Politics of Language

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Gender and the politics of language in Ghana

Gender and the politics of language in Ghana

This study looks at the issue of “Gender and the politics of language in Ghana” It examines the extent to which the use of language depicts the “inferiority” of female and the “superiority” of the males in the country. In other words, the study intends finding out whether language is used to promote gender neutrality or encourage gender bias in the Ghanaian society. The study was conducted through a content analysis of some columns in the popular Ghanaian Daily Graphic and Ghanaian Chronicle newspapers over a period of three months. The analysis was specifically based on the issue of how language is used to relegate women to the background in the form of the usage of gender biased generic terms in the Ghanaian print media. It was found out that within the Ghanaian print media, gender neutral or inclusive generic terms were used to a very large extent as compared to the usage of gender bias or exclusive generic terms indicating a lower trend in the use of gender bias language in the country. If the suggested measures by this study such as giving equal chance to both sexes in terms of words, pictures or illustrations in the writing of textbooks or readers are carried out it would go a long way to create more gender neutrality in language usage which will help us develop.
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Multilingual education and the politics of language in Luxembourg

Multilingual education and the politics of language in Luxembourg

In this chapter, we discuss language-in-education policies and debates Ð and the language ideologies underpinning them Ð in Luxembourg from the nineteenth century to the present (see also Weber and Horner 2012). We emphasize the remarkable persistency of these policies, despite the demographic changes and the fact that the school population in many of todayÕs primary classrooms, especially in Luxembourg city, consists of a majority of children whose home languages include Romance (rather than Germanic) language varieties. This persistency may be due at least partly to the smallness of the country, in which issues of cultural and economic survival have been at the centre of narratives of national identity. We analyse a wide range of language-in-education policy documents as well as a recent language ideological debate and show to what extent they are informed by the discourses of ethnolinguistic essentialism, linguistic integration and Ð though in much less detail Ð language
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Entangled Resurgence: Investigating 'Reconciliation' and the Politics of Language Revitalization in the Oneida Nation of the Thames

Entangled Resurgence: Investigating 'Reconciliation' and the Politics of Language Revitalization in the Oneida Nation of the Thames

An important byproduct of multiculturalism is the public narrative of Canada as a ‘cultural mosaic’—which refers to an ideology of cultural pluralism. The “myth” or public narrative of Canada as a ‘cultural mosaic’ has resulted in negative consequences because it is understood as an ideology of pluralism rather than multiculturalism. Pluralism and multiculturalism are two distinct ideologies and ways of dealing with difference, and it is important to distinguish between the two. As has been established, the RCBB was designed to construct a Canadian nation defined by belonging to two linguistic communities: English and French. Indigenous peoples and languages were omitted entirely, and a policy of multiculturalism was enacted to deal with the rising political power of Quebec and the demands of a growing number of ethnic minorities. Through the Multiculturalism Act, the government funded language programs that were not dedicated to learning English or French, but this political ideal “is rooted in the assumption that all ethnic collectivities are both able and willing to maintain their ethnocultural distinctiveness” (Kallen 1988:76). Thus, either English or French is accepted in the public sphere, but “it is solely in the private sphere of life that the multicultural policy affords minority-ethnic Canadians any kind of social legitimation with respect to collective (ethnocultural/group) rights” (Kallen 1988:83).
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Power and Politics of Language Use: A Survey of Hedging Devices in Political Interviews

Power and Politics of Language Use: A Survey of Hedging Devices in Political Interviews

However, as Fraser (2010, p. 201) claims, very few, if any, studies seem to be dedicated exclusively to the study of hedges in political interviews, nor has the previous research linked the concept of hedging to the degree of political power and face exclusively. With the dearth of research in this area, the present study takes a critical approach to investigating hedging in political discourse, specifically in interviews aiming to gain a better understanding of hedges, one of the many strategies politicians draw upon to influence the masses, from a functional perspective since this, in turn, can provide insights into the interactional and rhetorical nature of political language. The study aims to reflect on the following questions:
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The Language of Politics and the Politics of Language A Study of Select Novels of Ngugi wa Thiong o

The Language of Politics and the Politics of Language A Study of Select Novels of Ngugi wa Thiong o

The African novel thus produced was European in both theme and language. To be truly African meant to shed all marks of colonialism, language being the first and the foremost.The African literary world had two main streams of writers: first, a young well educated African elite writing novels and poetry undermining the traditional way of life and second the other African writers reinstating the beauty and validity of their native cultures. Thislatter class of the writers can further be divided into two streams: those choosing to write in the European languages and the others writing in the native tongues. The former is faced with the formidable task of, as D.E.S. Maxwell says, “achieving a distinctive national tone against the intimidating strength of the parent language.” (Maxwell 1965, 35-36) The first attempt to write, on account of an African writer became apparent in what is called an “apprentice period”. The writers like Olaudah Equiana, Samuel Adjai Crowther, Africanus Horton and Edward Blyden pioneered the protest and paved the way for the creative explosion of the 1950‟s, which also, for the most part of it, remained a period of the incubation of the “cultural shock” faced by the Africans as a result of Christianity. At this point of time it is necessary to mention Chinua Achebe who drew on particularly the rich tradition of myths, folklores and legends.
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Language education in England in the period from the 1960s to the late 80s was dominated by ‘progressive’ pedagogies, supported by major Committees of Inquiry (DES 1967, DES 1975) which stated, for example, that the aim of language education “is not to alienate the child from a form of language with which he has grown up… It is to enlarge his repertoire so that he can use language effectively in other speech situations and use standard forms when they are needed…No child should be expected to cast off the language and culture of the home as he crosses the school threshold” (DES, 1975: paras 10.6, 20.5, 20.17; Carter, 1988). Local authorities, teaching unions and subject associations had much more influence than central government, and contrast to the system operating from the 1990s onwards, there was no national curriculum and in regular standardised assessment testing (apart from the school- leaving exams), and “no pressure of a stringent accountability framework that would make… teachers… or their senior managers in school… risk averse” (Gibbons, 2017, p. 40). There certainly were different lines of thinking within broadly progressive language education (Stubbs, 1986, p. 78; Hewitt, 1989, p. 127-33; Cox, 1990, p. 21), and not all would fit the model of Sociolinguistic Citizenship outlined by Stroud. But there was a great deal of emphasis on voice, and together with the idea that English teaching should seek to broaden the child’s repertoire rather than impose Standard English on its own (DES, 1975 above; DES, 1981), this itself created openings for mixed and non-standard language. Work of this kind was supported by several very large-scale curriculum development initiatives, and the last of these, the 1989-1992 Language in the National Curriculum Project argued that: “some aspects of language resist systematisation” and “language and its conventions of use are permanently and unavoidably unstable and in flux” (Carter, 1990, p. 17); “[b]eing more explicitly informed about the sources of attitudes to language, about its uses and misuses, about how language is used to manipulate
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Exploring Language Effects in Crosscultural Survey Research: Does the Language of Administration Affect Answers About Politics?

Exploring Language Effects in Crosscultural Survey Research: Does the Language of Administration Affect Answers About Politics?

Another possibility would be to give respondents two questionnaires in two different languages, as we did in this study, and average their opinion. From an operational point of view this solution is not optimal: For instance, it increases costs, increases cognitive burden on the respondent, increases the length of the interview and introduces potential memory effects. A third option (suggested in Richard & Toffoli, 2009) would be to randomize the questionnaires across lan- guages. In a survey like the one presented in this study that would have meant that a random group of respondents would have answered in Dutch and another group in a second language. Although this option is statistically sound because differences across languages would cancel out, it is not operational in a comparative survey. The linguistic characteristics of the target population and of the individuals in the sampling frame are in general unknown before the data collection. Thus, the size of the random groups would be unknown as well. Moreover, functional bilingualism implies the combined abilities of writing, speaking, reading, and listening in two languages, and it also implies usage of both languages in their daily life (Grosjean, 2014). It does not imply that respondents feel fully comfortable answering certain topics in both languages.
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On (not) speaking English:colonial legacies in language requirements for British citizenship

On (not) speaking English:colonial legacies in language requirements for British citizenship

combines with racial regimes of visibility. When Jeremy speaks in what he qualifies as a good standard English, he is still seen as a foreigner though less of an outsider – an acceptable foreigner. Indeed, in our conversation he proudly recalls how on one occasion when we spoke to an audience of ceremony officials, he was applauded and praised for being ‘the kind of citizen we want in this country’. Thus ‘for post-colonial immigrants like [Jeremy] who bear the legacy of a colonial British education this constitutes [a] kind of anomaly’ (Gunew, 2017: 26): he speaks British English and embraces all that it represents, but he is not of Britain, he is not English, even if he holds British citizenship. As Homi Bhabha would put it, he ‘is almost the same, but not quite’ (1994: 123; emphasis original). Language and race combine, as subjects are both ‘ racialized by language, and languaged by race’ (Chow, 2014: 9).
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The militant strain : an analysis of anti secular discourse in Britain

The militant strain : an analysis of anti secular discourse in Britain

A still greater potential problem for religious proponents of anti-secular discourse involves the very nature of this discourse itself; namely, that promoting religion with a language of civic and human rights itself denotes the use and acceptance of norms and patterns for public discourse that are themselves secularised. One problem this poses is that putting the case for religion in such a way effectively concedes the point that in order to influence wider opinion, public discourse needs to be framed around avowedly liberal secular values; a tacit acknowledgment of the fact that religious views no longer command much influence among large swathes of the populace. In the same breath, claims that religious groups need to be accorded the same formal rights and equalities as other social interests themselves highlight the special interest character of religious groups, and provide no obvious reason as to why they should continue to be treated differently to other social interests in the enjoyment of special political and legal privileges.
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As stressed in decolonial approaches to citizenship such as the ones outlined above, the analysis offered in this article confirms the prevalence of the coloniality of citizenship and of citizenship educa- tion across time in Mozambique. Based on this view, it can be argued that the failure of contemporary citizenship in Mozambique is not so much as a failure of implementation, lack of political will or arbitrary authoritarianism, but as a consequence of, and inherent in, colonial notions of citizenship and language ideology. Consistent with the colonial matrix, the notion of citizenship and the language ideologies adopted are nation-state based, privileging the national and neglecting the local and the individual, and are also based on Euro-American ideals of progress and modernity, hence the marginalization of local languages, knowledges and cultural practices, since these are regarded as backward. In this sense, even the attested movement towards the “retraditionalization in the modernization of Mozambique” (Stroud, 2007) can be understood as a (forced) acknowledgement of categories of ‘tribal-ethnic- nationalist’ diversity set in place by coloniality. Instead of a transformative move, this can be interpreted as a palliative political strategy of readjustment to a new socio-political dispensation, one in which political power is, at least legally, reached through the ballot box.
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Itineraries of protest signage: semiotic landscape and the mythologizing of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement

Itineraries of protest signage: semiotic landscape and the mythologizing of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement

Another commonality shared by the signage during the Umbrella Movement with other Occupy protests is its multi-scalar indexing of spaces as local, regional, national and global. At the local scale, as observed by Ho (2014) and Guilford (2014), many signs were written in Cantonese, the language spoken by more than 90 percent of the population in Hong Kong, yet often considered as merely a “dialect” when spoken and a “non-standard” variety when written (Hutton 2006). While Cantonese and Mandarin share a largely similar writing system and therefore are not always easily distinguishable, the protest signage in Figure 1, 18, 20, 24, 25, 37 contain clearly colloquial Cantonese words and expressions. For example, 係 邊道(度) (hai bin do) was used to rename a road with the question “where is genuine
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Emoticonsciousness

Emoticonsciousness

We did not classify or filter data further with a language guesser [3]; further, we do not presume that everyone who posts within the *.de domain is German, or correspondingly for any of the other areas. The topic areas which had coverage for all four languages during the sampled period included those in science and politics. We did not examine topics at any more fine-grained level because of data sparseness. After filtering, 396,187 postings remained, distributed across languages and topics sampled as shown in Table 1. The average number of post- ings per individual (APPI) provides a coarse metric of newsgroup interactivity. Analysis of emoticon use as a function of interactivity has only just begun [6].
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Time and method: After survival, for a renewed praxis of social theory

Time and method: After survival, for a renewed praxis of social theory

It is in connection with the universal address, but specifically concerning methodology and the politics of method, that I would like to propose a moratorium on measurement and data gathering. Let me justify this proposal, which to some colleagues may appear as the ultimate sacrilege. I believe that sociology tends to be too concerned, almost obsessed, with measuring – a tendency that the Big Data issue has reinforced. Now, as we are practitioners of an eminently empirical science, let us give empirical observation its due. For it is a massive empirical fact, so massive that Nietzsche, not suspect of empirical delicacies, already reported it, that measuring is the kernel of a regime and a culture for which the only thing that ultimately counts, “the question of questions” applied “instinctively and all the time … to everything, and thus also to the productions of the arts and sciences, of thinkers, scholars, artists, statesmen, peoples” is: “who and how many will consume this?” (Daybreak, §175). So, since it is not, despite the ‘impact’ agenda, ‘who will consume’ our trade the only thing that counts for social theory and sociology, but rather who will think with it, we can devote that ‘moratorium time’ to rethink measurement and data gathering. Among other tasks, we can try to envisage ways to track, trace and assemble precisely those organisations and groups like multinational corporations which have become quasi-pure modes of agency dressed in a variety of mutable organisational forms with in-built mechanisms and immunities against legal and statistical inscription devices and traceability (for more details, Frade, 2007). All this, the quest to ‘see it whole’, the universal address and the moratorium on measurement, are fundamental instruments for social theory to recover the present and be able to image
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Named into being? Language questions and the politics of Scots in the 2011 census in Scotland

Named into being? Language questions and the politics of Scots in the 2011 census in Scotland

One important piece of evidence for reliability is that when responses from different genders are analysed separately according to age, very similar patterns emerge for men and women: a pattern of generally declining use as age decreases, but with sharper falls in the oldest and youngest groups. The lower level among older people is unexpected (Macafee 2017: 43 suggests it may be because this age group tend to know the language as ‘Scotch’ and so did not think they were users) but the same pattern shows itself across most of the geographical regions. Whatever the reason, the consistency across geographical areas suggests that there is a real trend which the census has detected. Other consistent patterns are found in the data too, for example the cities are at lower levels than their surrounding areas, and show a slight rise in the number of Scots users at age 18-19 (2017: 53). Macafee concludes (2017: 64) on the basis of the ‘reassuring similarity’ of the statistics from different areas that ‘as long as we are alert to the validity issues, we have here an extremely valuable set of data’.
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Sourcing the Web : revolution in technology   revolution in consciousness?

Sourcing the Web : revolution in technology revolution in consciousness?

A WebQuest is a device for organising selected WebPages at one particular site for ease of use by learners studying a particular topic. This paper describes the conditions of design and implementation of a WebQuest on a British Studies course for first year undergraduates on degree programmes in learning English language. Learners were interviewed at the end of the course to evaluate the success of the WebQuest with regard to its design and implementation, its effectiveness as a resource for raising the cultural awareness of the learners and the quality of pedagogic communication that took place during the lab sessions. For the most part, the WebQuest was regarded as being successful on the first two counts, but issues were raised with regard to the quality of human communication that took place during and after the lab sessions. Points that emerged related to interaction between the course tutors and the learners, feedback to student work posted on the bulletin board and the maintenance of motivation of both tutors and learners throughout the project.
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The Dilemma of Chinese Cultural Nationalism: the Case of the TV Program 'General Shi Lang'

The Dilemma of Chinese Cultural Nationalism: the Case of the TV Program 'General Shi Lang'

!"# “Chinese What Chinese: The Politics of Authenticity and Ethnic Identity,” in* Lee Guan Kin, ed., National Boundaries and Cultural.. Centre for Chinese Language and Culture and Global[r]

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Aid, development and English language teaching : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

Aid, development and English language teaching : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

Chapter Two explores education as a part of empowerment and capacity building strategies and how, despite the politics of discourse, English language instruction has grown in importance [r]

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BUILDING SOCIAL CAPITAL: A GRASSROOTS LANGUAGE PROGRAM FOR REFUGEES AND POLITICS OF INTEGRATION

BUILDING SOCIAL CAPITAL: A GRASSROOTS LANGUAGE PROGRAM FOR REFUGEES AND POLITICS OF INTEGRATION

Language practice was the major objective of the study circle. During observations, it was difficult for us to establish to what extent the didactical format undertaken may benefit the participants. A fast tempo, loading of classes with different types of information, loosely structured interaction and relatively large numbers of other languages employed (Arabic, English) might be seen as aspects differentiating from the dominant model of teaching-learning. However, the majority of the respondents indicated satisfaction with the language training they received. The very context motivating to use Swedish was appreciated, since frequently refugees had rather limited opportunities to use the new language and thus master it. Many indicated that they speak Swedish just couple of times a week (in a shop or at the doctor’s office), while migrants’ daily interactions were usually with family members and in their native language. A female respondent who went for an initial course in Swedish but currently was staying home with a child indicated that she has to struggle to maintain her language skills:
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Language and politics during the Chinese Cultural Revolution: a study in linguistic engineering

Language and politics during the Chinese Cultural Revolution: a study in linguistic engineering

Chapter 1 is an examination of theoretical issues in the linguistic and psychological literature which are relevant to linguistic engineering; chapter 2 traces the development of linguis[r]

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Speaking for the People  Party, Language and Popular Politics in England, 1867 1914

Speaking for the People Party, Language and Popular Politics in England, 1867 1914

demonstrates how by the 1970s an eclectic range of histories - Marxist, radical, liberal - shared remarkably similar accounts of how industrialisation had begot the rise of class, which in turn begot political change. In Chapter Two, he deploys this historiography's own social structural techniques to dispel the myth that the period 1880-1920 saw the emergence of a newly proletarianized, residentially and culturally homogenous, working class. His argument is not that we should dispense with materialist explanations of political change all together, just the cruder mechanical models currently on offer. The task at hand is then to explore the "non-reductionist and non-teleological" ways in which material factors "often shape both the terms upon which subordinate groups are able to act politically, and many of the fundamental concerns of the politics they embrace" (40).
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