The lack of meaningful and positive contact with other human beings can have major implications on the mental health of prisoners in solitary confinement. Without positive affirmation and the loss of control one’s humanity can be lost. The loss of personal power and the ability to make any decisions or influence over their lives affects they way they think, feel and act (Frintner, 2005). Loss of control affects every part of the prisoners life; how long they will be there, where they are kept, how much food they get and how often, what clothes they are given, the level of light and noise, the possession they are allowed to have, bedding they are permitted, when their cells are cleaned, if they have any exercise or out of cell time, associations, study time, whether or not they have fresh air. In the MSU, some cells have water controls, where prison staff can deny a prisoner a fresh supply of water.
9 It may be a good idea to send out or give visitors any expensive or valuable things you have. This is because the prison cannot do anything about it if your things are lost or broken, unless it can be shown that prison staff did it.
9 Anything you cannot keep or give to visitors will be put into sealed bags and kept in a safe place inside or outside the prison until you leave.
Anyway, the next morning I was up early. I couldn’t sleep; there was so much on my mind from the night before.
After breakfast I had a shower. A guy came up to me asking for burn (another name for tobacco in prison) but I told him no, I didn’t smoke. He asked me what I was in for and I told him. We started talking. He said: let’s go to a table. He told me a lot about prison, that I must not be afraid if the other prisoners took the piss or bullied me. Our conversation lasted for the rest of the association.
Therefore to endure the pains from imprisonment, prison gangs start building friendship which can support one another in prison so that accessibility to need is ensured hence sustaining members of gangs in prison.
The need for rehabilitation showed that prisoners in prison need restoration, therefore, the time in prison for gangs creates the opportunity for a new chance to live through learning and acquisition of skills from vocational training aimed at impacting members of gangs with life skills needed to be self-reliance. It can be concluded that although the study confirmed that prison gangs survived in prison because of social relations and participation in prison maintenance, there is however the need for the prison management to enhance the prison facilities to carter for the inmates' needs. The study has two limitations; the first limitation of this study was influenced by the method of data collection, which allowed prison gangs to answer questions by handwritten notes. While the second limitation is that the generalisability of the study is limited because Kiri-Kiri Maximum Prison is a male prison and also because it is one prison out of over two hundred and forty prisons across Nigeria. For further study, one avenue would be a similar study using other prison facilities; likewise, expanding the number of informants to include both female prisoners and awaiting trial inmates.
political climate. Does higher education play a role in helping to shape those who are being released from the prison system? What does their new (mock) citizenship look like (Banks, 2007; Arthur & Davison, 2000; Aikwa & Unterhalter, 2005; Stromquist, 2005; Satz 2007)?
Quantz (2015) describes citizenship as the knowledge, skills, and values needed in a particular time and place in a particular society; and that in a democratic citizenship these knowledge, skills, and values are needed by citizens to shape their own government. For Turner (1993), citizenship is “that set of practices (juridical, political, economic, and cultural) which define a person as a competent member of society, and which as a consequence shape the flow of resources to persons and social groups” (p. 2). Collins (2009) narrows the context of citizenry, noting, “depending on where you stand, American democracy constitutes a reality, a promise, a possibility, or a problem” (p. 7, emphasis added). If being a citizen is a set of practices, if it requires “knowledge, skills, and values”, does everyone, regardless of position, have access to these “knowledge, skills, and values?” Collins’ flag narrative was considered a problem much in the same ways W.E.B. DuBois so prophetically described over 100 years ago: she was censured for trying to be both Black and American. As we learn in her story, her desire to share her truths about what the flag meant to her and its representation of citizenship were not welcomed in her public school. In refusing to accept her teacher’s suggested rewriting of her speech to be more “patriotic”, she was silenced. Without being able to share what she knew about her own reality, did she share the same citizenship status as her peers did? It is stories such as these—in which some individuals are considered problems and denied their voice—that complicate the relationships between democracy, citizenship, and education. The specific context of women’s prisons is a locale with many of these kinds of stories.
Comparing mean scores between the four pavilions on the four dimensions found to be of greatest importance in studies by Liebling, showed an inverse relationship between these dimensions and violence. The pavilion with the lowest proportion of prisoners exposed to violence had the highest mean values on the four MQPL-dimensions. This indicates an inverse association between violence in prisons and quality of prisonlife: violence within prisons negatively affects various aspects of the prisoner’s quality of life. Though this relationship between violence and quality of life could seem obvious, we believe our results support the documentation of this relationship and thereby the problems of violence and ill-treatment within prisons. In this cross-sectional study, we were unable to determine the direction of the causality: whether high quality of life reduces violence, or whether level of violence determines quality of life. However, when sentence time passes, QoL increases for persons not exposed to violence, whilst it does not for those inmates who have been exposed to violence.
The project to think about educational opportunities in the gaucho prison system is rooted in constant inserts while teaching in the various prison spaces in which he worked. I realized at the time he needed collude school activities with the work aspirations that students had. I understood, likewise, that the school could provide in- structional tools that potentiates actors of their own experiences of workers. Sometimes realized that Education away to the ideals that students sought at school. Thus, the research carried out intended to verify the expecta- tions that students have, knowing beings who seek, who are experienced, and who want to become, at any stage of life, in any circumstances where they are. I think this man in his constant search, in their personal aspirations, work, and see that more than a utopia school can be driving possibilities and constant remakes.
Turning to divergencies in the purposes of prisons held by various stakeholders, attempts to engage with issues around the efficacy of prisoneducation are fraught with difficulty and are characterised by competing expectations. Societal expectations that prisons fulfil the separate, often contested, goals of punishment, incapacitation, deterrence and rehabilitation collide with evidence, at an international level, that educational provision may, under the right circumstances, lessen rates of recidivism (Davis et al., 2013). Constrained by shrinking budgets, many prison governors however, have to weigh up the extent to which particular activities (including those related to education) in prison are affordable and can meet the sometimes competing and conflicting expectations of individual prisoners, those of their victims, those reflected in prison objectives and those determined by governmental policy. For many politicians a problem exists in balancing a desire to bring about societal change for the better, and the political expediency necessary to ensure success at the ballot box. Attempts at reforming education in prisons are likely to be viewed by many voters as controversial with some seeing prison as simply a deterrent while others focusing on how prison can play its part in the overall humanitarian reform of the prisoner. Of course while there may be come dissonance over the purpose of imprisonment, there is little evidence to suggest that the public holds strong views about the merits or not of prisoneducation as this matter is rarely discussed in the literature. However when it comes to the way in which the popular media reports crime, law‐breaking and offending, the situation is very different. Competing expectations and the dilemmas associated with them are exacerbated within the English context by a tabloid media disproportionately constructing and demonising law‐
According to Heidegger, humans can live in a prison for our entire existence. The family of origin, the one you build, school, among others, may be true prisons from which it is incredibly difficult to separate. However, the actual experience of being enclosed by walls has peculiar qualities; therefore, the central concern of this research work is on the limit situation occurred within prison and the return home from it. One can say that certain events that occur inside the prison come to be, for some inmates, a limit situation. However, one must ask: What kinds of events are we talking about? What is it that occurs and how do these events reveal a threshold, a limit? How is this type of situation made to happen through speech? And how do you return home after a limit situation? Moreover, we assume that the return home is not merely a biographical accident, we do not only speak of the customs and 'prison practices' learned during confinement or of the punishment, penalties or multiple activities, tasks and encounters the newly freed have to undertake on their return. Above all, it tells us about the suffering that comes from failing to reach what is desired; of those appropriator events that occurred during imprisonment, those certain processes of subjectivation that have to do with the relationship that is established with oneself and with others, with the different and complex ways of relating and becoming a subject of one’s own existence; it tells us of the 'vision of oneself' and notices how the 'narrative identity' is formed through the 'given speech'.
Not only do these methods of learning curb students’ overall potential, but these programs also reflect a greater relationship between schools and corporations. Such models give a capitalistic education based on the notion of success from money. In urban schools, many principals refer to themselves as “building CEO [bosses]” and teachers as “classroom managers” (Kozol, 2007, p. 656). Students are therefore resorted to menial jobs in retail stores as cashiers in mock job fairs (Kozol, 2007, p. 658). This type of curriculum hinders the true potential of students. It gives students a small scope of success within their current environment instead of allowing them to think beyond their current economic situation. As Jaime Escalante tells his student, Pancho, while driving in east Los Angeles in the popular movie Stand and Deliver, Pancho “only see[s] the turn,” and not “the road ahead” (Stand, 1988). Many inner-city youth also have the same viewpoint that they can make things work in their current situation in order to provide more economic security for their family. They work in order to be able to give more resources to their families, doing anything to survive, including dealing drugs and labor in farms in agricultural cities. The current system of education reinforces the notion that youth in the barrio are either menial workers or criminals weaving in and out of correctional facilities because it suggests that students do not value their education. In reality, students value their education but may have more concern over their own survival and the survival of their families.
3.4 In addition to the instruments detailed in Chapter 2 there are a number of instruments which specifically recognise that prisoners have a right to health.
Recommendation 10 of the Council of Europe’s Recommendation (98) 7 concerning the ethical and organisational aspects of healthcare in prisons calls for prison healthcare services “to provide medical, psychiatric and dental treatment and to implement programmes of hygiene and preventive medicine in conditions comparable to those enjoyed by the general public”. Principle 9 of the Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners urges that “Prisoners shall have access to the health services available in the country without discrimination on the grounds of their legal situation”. Principle 1 of the Principles of Medical Ethics relevant to the Role of Health Personnel, particularly Physicians, in the Protection of Prisoners and Detainees against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment states that “Health personnel, particularly physicians, charged with the medical care of prisoners and detainees have a duty to provide them with protection of their physical and mental health and treatment of disease of the same quality and standard as is afforded to those who are not imprisoned or detained”.
Often a gang member’s wife or partner also takes on gang membership and plays an active part in managing the affairs of the gang. Therefore, the withdrawal of visiting privileges can have a significant impact on a gang’s operations. A prison officer spoke about the problems associated with family visits. He claimed that family members ‘carry information and contraband in and out of the prison. The withdrawal of visiting privileges would temporarily affect a gang’s business opportunities. This is particularly the case when it results in a reduction of supply of drugs, weapons or other contraband’. 48 In this context, there are also financial and familial incentives for gangs to keep prison disruption to a minimum. It is in a gang’s interest, therefore, to maintain an outward appearance of peace and order so as not to disrupt their illicit business operations. Thus, ‘through calculated mentality’, bosyos share a common interest with the BuCor to maintain order. A form of compliance and consent to the prison regime is purchased through the tolerance of gang activities. 49
In the same vein, in terms of implementing the health promoting prison concept, unless the role of prison officers is enhanced through more thorough education, better continuing professional development, better remuneration and conditions of service, the drive to develop the prison as a setting for health cannot materialise. We are suggesting that one element of the slowness of policy implementation could be due to the failure to capitalise on the role of prison staff. Other settings approaches, such as the health promoting school, include the health of teaching and other staff. Health promoting schools, have developed a ‘look after the staff first’ approach (Mason and Rowling, 2005), which addresses quality of life, health and productivity for employees (Kolbe et al., 2005). In work on health in prisons, the focus has been almost exclusively on prisoners (Woodall, 2010). Yet, it is axiomatic that for prisoners to be rehabilitated and released into the community as law abiding, healthy citizens, prison staff need to feel valued and in good physical, mental and psychosocial health
the victims face. To that end, “feeling remorse” and “being looked down upon” were examples of shame.
When I asked participants, “How do you feel about going to prison?” to explore deeper feelings of shame, there were several different responses. But the content analysis revealed that 95% (N=20) of the sample had negative feelings (mad, disappointed etc.) about going to prison at the time of the interview. To add to that Gary’s expressed his feelings, “I feel like I’ve been deprived of my youthful years. I need anger management counseling or something because I am angry about serving time in prison.” Most of the men agreed that when they matured they felt differently about the prison experience compared to the expectations they had when they were youths. It wasn’t until later on in life that some admitted to acting irresponsibly. Here is how Timothy discussed his feelings about going to prison. “I was disappointed. When I was younger, that was the thing. Everybody was going to prison. This person was getting in and out, and it was just a game. But now, I feel foolish and disappointed.” Likewise, Vince stated that he feels like a failure because he went to prison. The term “failure” (as is “foolish” and
My understanding of prisonlife since reading the course’s assigned readings and ERR articles has changed, to the extent that I originally viewed some prisons to be more of a vacation spot for some criminals as opposed to being a place that criminals are sent to serve harsh, sentence with the fear of facing other dangerous criminals. I also believed that prisoners did not
(particularly between those with similar cohorts of offenders) is vital to drive improved performance. It will also assist in planning and prioritisation. In schools the
RAISEonline system records demographic and performance data to enable
comparison between individual schools. I suggest a similar approach be developed for use in prisons so that Governors have a much clearer grasp of the educational profile of the prisoners for whom they are responsible. However, I appreciate that this will not be easy to achieve: most prisons are more complex organisations than most schools; the cohort is made up of adult learners of different ages; and almost all start with widely-varying levels of educational achievement and enter - and exit - the system at different times. Of course, for some time we are likely to have very little in the way of historical trends data, but the recommendations I make throughout my report are aimed at both immediate improvement and at long-term transformation of the quality of prisoneducation. This is clearly a recommendation to support the long- term, though that does not mean there should be delay in its implementation.
The Open University of Tanzania 1 University of Waikato 2 & University of Waikato 3
This article discusses the barriers to prisoneducation from a Tanzanian perspective.
The paper addresses one major research question, “What are the barriers to prisoneducation in the Tanzanian context?”. This qualitative study employed multiple-case study design, which involved 51 participants, including 28 inmates, six (6) inmate- teachers, 14 prison officers from five prisons, two (2) representatives from the Institute of Adult Education and a District Adult Education Officer. The data were mainly collected through individual and focus group interviews. Focus Group Interviews were employed to collect information from some inmates who were available in groups. Data from the rest of the participants, including some inmates, were collected through Individual Interviews. Thematic analysis was used to process the data. The study found two main categories of barriers – the prison and imprisonment situation and dispositional – that inhibited participation in prisoneducation. The findings suggest that most prisoners were affected by the barriers associated with “prison and imprisonment situation”; a few were affected by dispositional barriers. It is suggested here that Tanzania should do more to improve prisoners’ access to education in tune with global tendencies to widen participation amid marginalised populations..
Well prepared teachers with personal and pedagogical skills are very needful in these relations (Hawley, Murphy, Souto-Otero, 2013, pp. 26-38).
In Denmark, convicts who stay in local prisons have a right for 37 hours of education or work per week (those who stay in central penitentiary institutions are obliged to learn and work). Convicts should graduate from a secondary school (or secondary vocational school) at minimum. In France, convicts have a right for primary education, and those who lack educa- tion at all and underage convicts are obliged to learn. They are also provided with vocational training courses which prepare them for professions which require low qualifications. Such courses take at least 6 hours a week. Prisoners may benefit from distance learning provided by non-government organisations. The state is obliged to take proper measures where non- government education programmes prove to be insufficient. All the activities related to general and vocational education, libraries, sports and culture are coordinated by local pedagogues who are responsible for education at the regional or departmental levels. In Germany prisoners are obliged to work or to learn. The details are defined in a social re-integration plan which is de- signed in cooperation with a prisoner. The plan also defines what training courses and what kind of education the convict is supposed to receive, and what steps should be taken in the convict’s professional career. In Great Britain convicts have a right for the development of their interests, participation in basic education courses, and certified vocational training courses which are commonly recognised on the labour market. Prisoneducation in England and Wales is provided by private entities on contractual basis. Taking advantage of the provided opportunities, con- victs may participate in distance learning courses without any limitations.