time for the original and alternative set of basic items, all suggest that with one exception the latter may constitute a satisfactory set of basic deprivation in monitoring and analysing poverty trends for some time into the future. The exception is the holiday item. With one-quarter reporting inability to afford this item, it has a deprivation rate almost twice that of any other items. As a consequence its incorporation in a consistent poverty measure would mean that the calculation of a poverty rate would be very significantly influenced by the outcome on this single item. This in itself is undesirable. In addition, the nature of the item itself is such that it might be more difficult to purge of the influence of taste factors than other items in the set. For example, there tend to be different habits as regards holidays among urban versus rural dwellers, and over the age range. We, therefore, focus here on an alternative consistent poverty which does not include the holiday item. (Corresponding results based on a revised set of items including the holiday item are available from the authors for purposes of comparison.)
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High unemployment rates in the late 1980s and inequalities between the islands led to a switch in government in 1991. The incoming government continued to decrease the role of the state in the economy and set priorities towards improving education and reducing poverty and unemployment. Also, new legislation and reforms, that still need to be refined and implemented fully, were adopted on various aspects related to foreign investment, pri- vatization, and offshore banking services. The new government also pursued multilateral and bilateral donor assistance in order to improve services for human and capital infrastructure. As a result of these reforms, remarkable growth has been achieved since the late 1980s. Between 1988 and 2002, real GDP grew, on average, at 6.4 percent and inflation was con- tained at an average rate of 3 percent per annum. Most of the growth was generated within services, where private sector activities increased dramatically as the state withdrew from the sector following reforms implemented throughout the 1990s. Construction and trade are now the largest sectors of the economy. Together they constitute about 30 percent of GDP (each accounts for about 15 percent of GDP). The fastest growing sectors within ser- vices, however, are hotel and restaurant services, transport, and communications. These sectors owe much of their growth to a large expansion in tourism. In 2001, tourist arrivals increased by 50 percent, and the number of visitors has been growing by 10 to 20 percent in subsequent years.
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However, as Chapter 5 of this report showed, the groups who experience high rates of income poverty are not necessarily those who also experience lifestyle deprivation. It was clear for instance that the elderly actually had a lower risk of experiencing lifestyle deprivation than the population aged under 65 years. As explained in Chapter 5, this rather strange situation stems from the fact that levels of income poverty have been driven by the movement of the average income, fuelled by increases in employment and wages and salaries away from the income levels of groups such as the elderly and those on social welfare over the 1990s. Yet, social welfare and pension recipients have also seen their real standard of living rise over the period thus levels of deprivation among this group have actually fallen dramatically. As argued before, this shows that income poverty alone is not a good guide to the experience of poverty and that the identification of the poor is greatly helped if we augment the income measure with a deprivation measure. That said, we would also expect that being income poor for an extended period would lead to an increase in the probability that the person would be deprived and, moreover, that this would have a damaging impact on their lifestyle. In this section we first examine the relationship between income poverty, persistent income poverty and lifestyle deprivation before analysing whether the experience of persistent poverty also leads to an increase in the experience of economic strain.
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Our previous NAPS monitoring report (Callan et al. 1999) investigated in some depth the possibility that in such circumstances the basic deprivation measure itself needed to be adapted and expanded. It was shown that expectations in fact adjusted rapidly to the extent of possession of items, with five items in particular becoming available to a substantial majority of households between 1987 and 1997, and also coming to be perceived as necessities by comparable numbers - central heating, a telephone, a car, a colour TV and being able to buy “presents for friends and families once a year”. However, factor analysis showed a striking consistency over time in the relationships between deprivation indicators, with distinct basic, secondary and housing dimensions, suggesting that in the combined income and deprivation poverty measure we should restrict ourselves to the original basic deprivation items. We also looked at the households who would come to be included among the poor if the basic deprivation index was broadened to include those items. In terms of level of (self-assessed) economic strain, psychological distress and fatalism, they were found to be little different from the households who would still not be counted as poor. The households categorised as poor by the original basic deprivation and income poverty criteria, on the other hand, had distinctively high levels of economic strain, psychological distress and fatalism. This provided some reassurance that the original set of basic items was more successful in capturing generalised deprivation than an expanded set would be at that point.
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Poverty analysis using the CHIP surveys has been restricted to a comparison of their results for 1988 and 1995 (Khan, 1998; Khan and Riskin, 2001). Anchoring the poverty line on the cost of obtaining 2150 calories per day, 8% of urban residents were estimated to be poor in 1988, rising to 8.8% in 1995. Taking a lower poverty line, anchored on 2100 calories per day, the rise was sharper – going from 2.7% to 4.0%. These results are the most comparable to those we present later in this paper, as we take the same CHIP data, but add in surveys for 1999 and 2002. We do not dispute Khan’s analysis of the 1988 and 1995 survey, but show that the rise in poverty in that period was not sustained and indeed was clearly outweighed by the fall in poverty from 1995 to 2002. It seems likely that the CHIP surveys imply less favourable estimates of poverty trends that the NSB figures. For example, Khan (1996) used tabulated NBS data to estimate that poverty fell from 7.42% in 1989 to 5.9% in 1994. The discrepancy probably arises from the fact that only the CHIP surveys include in their income measure the various food and other subsidies to households that were gradually withdrawn between 1988 and 1995.
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This study used two-year partial panel household surveys 2008-2011, to assess household income and poverty trends and their respective drivers, specifically to determining to what extent landholdings have influenced these changes in rural Northern-Central Mozambique. The study concludes that: i) No significant income change in total net household income, poverty level, and landholdings has been observed between the two survey years and ii) Landholdings have significant income effect on income but poverty, suggesting that the income gain resulting from the observed landholdings is not enough to generate sufficient income transition above the poverty line, and iii) welfare was found to have infrastructural, demographic, technological dimensions, the policy implications from this study include:1) developing and promoting agricultural technologies, rural financial services and microcredit, risk coping strategies through establishment development of drought resistant crop varieties to acelerate land expansion, 2) facilitating access to input and output markets through improving and expanding infrastructures, 3) promoting small and medium enterprises with vocational training programs in employable skills, and 4) providing public services (e.g. education and employment) and investing in physical infrastructures (roads and transports).
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 stated that there are differences between countries in the formation of poverty trap and the most important differences are factors such as having low confidence level of individuals, being citizens at a limited level, disadvantaged environments, social exclusion problem and income inequality. For Turkey in the study, it is examined that the management is in the hands of a select group and that illegal organizations cause poverty. The results have been examined economically and socially.  emphasized the development of multidimensional measurement methodologies instead of income-based approaches to poverty measurement. In the study, it was expressed that a multi-dimensional index would be an effective way to monitor the situation of the 27 member states of the European Union (EU). Moving from the EU 2020 poverty targets, axioms have been developed for a new calculation method and assessments have been made for the EU.
The trends of energy supply per capita have been increasing alongside the decrease in poverty (see Fig. 4) indicating the close relationship between the decrease in poverty and improvements in energy services where access to modern energy is a fundamental service that enables economic growth and contributes to the success of efforts to eradicate poverty . Moreover, the United Nations, in its report “Road map towards the implementation of the United Nations Millennium Declaration, 2001”, includes the following target: “Halve by 2015, the proportion of people without access to electricity and replace traditional biomass fuels by cleaner and more efficient energy sources.
Middleton et al. (1994) have pointed out that children in poor families “begin to experience the reality o f their 'differentness’ at an early age.” (p.p. 150) This has been vividly illustrated by the proliferation in child-centred qualitative w ork.8 By listening to the actual voices o f children experiencing poverty, more nuanced insights are gained into how low income limits their life chances. An influential study by Ridge (2002) on children’s perceptions and experiences of poverty found that a “reduced capacity to make and sustain adequate social relationships and social networks” (p.p. 144) was clear, as well as a “sharp awareness ” that they “might be seen as different and fin d themselves isolated and marginalized” (p.p. 144). Half of the forty subjects (aged 10-17) were not going on school trips with their peers. As a consequence, they were missing out on shared social and educational experiences. Some children were excluding themselves from school trips by not taking letters home as they felt that their parents could not afford the costs. Free school meals were also an area o f concern for some children, who felt stigmatised by the method of establishing eligibility and the delivery system used by their schools.
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The results of this study have shown that the rela- tionship between health and income over time is complex, with earlier mental health affecting later income and wealth amongst those with a better edu- cation; whereas earlier income effected later mental health for those with lower levels of education attain- ment. The results also revealed that there are numerous pathways into multidimensional poverty. For people with poor health who were in income poverty, slightly more people fell into income poverty first and then developed poor health. The finding that low income precedes poor health is in line with the social determinants of health theory, which advocates that health is influenced by income . However, most of the studies that support this theory are based upon cross-sectional analysis and so have been unable to establish the order in which poor
Poverty is a phenomenon that is wide spread and remains a major challenge to the development efforts. Therefore absolute poverty exists in every country no matter how developed it may be, though the level and the magnitude differs from one country to the other. But poverty is found in “New York city as it does in Calcutta, Cairo, Lagos or Bogota.” Similarly, the causes of poverty differ from one country to another, but from a general look of things, we can take the following issues as they affect our country Nigeria. The colonial masters contributed to impoverishing their colonised nations through systematic transfer of valuable resources as raw materials to man their industries. So while Nigeria for example stayed on as a poor agrarian nation, it supported the industrial revolution and structural transformation of the British economy through transfer of groundnuts, cotton, hides & skin cocoa, tin etc.(Mannan 1990), these items were sold for nominal prices. This activity affected the country‟s economy negatively because it caused a shift from production of food crops to cash crops.
This paper studies multi-dimensional aspects of deprivation associated to the living conditions and inequality status in Cameroon. The study employs the fuzzy-set framework to analyze deprivation and inequalities through Dagum sub group decomposition. Results in deprivation analysis and inequalities related reveal some new insights about the poverty situation in the country, which contrasts with the results available from traditional poverty analysis. We observe respectively, high deprivation degrees for ho usehold „essential‟ items such as health, education and housing and a small Gini index for inequalities of deprivation. Decomposition by group reveals that within groups inequalities are as important as the between groups.
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decreased from 1.9 billion in 1981 to 1.8 billion in 1990 and then to 1.4 billion in 2005. The most poverty decline was occurred in east of Asia and Oceania with a change from 78% in 1981 to 17% in 2005 including people with daily income below US$1.25; it means, a number of 720 million persons. Moreover, people who may have been exited from severe poverty in previous years were also under severe pressure of economic standards of country with medium income. In addition, average poverty line in developing countries in 2005 was US$ 2 per day. In this poverty line, magnitude of poverty in all developing countries was decreased from 70% in 1981 to 47% in 2005; however, there are still more than 2.5 billion persons in these countries with an income less than US$2. Figure 1 shows this fact. 7
most acute in the poorest countries. Across and within countries, gender disparities in education, mortality rates, health, political participation, financial assets and other social and economic indicators are greatest within poorer income groups. Gender inequalities impose large costs on the well-being and health of the poor, diminishing their productivity and potential to reduce poverty and ensure economic growth. In most societies women have more limited opportunities to express their needs, improve economic conditions and access services than do men. Usually women and girls bear the brunt of gender inequalities. Identifying and redressing these inequalities tends to have high social, economic and financial returns.
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identification of a population experiencing a shared form of deprivation but who may experience differing aspects of this form of deprivation. The measure of deprivation in Ireland is based on a composite measure of 11 deprivation items. As people may have to restrict spending in one area but may not in another, the use of a composite indicator is more reliable as vulnerability in different areas is captured. Using the items individually does not capture the whole population who are deprived. This was taken into account when forming the food poverty index; people may have to restrict spending on food in one respect but may not in other. This index aimed to include all of those experiencing each aspect of food deprivation measured in the SILC.
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Latest studies of UNDP (2019) and Oxford University shows that entering the lower middle class is becoming more difficult due to the difficulty of getting jobs or finding new opportunities. This can be clearly shown in the in a sharp increase of the vulnerable people with multidimensional poverty in Asia, Buheji (2019g). This means more focused work needed in the future about making the poor more capable of exploiting opportunities. In the end, this paper calls for more in-depth investigation for the measurement of poverty and the elimination of this poverty through pausing the achievements of the failures of the best runners in the field, the Asians.
Given the political and economic circumstances of Nepal since the early 1950s to the first decade of the twenty first century, poverty reduction is supposed to be one of the important objectives of many development plans initiated by the government because without the reduction of poverty, it is difficult to improve the socio-economic condition of the people living in different parts of Nepal. Poverty alleviation is the most challenging task of Nepal and accordingly poverty alleviation is the government's fundamental objective for many of its development plans. 12 However, emphasis was given to infrastructure development and resource mobilizations during the plans implemented in the 1950s, 60s and late 70s. Poverty alleviation was accepted as a development objective after 1990. Since then poverty alleviation is taken explicitly as a development objective in every plan in one form or another. Apart from periodic development plans, the government has been carrying out different development programs with the involvement of civil societies, non-government organizations, together with international non-government organizations and donor agencies. There were no appropriate plans or policies in Nepal when it was under the Rana regime until 1951. 13 In connection to this, there were no appropriate policies for the people to lift them out of the poverty. The oligarchy system that was
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African countries still face the serious challenge of raising the rate of GDP growth and sustaining high growth rates over an extended period, in order to speed up progress towards meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While growth has improved over the past few years, very few countries have attained and maintained the growth rates necessary to reduce poverty. Africa still tails behind other regions in most measures of human development. The continent is overwhelmed by shocks from the vagaries of international markets and climatic changes as well as the opening out of the HIV/AIDS deadly disease. To improve the state, it is clear that African countries require to become more innovative in terms of resource mobilization and in the design of pro-growth and pro-poor policies to undertake the problems of mass unemployment, stable poverty, and pervasive inequality. Such innovative policies are dangerous for sustaining the current growth momentum on the continent.
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remains the most important risk factor for higher-than-average comorbidities in this population. The study has several limitations. Utilization of only 3 data points through time, and 2 for ASD over the period of a decade, limits our ability to identify definite trends over time. Other weaknesses include the challenges in comparing these survey findings to other surveys, given differences in the methodology of survey administration. Additionally, we do not know the impact on our results of adding cell phone methodology in 2011–2012 of the NSCH, although current data do suggest that there was not evidence of any response bias between years of survey administration with this change. 32, 36 The diagnosis of the
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Capturing poverty by focusing on incomes and deprivation inevitably pushes towards policy solutions designed to boost incomes (via earnings and/or state support) and ease access to goods and services. For some this places insufficient emphasis on tackling underlying drivers of poverty. A wide body of literature has therefore built up to consider the factors most associated with people falling or remaining in poverty – with poverty defined as being on low income or deprived. Included among such factors are low skills levels, unemployment, worklessness, housing tenure and ill health or disability.
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