The Gerstle River Quarry Site has been investigated several times since its discovery in 1976 by Charles Holmes (Holmes and Dilliplane 1976). After initial testing in 1976, in 1977, Holmes excavated 12 m2 finding two components in stratified context (Rabich and Reger 1978). In 1983 and 1985, Japanese researchers under the general direction of Yoshinobu Kotani excavated 71 m2 from the Upper Locus, recovering thousands of artifacts, faunal remains, and identifying at least two probable features. The only report on these investigations is a Japanese-language report published by the Japanese Museum of Ethnology in 1989 (Kimura et al. 1989). This paper was recently translated by a University of Alaska Fairbanks Anthropology student, Hiroko Ikuta, thus allowing for the full synthesis presented here. However, the paper only details lithic artifact distributions for part of the 1985 excavation (A-grid, see below), with minimal information on artifacts recovered in 1983, and no data on the faunal remains. No features were mentioned in the paper, though the original plan-views of several excavation units illustrate concentrations of bone, charcoal, and artifacts. It is possible that hearths were excavated in the 1985 excavation of A- and G-grids. Several scatters of large cobbles labeled “debris” and shaded areas labeled “carbon” were noted in the Japanese field plan maps. Faunal remains were also noted, but no information regarding taxa or element was provided in the report. In 1996, Holmes conducted further testing at the Upper Locus and excavated the first test pit at the Lower Locus recovering fauna and artifacts from multiple strata. In 1999, 2000, and 2001, I excavated 36 m2, 16 m2, and 32 m2 respectively at the Lower Locus, documenting three components, two of which predate the lowest component found in the Upper Locus (Potter and Holmes 2000; Potter 1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2001a, 2001b).
In interior Alaska, the Northern Archaic tradition extends from 6000 to 1000 cal BP. A somewhat later regional variant, the Taltheilei tradition, is present in northwest and north-central Canada from 2900-200 cal BP and is clearly linked with Canadian Athabaskan groups (Gordon 1996) (Figures 3-4). The Northern Archaic technological tradition is abruptly replaced by the Athabaskan tradition (sensu Dixon 1985) after 1000 cal BP in Alaska, characterized with reduction of formal flaked stone tools, increased reliance on organic technology, copper tools, and reliance on storage facilities (Figure 6). This transition is examined in detail in Potter (2008b), and likely represents an economic transition from high-mobility broad-spectrum hunting to logistically organized fishing-hunting economies associated with recent Alaskan Athabaskans. While some archaeologists argue for population replacement at ~1000 cal BP, perhaps associated with the White River Ash East Lobe eruption (Workman 1972; Derry 1975), other regional volcanic events with widespread ashfall do not correlate with technological change (Potter 2008b) and there are long cultural sequences in the Yukon Territory and Alaska suggesting continuity from Northern Archaic to Athabaskan (Workman 1978; Cook 1969). A number of researchers suggest Dena’ina Athabaskans moved into Cook Inlet basin after 1000 cal BP (Workman 1998; Reger and Boraas 1996; Boraas 2007) suggesting a minimum age for divisions within Alaska Athabaskans.
are no longer archaeologically visible. This model makes no predictions about technological or subsistence systems, other than that organic artifacts are under-represented for earlier time periods. Support for this model includes the presence of semi-subterranean houses at Ushki-1 and the similarity of Dyuktai Culture and Late Pleistocene/ Holocene microblade-bearing traditions (Beringian, Denali, American Paleoarctic). Since the technology, the hypercontinental climate, and the resource base and in- ferred hunting strategies were relatively similar (microblades and bifacial points associated with large terrestrial mammals), we might expect the habitation struc- tures and settlement strategies to be similar. Other support may include the similar broad-spectrum resource base that continued broadly until recent times (with the exception of bison, wapiti, and mammoth), acquired through logistical and residential mobility, which may have included storage and longer-term habitation facilities. Finally, survey in this region is still very limited (see Potter et al., 2001), and the small sample surveyed thus far may not reflect the underlying variability of site types.
They walked out onto the field to a tidal wave of noise. Threequarters of the crowd was wearing scarlet rosettes, waving scarlet flags with the Gryffindor lion upon them, or brandishing banners with slogans like "GO GRYFFINDOR!" and "LIONS FOR THE CUK' Behind the Slytherin goal posts, however, two hundred people were wearing green; the silver serpent of Slytherin glittered on their flags, and Professor Snape sat in the very front row, wearing green like everyone else, and a very grim smile. "And here are the Gryffindors!" yelled Lee Jordan, who was acting as commentator as usual. "Potter, Bell, Johnson, Spinnet, Weasley, Weasley, and Wood. Widely acknowledged as the best team Hogwarts has seen in a good few years --"
Harry had been a year old the night that Voldemort -- the most powerful Dark wizard for a century, a wizard who had been gaining power steadily for eleven years -- arrived at his house and killed his father and mother. Voldemort had then turned his wand on Harry; he had performed the curse that had disposed of many full-grown witches and wizards in his steady rise to power -- and, incredibly, it had not worked. Instead of killing the small boy, the curse had rebounded upon Voldemort. Harry had survived with nothing but a lightning-shaped cut on his forehead, and Voldemort had been reduced to something barely alive. His powers gone, his life almost extinguished, Voldemort had fled; the terror in which the secret community of witches and wizards had lived for so long had lifted, Voldemort's followers had disbanded, and Harry Potter had become famous. It had been enough of a shock for Harry to discover, on his eleventh birthday, that he was a wizard; it had been even more disconcerting to find out that everyone in the hidden wizarding world knew his name. Harry had arrived at Hogwarts to find that heads turned and whispers followed him wherever he went. But he was used to it now: At the end of this summer, he would be starting his fourth year at Hogwarts, and Harry was already counting the days until he would be back at the castle again.
Harry heard the hat shout the last word to the whole hall. He took off the hat and walked shakily toward the Gryffindor table. He was so relieved to have been chosen and not put in Slytherin, he hardly noticed that he was getting the loudest cheer yet. Percy the Prefect got up and shook his hand vigorously, while the Weasley twins yelled, "We got Potter! We got Potter!" Harry sat down opposite the ghost in the ruff he'd seen earlier. The ghost patted his arm, giving Harry the sudden, horrible feeling he'd just plunged it into a bucket of ice-cold water. He could see the High Table properly now. At the end nearest him sat Hagrid, who caught his eye and gave him the thumbs up. Harry grinned back. And there, in the center of the High Table, in a large gold chair, sat Albus Dumbledore. Harry recognized him at once from the card he'd gotten out of the Chocolate Frog on the train. Dumbledore's silver hair was the only thing in the whole hall that shone as brightly as the
achievements, press headlines such as “Potter’s magic spell turns boys into bookworms” (Smith, 2005) and “The Harry Potter effect: how one wizard hooked boys on reading” (Laucius, 2007) make it appear that J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series has transformed children’s reading. These examples also highlight how media concerns about children’s literacy are gendered, focusing chiefly on boys. It is assumed in academia that boys are less enthusiastic readers than girls—. As international datasets highlight, this may translate into boys’ lower attainments than girls on measures of literacy (OECD, 2014; Moss, 2007). In the UK, early concerns about boys’ literacies intersected with anxieties about their overall educational accomplishments around the same time that Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone (Rowling, 1997) was published and widely taken up (see Hutchison, 2004; Jackson, 2003; Shepherd, 2011; Zyngier, 2009).
monitoring techniques and analytical methods, including forest health data (Smith and Conkling 2004), soils as an indicator of forest health (O’Neill and others 2005), urban forest health monitoring (Cumming and others 2006, 2007; Lake and others 2006), health conditions in national forests (Morin and others 2006), crown conditions (Schomaker and others 2007, Randolph 2010, Randolph and Moser 2009), sampling and estimation procedures for vegetation diversity and structure (Schulz and others 2009), ozone monitoring (Rose and Coulston 2009), establishment of alien- invasive forest insect species (Koch and others 2011), spatial patterns of land cover (Riitters 2011), changes in forest biodiversity (Potter and Woodall 2012), and the overall forest health indicator program (Woodall and others 2010). For more information, visit the FHM Web site at www.fs.fed.us/foresthealth/fhm.
The prospect of attempting to link ancient languages or proto- languages with recurring sets of material culture is daunting if not impossible (cf. Renfrew 2000). A number of proposed linkages may be consistent with the data but difficult to test; data in this region tend to be coarse- grained, limited to supposed stylistic attributes of lithic technology. Recently, Dumond (2010), Ives (2010), and Potter (2010) summarized and evaluated Na- Dene prehistory in the context of Vajda’s (2010) linguistic connection between Na- Dene (Athapaskan- Eyak- Tlingit) and Yeniseian languages. Potter (2010) focused on patterns of material culture continuity and discontinuity, identifying contemporaneous archaeological groups with separate material culture traditions, and evaluating antiq- uity of language groups from the present (direct historical approach). Dumond, Ives, and Potter agreed that evidence for migration and discontinuities was present in the northeast Asian and northwest North American record at 14,000– 12,000 cal b.p. (initial colonization), 6000– 4800 cal b.p., and 1000 cal b.p. It is plausible that Na- Dene ances- tors migrated to North America as part of late Pleistocene or middle Holocene popu- lation expansions from northeast Asia, but a specific material cultural correlate with Na- Dene speakers is unclear. Microblade technology, argued by a number of research- ers to be associated with Na- Dene or Athapaskan ancestors (Borden 1968; Dumond 1969; Matson and Magne 2007), is ubiquitous across northeast Asia, including Japan and northern China, while it is generally more isomorphic with Na- Dene speakers in northern North America.
In a developing countries such as Nigeria where there is this advocacy for self-reliance and self-sufficiency in the development of machinery and equipment, it has become necessary for potters to individually fabricate various types of equipment including the potter‟s wheels locally to equip their various studios in order to facilitate pottery production. Constructing and managing a homemade potter‟s wheel is a challenging venture and most potters manage to improvise one for self sometime. Apart from the savings one makes by constructing your own equipment, like the potter‟s wheel, there is also the joy and satisfaction in having constructed a successful wheel and using it too. There is nothing like getting on and doing it yourself; solving problems as you go along really helps you understand the equipment, its construction, functioning and maintenance the more.
A general Beringian settlement- system model would be unrealistic given the observed and inferred ecological and physiographic variation throughout this large area; how- ever, regional systems of land use have been conjectured. An early influential settle- ment model was developed by Guthrie (in Powers et al. 1983) for central Alaska, where archaeologically visible sites like Dry Creek were interpreted to represent “spike camps” where recently acquired game was processed for transport to base camps. Yesner (1996) has argued these base camps may have been preferentially located on valley bottoms, and thus differentially eroded. More recent models include Rasic (2011) and Potter (2011), who posit settlement systems or land- use strategies at various scales for north- western and central Alaska, respectively. In these models, seasonal resource availability and abundance (particularly of caribou and bison) as well as mobility are key elements constraining potential land- use patterns. These models, while useful for regional prob- lems, may not be suitable for extrapolation to regions with less archaeological coverage, particularly western Beringia, where horse and mammoth may have been economically more important. Other Alaskan settlement models focus on specific aspects of technol- ogy, for example seasonal constraints on technology (Wygal 2011), or on later time peri- ods (e.g., Mason et al. 2001). Climatic effects on animal and plant distributions have been argued to have altered technology and settlement strategies before, during, and after the Younger Dryas (Graf and Bigelow 2011), though other analyses (Potter 2011) suggest broadly similar subsistence- settlement systems for these periods.
system resides on the FM side, chemical doping can pos- sibly induce helical or skyrmion phases that are expected nearby. To quantify this expectation, we have calcu- lated the magnetic phase diagram (including a magnetic field) using classical Monte-Carlo (MC) simulations. In Fig. 3(a), we show the low-T phase diagram for the ex- perimentally found anisotropy value D/J 1 = 0.4 as a
1996) are not from mixed contexts as has been suggested (Hoffecker et al. 1993). One may argue that the relatively low frequencies of microblades in Swan Point CZ3 (n = 37) and Broken Mam- moth CZ3 (n = 44) (Krasinski 2005; Holmes 2008) suggest stratigraphic mixing; however, at Ger- stle River C3, several contemporaneous and spatially discrete lithic clusters contain microblades at varying frequencies (between 1 and 242, comprising 2% to 29% of total debitage; Potter 2005). This variation could be due to many factors, including activity area differences or the tendency for micro- blades to be deposited in small discrete loci, easily missed depending on sampling strategies. The point here is that microblades are present in sites assigned to the both Nenana and Denali complexes. This is consistent with the hypothesis that Nenana and Denali complexes represent different por- tions of a single late Pleistocene technological tradition (West 1996b; Holmes 2001).
This work was inspired by Professor Victor Lin, whose presence at Iowa State University is greatly missed. The authors thank Dr. Adri van Duin for valuable discussions on the use and implementation of ReaxFF and its parameters into GAMESS and Dr. Bosiljka Njegic for valuable discussions on certain computa- tional aspects. This research was supported at the Ames Labora- tory by the U.S. Department of Energy, Oﬃce of Basic Energy Sciences, under Contract DE-AC02-07CH11358.