But there are significant differences. Religious ideas of peace are connected to a person of faith’s metaphysical understanding of the world in which humans inhabit. This differs quite substantially from a modern, Enlightenment approach to peace. While each religion has historic and current ties to politics, government, and governance, some within each religion would see state and collective security measures as a hindrance to the true achievement of peace. For instance, some Christian pacifists 15 (p 7) see governments and security seeking as the ‘politics of death,’ which contradict and contravene true peace. Because peace within the religious traditions transforms the self and aims to transform society, peace is nothing short of transformative. While it takes effort to achieve it, it can be sustained. But sustainment will not be through a particular government- or economic- style as peace aims to eradicate all power structures, something upon which the liberal peace may be all too dependent.
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'A multicultural society is one characterised by religious plurality, a willingness to live and let live among religious organisations, a spirit of respect for religion, and of willing co-operation from governments and their agencies at all levels with religions. Australian state and federal governments and agencies are committed to multicultural policies and to reducing discrimination on the basis of religion. While there is no constitutionally enshrined "Bill of Rights", laws against harassment and discrimination on various bases have been enacted. While much progress has been made there is plenty of room for more. There are cases of harassment, of intimidation, of name-calling, denial of employment, denial of approval to build mosques and temples, and problems with housing or access to
This is a lecture class that will explore the topic of how a variety of religions approach the issues and problems of bioethics. We will examine the issue of epistemic stance, of truth claims, and of how normative policies are created amidst serious controversy. We will explore the nature of the relationship between religion and public policy study how religious traditions and moral philosophy shape our view of issues as “bioethics controversies” in the first place. This seminar will look at both classic dilemmas in modern medicine and how the discipline of bioethics has emerged to reflect upon such dilemmas with particular attention to the role that theology and religious studies has played in such reflection. We will look at both how the practice of theologians historically has shaped the field of bioethics and at how religion's claims, methodology, and praxis have continued to shape and inflect bioethics. We will use a case based method to study how different faith traditions describe and defend differences in moral choices in contemporary bioethics and how such different traditions both collide and cohere over such topics as embryo research, health care reform, how to treat the terminally ill, and issues in genomic research. This class is based on the understanding that case narratives serve as the motivation for the discipline of Bioethics and that complex ethical issues are best considered in discourse with one another. We will examine both classic cases that have shaped our understanding of the field of Bioethics and cases that are newly emerging. I will present a general argument for your consideration: that the arguments and the practices from faith traditions offer significant contributions that underlie our arguments in bioethics.
The path of breakthrough is connected to abrupt change. The divine is reached through visions and revelations. The rule of scriptural purity breaks down here. God may be found in pure and impure places alike. He may be found in temples but also in cremation grounds or other unlikely places or among people considered as impure by society. Different gurus may be followed at different times. The aim is neither yogic knowledge nor ritual skill, but bhava - the ecstatic state that comes through direct experience of the divine. This path is not accorded by scripture, but it is still accepted and revered by the mainstream religion after adequate testing of the worth
Interestingly, for many generations in human history it has been spiritual and religious education in which cor- responding normative aspects of a responsible and value based leadership practice have been ingrained 1 . Albeit in very different cultural contexts and local modifications, religious traditions have played an important role in handing over personal values to a new generation of pol- itical and economic leaders. To better understand the close connection between leadership values and religion, it has to be recalled, that in the context of pre-modern living conditions, there has been only a very loose con- trol of leadership practice by legal rules and institutions or sophisticated political or economic governance sys- tems. On the contrary, the individual morality of leaders played an important role also for the stability of a social order, i.e. for establishing trust and mutual cooperation. In this constellation, religious values – albeit already in their plurality of different confessional and religious be- liefs and traditions – played a crucial role as a ‘cultural capital’ to establish stabile mutual expectations. Even if with the School of Salamanca and later with Enlighten- ment in the Western world, humanistic moral traditions gradually emerged as a ‘secular’ alternative to a genuine religious education, the role of religious traditions for the character formation of leaders is still unchallenged among the majority of leaders globally.
In any society, a religion plays a vital role in the creation of socio-cultural, political and economic structures. Every religious tradition lays down a definite code of conduct or a way of life for their followers to achieve the ultimate goal of life i. e. the realization of the Infinite Reality. All religions primarily determine the socio-economic values, choices and behaviour patterns of an individual in any society. Religious traditions have also played a crucial role in conceptualizing the idea of social equality and social justice and in responding to perceptions of social injustice, inequalities and prejudices. Every religion support the social justice activities to help the poor and marginalized sections of a society and contribute to create a more humanitarian, fair and equitable societies. 1
However, in Albanian society has had discussions about forms of manifestation of faith, especially in public schools. I think the stage of emancipation of the state and our society should be measured by the ability that the latter have to give the example that religious conflicts prevented relying highest democratic values as solidarity, respect of diversity, justice and the spirit of tolerance.Albania is recognized internationally as a country characterized by religious coexistence. I believe that the reasons of this religious harmony, are associated with maintaining the balance between influence and state intervention in the internal activity of religious institutions and also with the fact that our state is based to the principle of secularism and equality. These create all the conditions that believers feel equally protected and religious institutions feel more independent in their activities.
Euthyphro, after some prompting, defines piety as “that which all the gods love” (Euth. 9e1- 2). This definition, through some argument, can lead us to see that Euthyphro understands piety as a moral trait. He is presented with a moral dilemma: should he prosecute his father, drawing the ire of his fellow citizens and going against conventional conceptions of filial piety? Or should he not, and let the pollution that resides in his father remain uncleansed, negatively impacting the world, his father, and himself? Since he defines piety as what all the gods love and had previously defined it as “what I am doing now” (Euth. 5d7), it stands to reason that Euthyphro believes that the gods should be who he appeals to in order to answer his question about filial prosecution. What “he is doing now” is the action that “all the gods love,” and as such Euthyphro derives his confidence from the gods, rightly or wrongly. Euthyphro’s moral question, then, is the same as Socrates’ question about piety; what is pious, and what is moral, are the same, at least in this particular instance. Given that pollution is also a religious condition, because of the relation it has to the gods, the three concepts, pollution, piety, and morality, are all linked together in Euthyphro’s mind. The central ideas that Euthyphro offers up himself are focused on these three issues. If
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the above need to be moderated by appreciation for special influences Buddhists may experience in the UK as a minority and for heritage Buddhists as an ethnic minority. Constrictive researcher constructs may hinder the recognition of aspects of implicit religion as contributing to religious identity. Where removing shoes, immodesty and same-sex socialization might be safely overlooked when studying the religiosity of Judeo-Christian children, for Buddhists these very issues might reveal facets of identity close to the Buddhist heart. Unfortunately, these issues might not fit neatly with the unidimensional conceptualization of world cultures claimed to depend entirely on democratization and economic prosperity (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005). Four contrasts with current psychological theory based on a religiously undifferentiated population that may not allow findings from other religions to be generalized to Buddhism which have been identified in this chapter are Jungian bias, paths of cultural assimilation, features of identity, collectivism and atheism. One also needs to take great care that what one perceives as uniquely Buddhist may be little more than a reflection of lack of privilege or lack of fluency in a second language in a dominant culture or a reflection of aspects of Asian collectivist values rather than measuring anything specific to Buddhism. Under both paradigms an age-related change in understanding of religion has been noted through childhood and adolescence meaning that the age of the subjects must be taken into account when comparing studies.
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Efforts to discuss the connections between religion and education can involve a delicate balance: one is often cast either as a believer (by secularists and atheists) who is committed to developing an apologetics for religious influence upon education, or as a sceptic (by the religiously committed) who rejects any and all such influences. I propose the timely idea of the ‘postsecular’ as some kind of mediation to soften what has become a rather stale polarisation. However, invoking this concept will be regarded with particular suspicion by secularists who often repeat that we have never been secular, never mind postsecular. Religious people might also be disappointed to discover no simple ‘return of religion’ through the postsecular. There is a middle ground between sceptic and believer, and many of us find ourselves in this sense, betwixt and between. This logically excluded, but in practice quite expansive, middle place is not, of course, neutral. It may be a place from which to catch sight of certain framings of the debate, framings which too readily allow polarisation into believers and sceptics. Standing in this middle, requires careful analysis of terms which, to draw on Foucault’s genealogical method, "we tend to feel [are] without history" (Foucault 1980, 139). Certainly neither religion nor education are ahistorical, and so a genealogical orientation will be essential to what follows. But Foucauldian genealogy may not be methodologically adequate if we are holding out for something to be disclosed by way of the faculties of the incarnated consciousness, and so I present the tensions between the givenness of revelation and the projections of historical cultures, between history and truth, in terms of a hermeneutic phenomenology, a methodology that arises out of Heidegger, Gadamer and Ricoeur, and has begun to make substantial impacts upon contemporary discussions of religion and education (Aldridge 2016).
Generally, this perspective focuses on three interrelated parts. First, the issue of symbols or sacred texts that appear in the media environ- ment, or can be referred to as “symbolic inventory” in which a person obtains a religious or spiritual significance; second, consumption practices, interaction and articulation through which meanings are accessed, un- derstood and used; and third, focused on individual experience in per- forming the act of consumption and acquired religious significance. The presence of religious messages as SMS contents are not only describes the phenomenon of new religious practice by using the media, but also de- scribes the media coverage of religion that could potentially bring some problems that are new. In order to understand this phenomenon, I con- sider using the approach of mediatization concept.
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directed by Rajkumar Hirani. The full soundtrack released by Indian film association on 17 November 2014 (https://en.m.wikipedia.org>wiki>PK). India is a place where we find the existence of many religions and languages. The pseudo-religious activities of babas or saints are increasing day by day in India. PK is the commodious representation of pseudo-religious activities of ‘babas ’. In the film, we see that Tapaswi Baba is conscious about his pseudo-religious activities. He considers religion as his own property like Majeed, the protagonist of the novel Tree Without Roots. He enforces synthetic religious beliefs on the people according to his own wishes, thoughts and beliefs. He convinces people by narrating false story and showing God gifted device. He claims that he has the ability to be connected directly with God. He uses religion as an investment and, from this investment, he gains more and more profit.
However, religion denotes man’s experience awareness, attitudes recognition, conception, and understanding of the existence of the supernatural or the multipliciity of spiritual beings and his relationship or interaction with them. It has to do with not only the beliefs but also the practice of soceity based on divine revelation and thier corresponding response to the Holy. It is the idea of the sacred or holy that usually colours what they believe, people’s lifestyles, ethical systems, worship, and veneration. The relationship between man and God is further reflected in man’s relationship to his fellows in human society.
29 We see two possible explanations for these unexpected findings, yet only one of them could be tested with WVS data. First, based on Gurr’s theory on minority mobilization, one may expect minorities to develop more grievances as religious regulation increases, which may result in greater mobilization among them (Gurr 1993, 2000). Accordingly, we tested whether the unexpected finding could be due to the majority-minority status of respondents by adding three-way interactions between religious regulation, religious social behavior, and minority status to the regressions. Online Appendix 6 presents the full results. We found that for both majority and minority respondents, the positive effect of religious social behavior on political protest became stronger as religious regulation increased, and that this effect was particularly higher for religious majorities rather than minorities. That is, the unexpected finding was not due to the majority-minority status of respondents.
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The study of religious diversity as part of public education has become an im- portant issue in recent times across Europe and in the wider international arena. In a sense the events of the events of September 11, 2001 in the USA, their causes, on- going global consequences and associated incidents are a symbol of this shift in attention. However, arguments for policy changes encouraging the study of reli- gious diversity in public education were being advanced well before 9/11. In one inter-governmental body, the Council of Europe, the shift from argument to policy development was held back by a reluctance to address a complex and controversial area reflected in different histories of religion and state within member countries and by a reluctance to acknowledge issues concerning religion as a mode of dis- course within the public sphere. As noted in a Council of Europe document, the attacks on the World Trade Centre and other targets in September 2001 acted as a ‘wake up call’, bringing the issues directly to the attention of influential inter- national bodies and precipitating action at the level of public policy (Council of Europe, 2002).
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The Court also contrasted FM’s obligations with those in the case of Schüth, 61 an organist and choirmaster in a Catholic parish. In his case the ECtHR considered that although there were obligations of loyalty to the Catholic Church, S’s signature of his contract could not be interpreted as an unequivocal personal commitment to live in abstinence in separation or divorce. Such an interpretation would affect the core of the right to respect for privacy of the person concerned, especially since, as the labour courts had found, S was not subject to increased duties of loyalty. S had stated that he could not prevent the separation from his wife for strictly personal reasons and that it was not possible to live in abstinence until the end of its days, as would require the canonical code of the Catholic. S’s situation did not concern the dismissal of a person because of his public statements against the moral position of his church employer. S had not publicised his position and in 14 years of service to the parish, he had not fought the positions of the Catholic Church. Rather he had simply failed to observe them in practice in matters that were at the core of S’s private life. By contrast, FM had not been unwillingly exposed by the Press. Rather he had, along with others in the Movement, openly expressed their disagreement with the policies of the Church in several areas. 62 The particular nature of the professional requirements imposed on FM was due to the fact that they had been established by an employer whose ethics was based on religion or belief. The competent national courts had sufficiently demonstrated that the obligations of loyalty were acceptable, in that they were intended to preserve the sensitivity of the public and the parents of the pupils of the school. The reasoning of those courts was sufficiently detailed. 63 In addition, the ECtHR considered that the requirement of reserve and discretion was all the more important given that the direct recipients of the teachings of FM were minor children, who were vulnerable and impressionable by nature. 64 The ECtHR also noted that after the non-renewal FM had found work in a museum and continued to work there until retirement. 65 In conclusion, having regard to the state’s margin of appreciation and the fact that the competent courts had struck a ‘fair
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I consider the government of the U.S. as interdicted by the constitution from intermedling with religious institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or exercises. [T]his results not only from the provision that no law shall be made respecting the establishment, or free exercise, of religion, but from that also which reserves to the states the powers not delegated to the U.S. certainly no power to prescribe any religious exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, has been delegated to the general government . . . but it is only proposed that I should recommend, not prescribe a day of fasting & prayer. [T]hat is that I should indirectly assume to the U.S. an authority over religious exercises which the constitution has directly precluded them from. [I]t must be meant too that this recommendation is to carry some authority, and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who disregard it: not indeed of fine & imprisonment but of some degree of proscription perhaps in public opinion. [A]nd does the change in the nature of the penalty make the recommendation the less a law of conduct for those to whom it is directed? 83
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Licensed under Creative Common Page 614 (intrinsic-religiosity and extrinsic-religiosity). A review of the literature shows that: Amrai et al. (2011) used „religiosity‟, „religious inclination‟, and „religious orientation‟ interchangeably; Tahmasbipour and Taheri (2011) used „religious orientation‟ and „religious attitude‟ interchangeably; Delener (1990; 1994) used „religiosity‟, „religious involvement‟, and „religious orientation‟ interchangeably; and Masters et al. (2004) used „religiousness‟ and „religiosity‟ interchangeably. In this regard, Laher (2007) stated that „religious commitment‟, „religiosity‟, „religion‟, „religiousness‟, „religious beliefs‟, and „faiths‟ are sometimes used interchangeably. This inconsistency might explain why researchers mixed the usage of religiosity and religious orientation. However, other researchers such as Ahmadi, Davoudi, Mardani, Ghazaei, & ZareZadegan (2013) distinguished between the concepts and scales of religious orientation and religiosity. This discussion reveals that previous studies operationalized the religious factors based on different views and understandings. This inconsistent approach has led other researchers to be confounded and inconsistent in defining and employing different religious factors and scales.
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The above-mentioned movements and actions can be summarized as follows: "It is necessary to deeply absorb the consciousness of the people that the political and religious extremism, fanaticism and other evil movements that are in the nature of our people are a threat to peace and calmness and to the future of our children. In the minds of our people, it is necessary to mobilize them to fight against the evil forces by establishing and strengthening high moral values .
Quantitative research in the psychology of religion has its roots in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, but it was not until the mid 1950s that sufficient independent studies had been conducted to provide the basis for beginning to coordinate evidence and to draw useful conclusions. Michael Argyle’s (1958) pioneering book Religious Behaviour clearly demonstrated that a body of empirically-based knowledge was beginning to emerge in the psychology of religion. Michael Argyle provided significant updates of his original review of the literature in the mid 1970s and the mid 1990s (see Argyle & Beit-Hallahmi, 1975; Beit-Hallahmi & Argyle, 1997).
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