Post-colonial India

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The Analytical Study of the Social Status of Indian Women in Post Colonial India

The Analytical Study of the Social Status of Indian Women in Post Colonial India

For gathering courage, to fly high, females should seek positivity in the adverse situation. For this we can choose to talk about the incident of 23 Sep, 2011, when UN women executive Director Michalle Bachelet declared in his speech in 39th annual commencement 2011 of LaGuardia community, college, that " The 21st century will the century of girls and women. And for government, we cannot deny the efforts being taken to secure the women status like in August 2017 the Supreme Court of India has passed a landmark judgement calling instant "triple talaq" illegal and unconstitutional. And with the statement of Simone De Beauvior,- women are not born but made because with the breath taking efforts of the women from all over the world, there would be only apt to analyse the position and space Indian women occupy today that we celebrate the international women's day with great pomp and show. In the 21st century women do not need to look at the historical injustice done to her. It's time to put all that behind her and look forward to empower her role in this Aquarian age. Even there must be the names we might never heard but whose hard work and generosity have touched the lives of others. They are the everyday heroes, who cook meal for a neighbour who is sick, who help their children with their homework that assist their parents and grandparents and in doing so give back to their community and country. And in one line, fixing the past with present and future, so on, the women of modern era, reminds of 'The many handed Chandi' of the old mythology, who plays the different role at the same time. Hence, woman-figure is significant for its multiple-qualities and this image will remain more polishing and refining with the passage of the time. 14
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‘The viceroys are disappearing from the roundabouts in Delhi’: British symbols of power in post colonial India

‘The viceroys are disappearing from the roundabouts in Delhi’: British symbols of power in post colonial India

On the issue of British statuary, Nehru took a firm stand against its removal, primarily on the grounds that it constituted an integral part of India’s history. 45 Many Indians agreed, or at least they appeared to take no great offence at the continued presence of colonial iconography in their midst. The several hundred statues of Queen Victoria scattered across India, which invariably depicted an aged and plump monarch, seated on a throne, and wielding an imperial sceptre, served valued social functions. Familiar as local landmarks and points of reference, British statues acted variously as makeshift shrines, communal meeting places, benches for weary ayahs, and, on occasions, places for dhobis to air their laundry. In late 1948, in Calcutta, the governor of West Bengal advised British officials that, if nothing else, public apathy suggested that it was, ‘more and more likely that the [British] statues will be allowed to remain where they are’. Sir Bijoy Prasad Singh Roy, a prominent figure in Bengali political and commercial circles, went further and informed Britain’s deputy high commissioner that, in concert with ‘influential friends’, he would do everything in his power to prevent the ‘petty and undignified’ removal of British statues. 46 Given the formidable socio-economic problems
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Rethinking the secular state: perspectives on constitutional law in post colonial India

Rethinking the secular state: perspectives on constitutional law in post colonial India

186 nature, institution, and purpose of the office which they received. If the power of the sovereign from whom they derived these powers should by any revolution in human affairs be annihilated or suspended, their duty to the people below them, which was created under the Mogul charter, is not annihilated, is not even suspended; and for their responsibility in the performance of that duty, they are thrown back upon that country (thank God, not annihilated) from whence their original power, and all subsequent derivative powers, have flowed. When the Company acquired that high office in India, an English corporation became an integral part of the Mogul empire. When Great Britain virtually assented to that grant of office, and afterwards took advantage of it, Great Britain guarantied the performance of all its duties. Great Britain entered into a virtual act of union with that country, by which we bound ourselves as securities to preserve the people in all the rights, laws, and liberties which their natural, original sovereign was bound to support, if he had been in condition to support them. By the disposition of events, the two duties, flowing from two different sources, are now united in one. 349 (emphasis added)
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Create, Copy, Disrupt is divided into three broad sections. The first four chapters guide us through the complex politics of patent law in post-colonial India, while the next four address a variety of copy- right issues, many of which will be extremely familiar to U.S. readers. The final three chapters, however, turn to a set of issues that are vital in many nations, but might be less familiar to those in the West—the unique problems associated with traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions. In each case, this book offers a classic example of how delving deeply into the history of an issue can clarify present con- troversies, not only for those in India, but for readers around the world who are interested in intellectual property.
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Contemporary Muslim girlhoods in Assam : questions of recognition and redistribution in education

Contemporary Muslim girlhoods in Assam : questions of recognition and redistribution in education

This can be viewed as a question of distribution of material resources that hinders Muslim children’s, in particular girls’, participation in education. The second issue is cultural recognition of Muslim women and girls in the socio-cultural discourse. This is connected with Muslim women’s invisibility in colonial and nationalist discourses on women, as noted in Sarkar (2000). In post-colonial India, studies on Muslim women have traditionally discussed their disadvantaged social location. Though they are descriptively enriching, these studies have fed into the notion that ‘Muslim women’ represent a distinct category with a common identity and set of interests (Kirmani, 2008). Such an undifferentiated view of Muslim women has enabled their symbolic appropriation in the wider discourse of communalism 3 in India, laying Muslim women open for appropriation by two distinct groups – Hindu Nationalists and Muslim Particularists. Paula Bachetta (1994) argues that Hindutva 4 (Hindu- nationalist) discourse, like Orientalist discourse, suggests that the oppression of Muslim women by Muslim men proves the inferiority of Muslims in general. This projection of Muslim women as ‘backward’ or ‘victimized’ is intimately related to the production of the category of the modern ‘ideal Indian woman’ as Hindu and upper- caste/middle-class (Sarkar, 2000). The particularist and conservative elements among Muslim communities such as the Tablighi Jamat (TJ henceforth), deploy Muslim women as the bearers of Muslim corporate identity, and hence sanction measures of surveillance and disciplining them (Chacchi, 1999). These groups often adhere to and preach a militant Islam focused upon the practice of ‘true’ Islam which include practices exerting complete control over a woman’s body and mind. These two types of symbolic appropriation of Muslim women in Hindu supremacist and Islamic particularist discourses have their roots in the Orientalist conception of binary oppositions between ‘coloniser’ and ‘colonised’, ‘First’ and ‘Third’ world, ‘Modern’ ‘Traditional’ and ‘Black’ and ‘White’ (Tikly & Bond 2013:425, emphasis in original). The post -colonial theorists therefore call for the development of more contingent and complex readings of postcolonial identities, focusing on their unstable, hybrid and fractured nature (Bhabha 1984) and the interplay of patriarchy and local social
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Geographical names to support monitoring of the regional dynamic in Magelang, Central Java, Indonesia

Geographical names to support monitoring of the regional dynamic in Magelang, Central Java, Indonesia

Abstract: Maps is a valuable tool for the geographer to do geographical research. One of the maps’ layer is geographical names. Geographical names belong to the cultural heritage and could help identify the development of human’s civilization. The boundaries that spread throughout a region have the characteristic of constraining both juridically and legally-formal up to its social aspects. However, the regional borders that have previously been determined are now open to modifications over time. The objectives of this research are : 1) analyse the multitemporal maps as the source of geographical names dynamic inside an area; 2) interpret data of dynamic geographical names obtained to be the basis of regional boundaries alteration. The historical map collection of the Royal Tropical Institute in the Library of Map Leiden University (Maps of Magelang from 1855, 1915, 1938, 1940), the topographic map of the U.S. Army Map Service (AMS) (printed in 1945), the Indonesian official topographic maps (Peta Rupabumi Indonesia-RBI) dated 2001, the Google Maps 2018, and the OpenStreetMaps 2018 are altogether utilized in studying the geographical names dynamic of both Magelang Municipality and Magelang Regency. The multitemporal geographical names data are later to be employed to assist the analysis of regional dynamic. We applied the descriptive qualitative method in this research. The existing maps published during the colonialism era and post-Independence Day (1945) can be beneficial to locate the development of regional boundaries and as a resource of multitemporal geographical names. The existence of Magelang Municipality physically has been found since the region belonged to Kedu Residency. On the other hand, the administrative borders were first emerging in a map issued in 1938. The maps from 1855 to 2001 showed that administrative borders of the regions and geographical names examined before were bound to change, mainly on district names. This matter happened due to the proliferation and integration of regions within the Municipality and Regency. Although the borders appeared the same on some of the maps (the 1855 version was similar to the 1915’s and from 1938 to 1945 showed the parallel border lines), the maps showed different geographical names. The orthography of geographical names is experiencing changes as well, from using diacritic to using the Perfected Spelling System (Ejaan Yang Disempurnakan-EYD).
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Ethical Leadership in Post-colonial Zimbabwe: Insights, Challenges and Remedies

Ethical Leadership in Post-colonial Zimbabwe: Insights, Challenges and Remedies

Although the prince should not set great store by such characteristics as virtue and honesty he should none the less, cultivate an image of himself as being such a leader (1983: 46). Machiavelli implies, therefore, that the wise ruler is self consciously a hypocrite who tries to gain a reputation for upright ethical behavior and yet he ought always to be prepared to act deviously and unethically (1983: 46). Thus, soon after liberating their countries from white colonial rule most African leaders adopted the Western style Machiavellian leadership philosophy – on a breathtaking scale – to ensure that their political leadership was not challenged and to silence any dissenting voices. As I observed earlier, these are people who had received Western education and their struggle against colonialism had taught them one or two things about how to remain in power through cunning and fraudulent means.
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Challenges for Industrialisation in India: State versus Market Policies

Challenges for Industrialisation in India: State versus Market Policies

the economy remained in the hands of private enterprises. India’s first Prime Minister, Nehru, was impressed with Soviet economic planning and the USSR’s rapid capital intensive industrialisation. It was said that such strategy posed a constraint on resources available for agricultural development. For example, government spending on agriculture and irrigation decreased from 34.6% in the first Five-Year Plan to 17.5% in the second Five-Year Plan, with investment in heavy industries being prioritised during this later period. The second Five-Year Plan in 1956 was launched to build ‘heavy industries’, which was seen as being essential for the country’s long term industrial growth. The “inward-looking” dirigiste economic strategy adopted in pre-reform period in India was seen as the most suitable option by the ruling elites. Also known as the ‘import substitution’ strategy option the public sector was expected to take a leading role in the development process. However, such policies were criticised by neoclassical economists as inefficient, promoting delays and corruption (Srinivasan, 20005). The proponents of neo-liberal reforms argue that: “Rather than adopting the classic Asian strategy −exporting labour-intensive low-priced manufactured goods to the West− India has relied on its domestic market more than exports, consumption more than investment, services more than industry, and high-tech more than low-skilled manufacturing” (Das, 2006:2).The aim was to remove serious gaps in the production structure. Due to the long gestation period, private investors saw such investments as high risk and also lacked funds (Patnaik, 1979).
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Building for Modernity in Post Uprising Colonial India: Sanderson’s Survey and other Tales of Modern Indian Architecture

Building for Modernity in Post Uprising Colonial India: Sanderson’s Survey and other Tales of Modern Indian Architecture

eye of the British, the same attention had not been paid to the development of architecture both by the government and the Indians themselves who were hardly training to become architects. Begg stressed that instead of looking towards the government to tackle this issue, it would be best if the Indians themselves who he declared, were anxious to have a ‘national architecture’ would ‘not stop short with enthusiasms and demands, but concretes itself into men and work’. Begg stated that Sanderson’s survey was a testimony of the ‘Government’s sympathy in the matter’. He urged the government to chalk out and ‘declare a definite architectural policy for India; just as we have thought out a railway policy and an educational policy’(Sanderson, G. 1913). He argued that the ‘living tradition is an artistic asset of such incalculable value that we cannot afford to allow it to die out; that it is worth re-awakening, even though the complete process should be lengthy and interim results not acceptable, may be, to all.’ He believed that India’s architectural tradition could be made to ‘supply all the complex needs of modern India in a manner in conformity at once with sound business principles and with the canons of true art, (…)’ and that a ‘developed Indian architecture’ would result in ‘buildings that are modern, convenient and economical’(Sanderson, G. 1913). Offering a solution as to how this might be turned into a reality, Begg suggested ‘opening up of the profession of the architect to the youth of India, to whom it has hitherto seems to have its doors closed.’ Further, he elaborated that in the absence of schools where architects could be trained in India, Indian youth could be sent to Britain to be ‘throughly grounded in the principles of architectural design’ as these are understood in the west. Begg hoped that upon their return to India these architects would design for the ‘complex problems of modern life in India, drawing their inspiration from the best examples of old work and traditional work in the country’ thus resulting in an ‘indigenous architecture at once modern and distinctively Indian, carrying on the traditions of art and putting renewed life into the crafts of building’ (Sanderson, G. 1913). Begg then went onto echo Sanderson’s view about the employment of the traditional Indian architectural style in the building of New Delhi arguing ‘why should a western manner be held to type most fittingly the spirit of the Government of India?’ and that ‘it is not impossible for the European architect to work in the spirit of this great country’ (Sanderson, G. 1913).
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Who Speaks for the Village? Representing and Practicing the “Rural” in India from the Colonial to the Post-Colonial

Who Speaks for the Village? Representing and Practicing the “Rural” in India from the Colonial to the Post-Colonial

onslaughts on the commons. However, the fragmentation of the village is not necessarily negative per se nor antithetical to the process of democratization at the local level; for instance, the distancing of local Dalits from the traditional agrarian economy has helped to a certain extent to weaken the traditional hierarchical structures and to allow the raising of new claims over resources that were commonly in the control of the upper/ dominant caste groups in the village (Jodhka 2007:28). Replying to the question “Who speaks for the village?” thus requires us to explore the socioeconomic, cultural and political hierarchies in local contexts and the complex recomposition over time and space of the power relationships between, but also within, castes, classes and genders. This is the reason why this issue aims to analyze the heterogeneity of Indian rural social space, its stratification and deeply entrenched economic and social divisions, varying over time and regions, from the colonial to the post-colonial era. It investigates in particular the actors, external or internal to rural society, who claim to represent the “village,” and how internal social differentiation is being addressed. Furthermore, it investigates the transformation of agrarian struggles through the lens of dispossession-related resistances. Finally, this issue examines fictional, visual and literary, representations of the village and its residents (Lagrave 1980). In a manner similar to other national contexts, one may say that Indian cultural production, such as literature and film, has tended to disseminate over time the “dominant point-of-view of the urban imaginary, anchor[ing] the village in a national text” and erasing all traces of autonomous subaltern narration and rural self-representation (Selim 2004:228). As the Indian population and diaspora become increasingly urbanized, competing visions are appearing: the countryside and its inhabitants tend to be idealized and mythologized, whereas as the same time, Bollywood movies, for instance, reflect a “dream world” ever increasingly distanced from the everyday reality of lower middle class and rural audiences (Rao 2007).
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French development aid and the reforms of 1998–2002

French development aid and the reforms of 1998–2002

aid system. 209 However, Jospin’s personal hostility to the overly close relationships with the leaders of francophone African countries, relationships he saw as neo-colonial and corrupting, had been clear for some time. In the 1980s, he had taken the unusual step of breaching the President’s prerogative in foreign affairs by speaking out against Mitterrand’s Africa policy in government meetings. 210 . On arrival in the Prime Minister’s office in 1997, Jospin and his close advisors strongly believed that a page had to be turned, in the interests of both the Parti socialiste and of French foreign policy. The 1997 elections had left Chirac in no position to block the eventual reforms, both because he had lost control of the government machinery and because to have done so would have put him too firmly in the conservative camp, and closed down his option of associating himself with ideas of reform and renewal. The eventual implementation of such long-awaited reforms therefore owes something to the opportunities presented by electoral fortune. They were also made possible by the gradual, long-term weakening of support for the old ways: “l’apparition de la réforme en France est aussi le signe qu’il y a moins d’attachement pour l’Afrique qu’il pouvait en avoir pendant les années 60 ou 70. Les gens changent, passent à la retraite ou ne sont plus là.” 211
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Toward Understanding a Curriculum of Being Inhabited by the Language of the Other

Toward Understanding a Curriculum of Being Inhabited by the Language of the Other

The master’s language of liberation, emancipation, revolution, and decolonization then plays a second trick. “It will provide freedom,” Derrida (1996/1998) asserts, “from the first while confirming a heritage by internalizing it, by reappropriating it—but only up to a certain point, for, as my hypothesis shows, there is never any such thing as absolute appropriation or reappropriating” (p. 24). A master’s performed ownership, proper appropriation of a monolanguage, and the invisibility of its otherness, cannot be fully promised or assimilated by the other. This lack of promise, the unattainable terrain of homo- hegemonic meaning, is the madness at the heart of language. Nonetheless, “the language, the only one I hear myself speak, and agree to speak, is the language of the other” (Derrida, 1996/1998, p. 25). Therefore, our responsibility for the other, in the face of a sovereign other, requires hospitality for the other’s inalienable alienable rights to the landscape of a universal language that is never mine. Language is a structure, Derrida (1996/1998) writes, of alienation without alienation. The practices of colonial alienation and of being othered by its language, Derrida (1996/1998) maintains, is language. It is a mother tongue, which is already inhabited by the language of the other. Therefore to be at home with the French or the English language, to inhabit it as my second skin, I must be at home with the other.
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Eurocentricism: Colonialism In The Post Colonial Times

Eurocentricism: Colonialism In The Post Colonial Times

As Michael Foucault has opined, ‘Disciplines constitute a system of control in the production of discourse, fixing its limits through the action of an identity taking the form of a permanent reactivation of the rules’ (As cited from Wallerstein. 1996, p.32). From the inferences and critical analysis which we have developed, one can make the tentative formulation that Eurocentrism is nothing else than an ideology, through which the process of colonization of the ‘victim’s’ discipline takes place in this post colonial times (or in other words, it is the employment of ‘Coloniality of Power’thesis of AnibalQuijano in Modern Disciplines. For Quijano, ‘Coloniality of Power’ is a principle and strategy of control and domination that can be conceived of as a configuration of several features. See Mignolo, 2002, P.83.). As Dussel (1993, pp. 67 &75) puts it, the ‘fallacy of developmentalism’ (in this case, the spreading of ‘modern’ values/perspectives through Eurocentric approach) may inevitably associate with some ‘sacrificial violence’; In this case, it is the epistemological subjugation that every so-called non-Eurocentric social scientist is consciously or unconsciously sacrificing.
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Introduction: the historicity of post-colonial Africa

Introduction: the historicity of post-colonial Africa

2 Although when given the choice between their own leaders and a second colonization, Africans would no doubt prefer the first option (they have a lot to blâme fhe colonizers for as w[r]

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The Booker Prize and the legacy of empire

The Booker Prize and the legacy of empire

If post-colonial studies are now concerned with redefining the cultural identities of nations influenced by colonial rule, then the Booker Prize participates in the promotion of the cont[r]

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Colonial and post colonial African cinema : (a theoretical and critical analysis of discursive practices)

Colonial and post colonial African cinema : (a theoretical and critical analysis of discursive practices)

Colonialist Adventure Films Tarzan the Ape Man King Solomon's Mines The African Queen Colonial Burden Films Sanders of the River Colonialist Autobiographical Films Chocolat Decolonisatio[r]

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Socialism without liberation: Land Reclamation Projects in Guinea Bissau

Socialism without liberation: Land Reclamation Projects in Guinea Bissau

The increasing incidence of abandoned bolanhas made it imperative for the colonialists to intervene immediately. In 1946, the first year of the campaign, a total of 7000 ha of land had been reclaimed, which was said to represent an increase in rice production of about 6000 tons. There were more than 60 projects of this kind with about 10,000 ha and a total of 90 km of dikes recorded one year later. But the actual number of project' "as probably higher because many of them, especially in the Catio region had not been recorded officially (Mota 1948:121). The works were conducted with great élan on the part of administrators and local rulers. The latter expressed their satisfaction with the progress of the projects which, they said, were the most important ones since the time of Teixeira Pinto (the wars of colonial conquest in Biombo), as stated proudly in the Colonial Reports. Their subjects apparently were not quite so pleased. The same reports deplored certain 'social difficulties' in the execution of the projects, because of the lack of interest on the part of the natives, who had 'yet to get accustomed to work', although the projects were meant to serve their proper interest. In big projects like the reclamation of the bolanha of Picle (1500 ha), where 14 km of dikes had to be reconstructed [165] in 45 days, thousands of peasants had to participate. In other medium sized bolanhas, like Ponta Vincente de Mata, 4000 man- days were required to reconstruct 80 ha of rice polders. But labour inputs oscillated considerably between 1.3 and 50 man-days per ha, corresponding to the different kinds of work executed.
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International law and land rights in Africa: the shift from states’ territorial possessions to indigenous peoples' ownership rights.

International law and land rights in Africa: the shift from states’ territorial possessions to indigenous peoples' ownership rights.

On 18 November 2008 the Windhoek based Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal passed judgment in Mike Campbell (Pvt) Ltd and Others v Republic of Zimbabwe. On 22 April 2009 the Washington-based International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) pronounced its judgment in Bernardus Henricus Funnekotter and Others (Claimants) v Republic of Zimbabwe (Respondent). 25 This essay argues that these cases suggest that the Zimbabwe land- redistribution issue has festered largely because of apparent intellectual and cultural hostility, indeed epistemicide, against well established African ideas and techniques for social-ordering that predate the phenomenon of colonisation and later globalisation. 26 It recommends the use of the principle of humwe, an ancient social-ordering paradigm credited with the establishment and management of pre-colonial African societies. Connah writes that historical and archaeological evidence point to the existence of well organised African states with high population densities and cities of 20,000 or more inhabitants from AD 1000 until the onslaught of Europe’s mighty empire-building nations. Areas of urban development in tropical Africa included West Africa, the Ethiopian mountains, the East African coast, the middle Nile, the Zimbabwe Plateau, the lower Congo and around Lake Victoria. For these cities and States to develop, particular social ordering ideas and techniques must have been implemented, which support the concept of humwe as one of Africa’s enduring values. 27
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A Post-Colonial Look : Yeats And War Poems

A Post-Colonial Look : Yeats And War Poems

Yeats The Tower contains some of his best-known works. Even while its name suggests the poet's willed isolation, Yeats could not escape the radical changes that his country underwent in the 1920s. Written in 1928; the collection serves as a type of retrospective on Ireland's tumultuous decade, the two major events of which were the Anglo-Irish war (1919-1921) and the Irish Civil war (1922-1923). Of all Yeats' poetry "Meditation in Time of Civil War" is perhaps the most personal in its explanation of his protestant ascendancy past. Especially in the first section, the speaker seems ambivalent about his family history and his place in the civil war. "Nineteen Hundred and Nineteen" was originally titled "Thoughts Upon The Present State of World" and then Yeats changed it to Nineteen Hundred and Nineteen. The title of this poem is the year in which the Anglo-Irish war began. It signals the beginning of a new era after the Great War and marks the first year of that struggle. In both these poems, Yeats's position is to live in an in- between status. Two key elements in Bhabha's writing, when it comes to describing the colonial identities of both the colonized and the colonizer, are the concepts of ambivalence and hybridity. A study in the light of post colonialism and relying upon the Bhabha's views on the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized is likely to evince this relationship in Yeast's "Meditation in Time of Civil War" and "Nineteen Hundred and Nineteen".
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English in Bangladesh: A Post-Colonial Sociolinguistic Observation

English in Bangladesh: A Post-Colonial Sociolinguistic Observation

human without her father earlier. They misunderstood claiming that Caliban tried to rape her. They thought the Caliban was antagonistic towards Prospero as they ruled him after capturing it from him. So, Prospero illustrated Caliban as a malevolence character man erroneously. Interestingly, Shakespeare wrote this play in the region of Queen Elizabeth when British started to discover new lands everyday including India and America, besides they started to march on colonization. It is thought that Shakespeare was very much aware and far-sighted about the feature of colonization and thus he drew the attribute of political and linguistic imperialism in this play with an objective view. Here, readers find that Prospero was the colonizer in the island. He tried to impose his language to the native. Besides, Caliban is the colonized who was oppressed by the linguistic and cultural imperialism by Prospero. The Term ‘Prospero Complex’ was the coined by D.O Mannoni in his ‘Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization’ published in 1964. He drew the views and perception of colonizer towards the native speakers of colonized countries psychologically and culturally. As Prospero always thought that Caliban was uncultured and wild like his language, colonizers always think that native people are savage. Prospero was scared that Caliban might rape his daughter. The negative and mean attitude of colonizers towards the colonized people and their culture are entitled as Prospero Complex. It leads them strongly to dominate native people linguistically and culturally. For example, we can cite the famous noble of Daniel Defoe named ‘Robinson Crusoe’. Here Robinson took shelter in an island and started to colonize over the land people. He found a native man whom began to teach English the first word he taught was `master’. By linguistic imperialism, colonizers bear the dream to be a master of native people culturally, economically and politically. Before, learning the language of colonizer, they consider natives as savage; this view can be entitled Prospero Complex. The rapid spread of English after British colonization is often regarded as the consequence of Prospero Complex. The English Education Act was a legislative Act of the council of India is 1835 giving effect to a decision in 1835 by William Bentinck, 4 th Duke of Portland , the then Governor
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