why this new information source is so important. New media is the fastest growing source of information about elections and candidates. The Internet now clearly exceeds radio and is on par with newspapers as a major source of campaign information and election news among the entire adult population, with 26% of adults getting most of their election news from the Internet. 50 TV remains a dominant source of political news with 77% of Americans turning to election related television programming for campaign information. 51 Social networks, in particular, enable young voters, who might otherwise not tune into traditional news, to share information. Additionally, the Internet is constantly updating with new information. As Professors Christine Williams and Girish Gulati remark, “Since the first online campaigns, the most fully developed characteristics of candidates’ web sites has been the availability of campaign information. Its prevalence is explained by the fact that web sites represent a cost-effective means of communicating at any time of the day the most up-to-date information about candidates and their campaigns to the public and the media.” 52 For example, in 2006, 98% of Senators’ websites had information about the candidates’ policy positions. 53
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