Wolfgang Huber is the author of Religion and Violence in a Globalized World. He created three different propositions that coincide with some of the ideas Nelson-Pallmeyer and Appleby developed. Huber explains in his three different points views that differ from one another but ultimately suggest that religion is not inherently violent. His first view is that religion is not inherently violent, but violence can be a characteristic of religion that can be acquired. This first point brings great insight to the nature of how religion is practiced. Since violence can be an acquired characteristic, it truly relies on how the religion is interpreted and practiced by individuals. His second point discusses how religion should lead to a non-violent world because religion teaches humans to act in non-violent ways, viewing violence as a disrespectful way to handle a situation. Huber’s third proposition claims that there is a “contingent” link between religion and violence. Huber states: “Some situations do seem to make the use of violence inevitable; however, religions should refrain from justifying the use of violence and maintain a preferential option for nonviolence” (39). He has suggested that in difficult situations the only means people find necessary can be violent or harmful, but if they are truly religious individuals, they should be able to recognize that violence is not appropriate or acceptable.
As previously affirmed, violence and nonviolence are relative concepts because their degrees of social acceptability differ among religious cultures and even within particular religions. The relative nature of violence can also be traced to its acceptability during changing historical periods and circumstances. Moreover, from an internal perspective of a given culture, it is difficult to find members who identify their actions as violent because harsh actions are commonly equated with justice, possibly a righteous conflict, heroic actions, martyrdom, or ritual performance that results in the death of an animal or destruction of food offerings. With actions that result in pain or destruction, why would cultural insiders fail to recognize their actions are violent? It is not because cultural insiders are blind or totally unaware that their actions are violent, but it is rather that they tend to rationalize violence and thus justify it within the context of their society as necessary for the well-being of the whole (Van Kooij 1999). This scenario is partly the reason that a practice such as fasting does not appear as some- thing violent but rather as nonviolent because the veneer of nonviolence obscures a form of self-inflicted violence.
Hinduism is the oldest faith tradition under study and it bears a relationship with Buddhism, in part because there was a close co-existence between the two for centuries 4 . Historically, peace has been related to shanti, which is an inner tranquility and calm achieved through meditation and avoidance of bad karma (the force produced by a person’s actions that influences their future lives). In modern times, Gandhi’s allegorical interpretation of the Baghavad Gita led to a socio-political interpretation of ahmisā, the practice of nonviolence towards animals and humans, thus providing a path away from bad kharma 3 (p 34), 5 (p 312) . It was Gandhi who fully introduced the practice of ahimsā to
it by a presupposed standard of what the “normal” non-violent situation is – and the highest form of violence is the imposition of this standard with reference to which some events appear as “violent.” This is why language itself, the very medium of non-violence, of mutual recognition, involves unconditional violence. So, perhaps, the fact that reason (ratio) and race have the same root tells us something: language, not primitive egotistic interests, is the first and greatest divider, it is because of language that we and our neighbors (can) “live in different worlds” even when we live on the same street. What this means is that verbal violence is not a secondary distortion, but the ultimate resort of every specifically human violence. Take the example of anti-Semitic pogroms, which can stand in for all racist violence. What the perpetrators of pogroms find intolerable and rage-provoking, what they react to, is not the immediate reality of Jews, but to the image/figure of the ‘Jew’ which circulates and has been constructed in their tradition. The catch, of course, is that one single individual cannot distinguish in any simple way between real Jews and their anti-Semitic image: this image overdetermines the way I experience real Jews themselves and, furthermore, it affects the way Jews experience themselves. What makes a real Jew that an anti-Semite encounters on the street “intolerable,” what the anti-Semite tries to destroy when he attacks the Jew, the true target of his fury, is this fantasmatic dimension.
These are not just questions you might expect to see aired by conspiracy theorists in modern tabloid media. They also arise from Hussein Fancy’s meticulous investigation of real episodes in the history of the Crown of Aragon – an important collection of Christian (and frequently crusading) polities that ruled over eastern Spain and other parts of the Mediterranean basin in the later Middle Ages. The apparently contradictory nature of such unlikely instances of interreligious military cooperation serves as his stepping-off point for a fascinating, compelling, and at times provocative study of how political power, religious identity, and the complexities of interfaith relations actually shaped a period which has since become renowned for its bewilderingly intertwined legacies of both violence and coexistence.
the suppression of moderate Islamist and secular groups and parties by authoritarian regimes with the acquiescence or support of Western allies fuels political violence and the rise and spread of Al-Qaida, ISIS and their lookalikes. Violence and terrorism in the name of Islam by a host of militant Muslim movements in recent decades is a product of historical and political factors, not simply religion or a militant Islamic theology/ideology. Focusing on reading the Quran or violent passages in the Quran can obscure the importance of the policies of authoritarianism and oppressive regimes and their Western allies. Many contemporary Muslim religious scholars and leaders have denounced extremists’ appeals to Islam and their acts of violence and terrorism, issued fatwas, supported madrasa reforms and de-radicalisation programs. However, in the long run, to break the cycle of Muslim violence and terrorism, Muslim governments and their western allies must address the political conditions that terrorist movements exploit. Addressing real grievances of the population (such as occupation, authoritarianism, repression, tyranny, and corruption) will suck the air from the extremist organisations and ideologies. 78
on to say that religion is based on sound moral values whic h must reflect in the life of the worshipper and informed their decisions or judgments. For instance; a worshipper must cultivate humility, showing concern for the well-being of others, displaying a non-confrontational attitude, and eschewing violence at all times. However, “despite the existence of these similar doctrines and practices, each religious system is limited to the people from whom a particular system emerged and who practiced that system from generation to generation” (Gyekye, 1998, p. 3). Clearly, how religious an individual or persons or ethnic groups are, is determinant or defined by (their) culture. For example, Gyekye (1998) observed that to be born into an African society is to be born into a culture which is extremely religious. This mea ns that, in Africa, religion permeates every aspect of human endeavor - starting from cultivation, sowing, eating, harvesting, marrying, and warring as well as the interaction of individuals with both humans and nature.
Most of the respondents who approved IPV belonged to the Peulh and Betamari ethnicities. Their positive per- ception of IPV was due to the existence of certain socio- logical factors within their societies that increase women’s vulnerability to violence. The following are some of those factors: the dowry (which is still expensive within the two ethnic groups); the integrity of tradition which forces women to be submissive or makes them accept abusive activities from their husband/partner; re- ligion and beliefs (the Peulh are mostly Muslims, whereas the Betamari practice traditional religions); and violence, which is mostly a cultural inheritance of the Peulh . The less educated the respondent was, the more likely they were to agree with abuses against women. Similar results had been found in Ghana and Malawi [22, 23]. A high level of education would there- fore reduce acceptance of IPV. The importance and ne- cessity of putting emphasis on education is clearly evident. As long as respondents do not have a high level of education, they will not be able to assess the conse- quences of abuses against women . In accordance with studies carried out in Uganda , Kenya  and in Ghana , the results of this study also show that residing in a rural area increases the risk of accepting IPV. This could be explained by the traditional view of gender roles. In rural areas, where traditional values are dominant, women are expected to take care of the
It is important to note that the intervention of the nurturer – whatever that might be like – leads to the establishment of guilt conscience. Assuming that the nurturer removes the toy, an unavoidable conflict arises between the nurturer and the babies. During this new conflict (and succeeding conflicts occurring under the same paradigm), the nurturer will assume dominance over the situation by appealing to the sentiment of guilt. The sentiment of guilt is stimulated either through an appeal to the intervention of an imagined external threat (e.g. darkness and bogyman), through an appeal to the nurturer’s own vulnerabilities, whereby the nurturer plays victim and starts fake-crying, or through an appeal to the babies’ evolving ego, whereby the babies become aware of the importance of personal reputation. Therefore, strategies such as protecting one’s reputation, fear of imagined threats and sympathy with the nurturer stimulate the growth of the sentiment of guilt as an inhibitor to aggression. The association between a negative deed and the consequential intervention of disturbing external forces represents the meeting place between psychology and religion. Fear of darkness becomes associated with evil; fear and compassion towards the nurturer become associated with the fearful love for spiritual authority; and personal reputation with religious conformity.
Though India houses diverse occupations, the Indian economy is agrarian in nature. After the economic reforms of 1991, India started growing at 7-8 percent per year in terms of GDP. India is the 12 th largest economy in the world when measured in the US Dollars. With the global financial crisis of 2008, the Indian economy has been hugely affected by the sliding stock market, currency fall and the liquidity crisis of the banking sector. Unfortunately, poverty, illiteracy and population explosion are other factors that are still posing to be a challenge for India. In addition, the peace and development of the country is unstable due to external and internal terrorism, insurgencies and other forms of violence. Over all, India is progressing despite the many challenges and obstacles in its path of development, stability and peace.
The religion of Urartu was very divine. There are separate gods of mountains, seas, land, roads. Gods were presented as sacrifices to large and small animals in different species and importance. Caves in Urartu beliefs were sacred and there were gods. The symbol of immortality was respected as a sacred concept in the "Tree of Life"(Bayladı The gods also organized ceremonies in the temples, which formed a large complex of their own beside the open air The most sacred section (cella) in which the godsite ceased was in the form of a high tower with a square plan, in these temples, which together constitute a large complex with its grand ceremonial halls, porch courtyards, There were stone altar for the victims of the large avudes in front of these structures, in which bronze shields, on which the outer faces were adorned with gods, were hanged. The walls of Cellan were adorned with wall paintings in which e and red dominated (Figure 5), (Sevin 1999, Sevin, 1994). Religion and Architecture in Phrygia
There are many things People can do to build their capacity to defend their communities nonviolently, whether the communities are based in Villages, neighborhoods, workplaces, or ethnic or religious groups. The key first steps are making people aware of the relevance of nonviolent approach; increase their skills and building solidarity and willingness to act. Medium term goals include the use of systematic trainings on nonviolence and the establishment of intercommunity support networks. Long-term goals include restructuring the community political structures in order to beget the right representative in the national and state political settings, and to maximize the capacity for nonviolent resistance. The implementation of these steps in the case of the Niger Delta will unequivocally go a long way to entrench and appreciate the concept of nonviolence, in the struggle for social justice in the region.
Violent conflicts in emerging democracies or societies in transition threaten the stability of state govern- ance institutions, which brings about insecurity of lives, property and deepens the vicious cycle of poverty and criminality in Africa. The first responsibility of any government is to provide security of lives and property. At no time since Nigeria’s civil war has the country witnessed the resurgence of violence and insecurity that claims hundreds of lives weekly. It is a sectarian insurgence of multiple dimensions. This article makes the case that Boko Haram is not just a religious phenomenon but a reflection of a so- cio-political, economic and ethnic problem caused by bad governance. As a result, Boko Haram has wit- nessed a cross-border influence and impact which has expanded its frontiers beyond Nigeria to neighbor- ing countries in the West African region. The theoretical framework employed in this article posits that Boko Haram has its roots fundamentally in poverty caused by bad governance in the Northern Moslem bend, in Nigeria and the West African Region where corruption, human rights violations, marginalization of cultural, political and religious groups have created the situation whereby weak state structures have abysmally failed to deliver on the development promises made during elections. So the emergence of Ni- geria’s Boko Haram violence, as a result of the street poverty and the rise of unemployed street beggars, popularly known as Almajiris, and their use for electoral and party violence, was encouraged by the ne- glect and abandonment of the masses by the governors and other elected leaders. The expansion and con- solidation of the Boko Haram insurgence to other parts of the country and neighboring West African na- tions was made possible by the already existing failed state institutions, bad governance and corruption and the existing band of small criminal sectarian groups that depend upon their survival on aids from Al Quaeda, drug gangs and sea piracy. The religious dimension is a marginal factor fueled by fundamental socio-economic and political variables which have been thrown up in the first place by bad governance and leadership in Nigeria.
suicide” is a phrase which is used for all nonfatal actions in which the person damages themselves skillfully . Suicide and suicide attempt could be viewed as complex social and psychological phenomena which are affected by personal and environmental factors . Methods of committing suicide in different countries differ based on cultures, symbols, imitation and religion . One of the painful suicide attempts is self-immolation which is more prevalent in Eastern societies as compared to the Western societies . Based on the latest data from death registration system in Iran, 11 people die by suicide daily, from which 4 end their lives through self-immolation . Unfortunately Emergency rooms and burn hospitals are faced with self-immolated women who in facing life issues and problems find no other solution except destroying themselves in the most heartbreaking way .
One of the most frequently cited stereotypes of PWID was that they have a high propensity for crime and vio- lence. While almost all participants mentioned that PWID may commit violence to find money for drugs, about a third of participants also shared that PWID may inflict harm to innocent people for no rational reason. These participants were also more likely to support pun- ishment and institutionalization of drug users in mandatory treatment facilities. Some of these partici- pants, mostly pharmacy students, believed that it is a direct effect of drugs that makes an individual violent: ‘ After they inject, they become insane and can do any- thing. They can kill or rape someone’ (a male student, 21, Dushanbe). A few participants also believed that PWID may force others into drug use just to increase the number of PWID. One of these participants was par- ticularly vivid in portraying PWID as irrationally aggres- sive individuals:
But how, then, to deal with a concern that Hairston (“Required Writing Courses”) and others raise: that students learning under a teacher with a professed viewpoint will simply learn to “parrot” that position in hope of greater success in the class? James Berlin, among others, has argued that in his experience with “political” writing pedagogy this doesn’t happen: students still assume viewpoints other than that of the teacher. Candace Spigelman, however, confesses to a suspicion that her attempts to “promote human understanding and a more peaceful society” (321) sometimes result in students who change their positions on paper but remain unconvinced in actuality; she notes that “[a]lthough they [students] may ape our pieties, they may not internalize our hopes for a better world” (338). Spigelman’s statement is not only an honest appraisal of the possible “real-world” effects of ethically- minded instruction but also one that brings us back to Hairston’s worry about teachers’ “social goals” taking precedence over the teaching of writing. In our case, both of these issues lead back to an important point: what are the “social goals” of a writing course on nonviolence?
"Religion plays a large role in many people’s life. Many of the choices that people make are influenced and guided by their religious practices. Religion can often help people better themselves and help the lives of others. On the contrary it may seem that religion can do the opposite, causing people to be violent. Religion often gets blamed for acts of violence including suicide, martyrdom and terrorism. This paper will discuss several views of scholars on the role that religion plays in violence, paying close attention to whether religion is inherently violent and if religion recodes human perceptions of violence."